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2. Eurasian Higher Education Leaders Forum Conference Proceedings (Astana, Kazakhstan, August 20-21, 2012)
- Author
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Reagan, Timothy and Sagintayeva, Aida
- Abstract
This publication presents a diverse collection written by a well-respected group of speakers and authors which includes government leaders, policy makers, education experts and administrators from all over the higher education world. The papers collected hereunder represent the conference proceedings of the Eurasian Higher Education Leaders' Forum held 20-21 August 2012 at the GSE (Graduate School of Education) at Nazarbayev University in Astana, Kazakhstan. The Forum was set up to further the GSE's aim of bringing together international communities of educators, researchers and leaders who will draw on robust research to address pressing education policy issues and provide innovative, evidence-based advice to policymakers and practitioners both locally and internationally. The presentation speeches, case studies and research articles in this compendium offer unique perspectives on the future of higher education, showcasing the breadth and depth of opinions from different corners of the world. Most papers feature case studies of higher education institutions - and, indeed, faculty - dealing with the demands on higher education brought about by the post-industrial era, globalization and the internationalization of education. The authors examine the issues surrounding education reform and the challenges that institutions face in the 21st century. They raise debates on quality assurance, university autonomy and accountability, university governance, and strategic partnerships of universities. The discussion of these themes in these conference proceedings, their innovative treatment and research methodologies, and the recommendations that the authors make will help policy makers, practitioners and researchers to draw lessons, to make comparisons and to understand how global and regional trends impact higher education internationally. Stakeholders across the field of higher education in the Eurasian sub-continent - and those with personal and academic interests in the region - will find the data and insights of special and particular interest. Keynote speeches in this proceedings include: (1) Educational Policy Achievements in Kazakhstan (Bakhytzhan Zhumagulov); (2) Education Reforms in Kazakhstan (Yerbol Orynbayev); (3) The University: A Center of Learning? (David Bridges); (4) Lessons from an American Quandary Strengthening Shared Governance in Turbulent Times (Robert Zemsky); (5) What Are Universities for in 21st Century (Michael Worton); (6) Challenges for Tertiary Education in the 21st Century (Jamil Salmi). Articles in the proceedings include: (1) A Few Global Trends and Points of Commonality in Quality Assurance in Higher Education (Alan Ruby); (2) The Impact of Standardized Testing on Education Quality: The Case of the Program for International Student Assessment (PISA) 2006 and 2009 (Duishon Shamatov); (3) Understanding Faculty Perceptions of the Current State of Higher Education Governance in Kazakhstan (Aslan Sarinzhipov, Aida Sagintayeva, and Kairat Kurakbayev); (4) Internationalization of University and Learning of University and Learning Process: Web 2.0 Dimensions (Leonids Ribickis, Igors Tipans, and Karlis Valtin); and (5) Reflection on the Development of Chinese Higher Education in the Post-Industrial Era (Serjan Uhibai). Case studies include: (1) Current State and Prospective of University Partnership Using an Example of Peoples' Friendship University of Russia (Gulnara Krasnova); (2) International Relations at Universitatea Babes-Bolyai (Ioan-Aurel POP); and (3) International Collaboration of S. Toraigyrov Pavlodar State University: Science with No Boundaries (Serik Omirbayev). Individual papers contain figures and references. [This publication was produced by Nazarbayev University. Abstract modified to meet ERIC guidelines.]
- Published
- 2013
3. Establishing the Need for Cross-Cultural and Global Issues Research
- Author
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Zhao, Yali, Lin, Lin, and Hoge, John D.
- Abstract
More than any previous generation, today's students need to develop a global perspective and be knowledgeable about other nations in order to play a better role on the global stage. This paper first reviews some earlier and current studies on students' knowledge of the world, mainly conducted in the United States, and then it describes the global education status and similar studies in countries like Canada, Russia, the United Kingdom, China, Japan, South Korea, and Australia. Based on a review of studies in these countries, the paper proposes that contemporary assessments of students' cross-national and global knowledge and attitudes are necessary. The new research must be multinational, assessing what paired nations' school aged populations know about one another's history, geography, politics, economics, and international relations. (Contains 1 footnote.)
- Published
- 2007
4. The Sino-Russian partnership and global order
- Author
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Bobo Lo
- Subjects
System ,International relations ,Original Paper ,China ,media_common.quotation_subject ,Authoritarianism ,Global ,General Medicine ,Creating shared value ,Russia ,Beijing ,International ,Political science ,Political economy ,General partnership ,Rhetoric ,Order ,Political philosophy ,media_common - Abstract
This essay about the Sino-Russian partnership and its relationship to global order makes four main arguments. The first is that the partnership is based on a sober appreciation of the two sides’ respective national interests. For all the rhetoric about shared values and common worldviews, this is a pragmatic, interests-based relationship. Second, it is a partnership between strategically autonomous actors, each with its own distinct agenda. Beijing and Moscow agree on much. But they do not operate as a coordinated force in international politics, let alone seek to build a new authoritarian world order. Third, although the rise of China and resurgence of Russia are trends of fundamental importance, the impact of their partnership on global order has been peripheral. Finally, the long-term outlook for the Sino-Russian partnership is uncertain. Against the backdrop of a fluid international environment, Beijing and Moscow face significant challenges in sustaining the momentum of their cooperation.
- Published
- 2020
5. The Impact and Response of the Russia-Ukraine Conflict: A Multidimensional Analysis in China
- Author
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Lilei Song and Zitong Wu
- Subjects
ukraine crisis ,eu ,russia ,china ,us ,International relations ,JZ2-6530 ,Political science (General) ,JA1-92 - Abstract
It is noteworthy that as the Russia-Ukraine war enters its third year, China still maintains a firm position consistent with that of the previous year, endeavouring to promote peace talks and ceasefires. This paper employs the content analysis of 97 academic papers on the Ukraine Crisis in Chinese core journals (CSSCI) from February 22, 2022, to February 22, 2024. The research results suggest that Chinese scholars offer a multidimensional analysis of the development of the Russia-Ukraine war. The paper concludes through content analysis and comparison that Chinese scholars share the same stance on the Russia-Ukraine conflict as Chinese officials. First, Chinese scholars call for promoting the transformation of the global energy system, accelerating the development and use of new energy sources, and promoting the development of innovative capabilities to cope with the multiple crises caused by economic sanctions. Second, the Russia-Ukraine war has exacerbated multiple global security crises and traditional and non-traditional security issues, severely affected the global security system, and created a new security dilemma. Third, scholars advocate the concept of “a community with a shared future for mankind” and build a post-Russia-Ukraine war world security pattern.
- Published
- 2024
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6. Confronting the International Order: Changes in US Foreign Policy from the Perspective of American Power Elites.
- Author
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Mania, Andrzej and Pugacewicz, Tomasz
- Subjects
INTERNATIONAL cooperation ,INTERNATIONAL relations ,FOREIGN relations of the United States, 2017- - Abstract
The aim of this article is to present the most important voices on the role of the US in the international order during Donald Trump's presidency in the debate held in the Foreign Affairs. The authors assume that Foreign Affairs expresses the opinions of the most crucial organisation bringing together the elites of American foreign affairs – the Council on Foreign Relations. The paper proposes a hypothesis according to which there is a difference of opinion due to the adopted theoretical perspective regarding Trump's role in the destruction of the liberal international order among the American power elites, even though they agree that the ideological conflict between democratic and authoritarian countries around the world is escalating. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]
- Published
- 2019
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7. Hamlet in Kashgar: British Diplomacy and the 1920 Afghan Attempt to Establish Relations with the Republic of China
- Author
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Matteo Miele
- Subjects
afghanistan ,united kingdom ,china ,hsin-chiang ,amānallāh ,russia ,bolsheviks ,great game ,International relations ,JZ2-6530 - Abstract
The paper analyses the position of the British institutions, of the embassy in Peking and of the consulate general in Kashgar, before the attempt of the Afghan ruler Amānallāh to establish diplomatic relations with the Chinese Republic in 1920. Amānallāh, who ascended the throne of the emirate in 1919, rejected the British protectorate over Afghanistan and his victory in the Third Anglo-Afghan War certified the country’s full independence. The provisional nature of the 1919 Treaty of Rawalpindi, followed by the Anglo-Afghan Treaty of 1921, left many doubts still open about the international status of Afghanistan. Moreover, the proximity between Afghanistan and the Russian Bolsheviks introduced a further ideological element of difficulty in the geopolitical picture of Central Asia after the First World War. Central to the diplomatic dialectic was also the status of Afghan subjects in China, particularly in Hsin-chiang, and to whom their possible consular protection should be entrusted. The last part of the paper is dedicated precisely to the analysis of a specific case, the arrest of a man considered an Afghan by the Chinese, but subject of the princely state of Chitral according to the British. The case helped to better define the boundaries of the matter. The paper is essentially based on British archival sources.
- Published
- 2019
8. The Great Powers’ Geopolitical Competition over the Balkans – The Influence of the Ukrainian Crisis
- Author
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Ivan Zarić and Željko Budimir
- Subjects
great powers ,us ,nato ,eu ,russia ,china ,ukraine ,geopolitics ,balkans ,International relations ,JZ2-6530 ,Political science (General) ,JA1-92 - Abstract
The object of this paper is a geopolitical analysis of the great powers’ competition in the Balkans. The main reason for the research is the unquestionable impact that the Ukrainian crisis, which is divided in the paper into two phases, has on the Balkans. The authors emphasised that competition between the US and Russia is dominant, while China is geopolitically suppressed. For the US, the main geopolitical framework is Euro-Atlanticism and the policy of NATO enlargement as its most important instrument. Also, it was argued that the EU’s approach is completely complementary to NATO’s. Regarding Russia, the phases of the neoEurasian geopolitical concept and their influence on practical policy were explored. Russia’s primary goal is to prevent further NATO expansion, but that policy has experienced several failures in the Balkans. Four scenarios for ending military operations in Ukraine were analysed and their influence on the Balkans assessed. The main conclusion is that the Balkans will continue to be the object of competition between the great powers, and that the extent to which the balance of power between Euro-Atlanticism and Eurasianism will be possible will depend on the outcome of the current Ukrainian crisis.
- Published
- 2022
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9. Concepts of information warfare (operations) of the United States of America, China and Russia
- Author
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Dejan V. Vuletić and Petar Stanojević
- Subjects
information ,superiority ,operations ,warfare ,us ,china ,russia ,International relations ,JZ2-6530 ,Political science (General) ,JA1-92 - Abstract
The paper emphasises the importance of information and communication technologies (ICT) in modern society. In the introductory part of the paper, the authors describe different terms, such as “information environment”, “information superiority”, “information warfare” (IW), and “information operations” (IO). The authors analyse the concepts of IW of the United States of America (US), China, and Russia. The mentioned research subject is directly related to the objective of the paper, aimed at emphasising and explaining strategic documents, manuals, handbooks, and other documents, given in the second part of the paper. The result of the research is the identification of similarities and differences in perceptions and views about information warfare. The authors conclude that at the present moment, all three countries are aware of the importance of information and ICT, especially in the case of armed conflict. The information space is increasingly an area of conflict between the mentioned countries, both in peace and in war. It is estimated that their importance will grow in the future. The advantage and dominance that the US used to have are decreasing in relation to the competitors.
- Published
- 2022
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10. New Great Game in Central Asia: Conflicts, Interests and Strategies of Russia, China and United States.
- Author
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Iqbal, Musharaf and Afridi, Manzoor Khan
- Subjects
BALANCE of power ,INTERNATIONAL relations ,INTERNATIONAL competition ,ISLAM & politics - Abstract
Central Asia, the hub of natural resources, has been the battleground of international power politics among the big powers since long. In order to have influence in the region, the Russian and the British Empires indulge in the "Great Game". However, it ended with the collapse of the Russian empire. The collapse of the Soviet Union in 1991 created an unexpected power vacuum in Central Asia followed by a fierce competition between the big three, Russia, China and US. This competition is commonly known as "The New Great Game" in the present day international politics. The rich energy resources are usually considered the main reason of the renewed interests in the region and provide principal motivation for Russia, China and US. However, the role of energy resources is usually overstated. This paper will identify which other factors along with energy resources should be considered in order to have a broader and comprehensive understanding of the present Geo-political scenario in the Central Asia. Using the Neo-Realist approach, this paper will first analyze the significance of the Central Asian states, how they provoke strategic competition between great powers and how pipeline politics translate it. Finally, the paper will analyses the competing interests of Russia, China and US and the strategies adopted by each for the achievements of its objectives. It will be concluded by stating that how Russia, China and US struggle to attain, keep and enhance power and that energy resources are just a mean to this supreme objective. It will also conclude by asserting that although the great powers behave aggressively and self-interestedly they may find a minimum degree of cooperation to tackle common concerns such as a growing radical Islamism. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]
- Published
- 2017
11. SINO-RUSSIAN RELATIONS IN CENTRAL ASIA SINCE THE END OF THE COLD WAR: INTERACTION, COOPERATION AND CHALLENGES.
- Author
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Mustafić, Almir and Preljević, Hamza
- Subjects
INTERNATIONAL relations ,COOPERATION ,SOCIAL integration - Abstract
The paper analyzes Sino-Russian relations in Central Asia since the collapse of the Soviet Union. The goal of the analysis is to place the Sino-Russian relations within an appropriate theoretical context and provide a possible outcome of the current balancing in Central Asia. The analysis relies on the Chinese and Russian investments in energy resources, security initiatives, mutual cooperation and activities to contain the US expansion in Central Asia. Although over the last few decades Sino-Russian relations have been based on the US containment policy, security and economic partnership, their relationship is rather complex. The period of severe conflicts between 1917 and 1950 was followed by a progressive era of oil exploration, student exchanges and various other partnerships. The Sino-Russian rapprochement ended in 1960 and started again in 2008. Although they currently have many common interests, Central Asia remains an area of potential dispute for both countries. Analyzing recent Chinese investments in Central Asia, it becomes obvious that Beijing does not intend to withdraw from the region, while Russia is unlikely to continue tolerating the rising Chinese influence in Central Asia, as the Russian role has already been significantly reduced in this region. The pipeline that was supposed to connect Siberia with the Chinese province of Xinjiang has been postponed because Putin believes that it could give China advantage over Russia's internal, as well as external political processes. Putin's decision did not stop China's expansion in Central Asia and Russia is expected to invest significant efforts in order to avoid the Chinese dominance in the region. The Chinese expansion and Russian stagnation complicates their mutual relations, and things get even more complicated if growing US presence in Central Asia are taken into account. This paper analyzes the above-mentioned issues and provides a possible outcome of the current Sino-Russian balancing in Central Asia. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]
- Published
- 2017
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12. Sino–Russian Partnership in the 'Asian Supercomplex': Choices and Challenges for India.
- Author
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Kapoor, Nivedita
- Subjects
BUSINESS partnerships ,COLD War, 1945-1991 ,INTERNATIONAL relations ,POLICY sciences - Abstract
China's relationship with Russia has been on an upward trajectory since the late Soviet period, with the strategic partnership growing steadily since the end of the Cold War. Built on political-economic-strategic convergences, the two sides benefit from their cordial engagement, both at the bilateral and multilateral level, without the obligations associated with an alliance relationship. This alignment has ensured that despite the asymmetric nature of this relationship characterised by China's rise, the partnership has gone from strength-to-strength. This has particular implications for Indian foreign policy, which has been dealing with an increasingly aggressive China that is now considered a leading security challenge. The development of the Asian supercomplex has accelerated India's already growing engagement within a regional security complex that is critical for its own security and its future positioning in the international system. Due to implications for India-China ties under conditions of Asian supercomplex, as the Sino-Russian partnership continues to gain strength, its ramifications will reverberate across the whole spectrum of Indo-Russian ties. The article will track the development of Sino-Russian relationship and how it reflects in the emergent regional security complex, before examining the challenges and choices for Indian policymaking in the context of its 'special and privileged strategic partnership' with Russia. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]
- Published
- 2024
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13. La paradoja de la política exterior de Joe Biden.
- Author
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Tovar Ruiz, Juan
- Subjects
- *
UNITED States presidential election, 2020 , *INTERNATIONAL relations , *GOVERNMENT policy , *PRESIDENTIAL administrations , *TORTURE - Abstract
Ostensibly, Joe Biden's victory over Donald Trump in the 2020 presidential elections should have placed United States international policy back on a familiar path. However, despite the prevalence of a highly traditional vision of US foreign policy, the Biden administration has maintained significant continuities with the previous administration, as reflected in the policy towards China and the withdrawal from Afghanistan. In part, this is due to the constraints produced by the deep divisions that exist at domestic level. This paper aims to unravel the fundamental elements of Biden's foreign policy, focusing on possible ideological and doctrinal elements, strategic priorities, and any continuities and changes relative to his predecessor. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]
- Published
- 2022
- Full Text
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14. Russian-Chinese cooperation and competition in Afghanistan and its implications for Central Asia [version 1; peer review: 1 approved, 2 approved with reservations]
- Author
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Nurlan Aliyev
- Subjects
Russia ,China ,Afghanistan ,Central Asia ,the Taliban ,eng ,International relations ,JZ2-6530 - Abstract
Background: This paper aims to explore current and perspective trends of relations between Russia and China in Afghanistan and Central Asia. It also analyzes whether the withdrawal of the U.S. and the subsequent Taliban takeover helped—and continues to help—strengthen the two powers' positions in the region and what kind of challenges and benefits they face. The paper examines the hypothesis that the U.S. troop withdrawal from Afghanistan and the Taliban's return to power added to Russia and China's benefits in the region. Methods: The research uses content analysis regarding official documents, political and military elite speeches, interviews, and reports to explain Russia and China’s official positions and policies regarding Afghanistan and Central Asia. Relations between the two powers as regards Afghanistan and Central Asia are comparatively analyzed. The paper uses the neorealist approach, which is fit for explaining relations between Russia and China in Afghanistan and Central Asia. Results: After the U.S. withdrawal from Afghanistan, regional security is now the business of the regional powers, mainly China and Russia. Now they should bear the responsibilities and share the burdens. There is probably more ground for competition after eliminating the threats in Afghanistan and especially in Central Asia for Moscow and Beijing. However, Russia and China will continue to try to align their interests in Afghanistan and Central Asia, especially if their relations with U.S. remain at the current level or worsen in the coming years. Conclusions: Based on the findings, this paper argues that, on the one hand, Russia and China continue to try to take advantage of the instability in the region by stepping up their security and economic influences in Central Asia. However, their stabilizing efforts in Afghanistan following the withdrawal of the U.S., ironically may increase competition between China and Russia.
- Published
- 2022
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15. Nu este Pearl Harbor. Este D-Day (!?)
- Author
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Alexandru GRUMAZ
- Subjects
us elections ,trump ,biden ,trumpism ,foreign affairs ,russia ,china ,International relations ,JZ2-6530 - Abstract
This paper is an essay on the last moments of a new ideological movement, trumpism, and on the arrival of a new president, Joe Biden, at the White House. Without denying some of Donald Trump's accomplishments as a president (such as moving the US embassy to Jerusalem, brokering Israel's reconciliation with the Gulf countries, strengthening US policies toward China), I believe that his flaws and especially his pathetic response at the end of his term ruined some of the few good things that he did. In the paper, I analyze trumpism as an ideology, how it came to the events of January 6, 2021, with an attack on the Capitol, and what would be the challenges that the Republican Party will face in the next years. President Joe Biden took office with an open agenda to reset, metaphorically speaking, the White House, and to reverse Trump's decisions. I analyze some of the appointments Biden made for his staff and administration, what is expected from his policies, and what his solutions will probably be. I put a particular focus on Joe Biden's possible foreign policy, analysing the Putin-Xi-Biden triplet equation.
- Published
- 2021
16. China-Russia Bilateral Security and Military Partnership in Changing World Order: Security Challenges for the United States of America in Asia and Beyond.
- Author
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SHANKAR BHARTI, Mukesh
- Subjects
INTERNATIONAL organization ,COLD War & politics ,INTERNATIONAL relations ,CHINA-Russia relations - Abstract
Copyright of Historia i Polityka is the property of Nicolaus Copernicus University in Torun and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)
- Published
- 2022
- Full Text
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17. Political and strategic changes in the Mediterranean
- Author
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Slobodan M. Radojević
- Subjects
mediterranean ,mediterranean sea ,strategic changes ,political and economic processes ,united states ,china ,russia ,International relations ,JZ2-6530 ,Political science (General) ,JA1-92 - Abstract
The paper elaborates on the geostrategic significance of the Mediterranean and the Mediterranean Sea in the past, as a precondition for consideration of current and future events in this macro-region. The author firstly considers the manifestation of the power, influence and interests of the great powers in the Mediterranean through a historical and spatial perspective. The paper analyses political and economic changes in the Mediterranean through the theoretical and practical approach of great powers` navies engagement. The author points out that the geopolitical and geostrategic importance of the Mediterranean will further increase in the future, as a result of constant regional and global aspirations to increase the political and economic dynamics of this region. The growing competition between the United States and China will have a direct impact on the Mediterranean. The author concludes that the Mediterranean will remain a „testing polygon“ for the United States, China and Russia, and a region in which political and economic processes and strategic changes in the world could be witnessed most obviously.
- Published
- 2020
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18. Sino-Russo Strategic Synergy in International Politics and Emerging Contours of South Asian Equilibrium: An Indian Perspective.
- Author
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Kaushiki, Nishtha and Ramzan, Hilal
- Subjects
BALANCE of power ,INTERNATIONAL relations ,EQUILIBRIUM ,CHINA-India relations - Abstract
The primary objective of this paper is to trace the shifting balance of power in favour of China in South Asia by examining the Sino-Russo entente. The trajectories of their strategic relations have gained momentum after the announcement of the 'Asia Pivot ' and the unfolding of the Crimean crisis. As their synergy is currently changing the status quo of south Asian states, the paper has attempted to explore three main factors fo r the same. Moscow-Beijing-Tehran Axis; warming up of Russo-Pak ties and China's revival of the old silk route have been analysed to examine their respective consequences in altering the balance of power. Also, India's concerns have been addressed and some policy options have been discussed. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]
- Published
- 2015
19. Western Balkans: External Actors Before and During the Current Crisis
- Author
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Elena S. Arlyapova and Elena G. Ponomareva
- Subjects
ukrainian crisis ,china ,european union ,eu ,great britain ,russia ,usa ,external actors ,foreign policy ,International relations ,JZ2-6530 ,Political science (General) ,JA1-92 - Abstract
The Western Balkans has been and remains a particularly dense zone in terms of the number of actors present, where the interests of all the leading actors in world politics are bizarrely intertwined. The Ukrainian crisis has added spice to the Balkan agenda, reviving “frozen conflicts” not only within the borders of the region but also beyond its perimeter. Directly dependent on the outcome of the armed confrontation in Ukraine and separately from it, a clash or, at least, an intensification of external actors in the Balkan direction seems inevitable. The historical-systemic approach used in the study and the paradigm of multipolarity made it possible to trace the probable directions of activity of both regional and external actors. Based on a wide range of sources, the work provides a panorama of the foreign policy positioning of regional capitals; identifies major and minor external actors; shows the transformation of approaches and practical steps of key actors through the prism of the ongoing crisis. External actors - the European Union (EU), China, Great Britain, Russia and the United States - are divided into groups in accordance with their positions regarding the pre-crisis Balkans and the Balkans in the face of the fierce confrontation between Russia and the West. Among Western interests, special attention is paid to Great Britain, whose activity in the Western Balkans after Brexit is affiliated with the West in general, but not with the United States (despite all the history of strategic partnership in the region) and, moreover, with the EU separately. Against the background of the dominance of Western institutions in the region, the paper traces, however, the growing role of China, as well as external actors of the “second plan” with an oriental flavor: Türkiye, Iran, and the states of the Persian Gulf. An analysis of Russia’s prospects in the region has shown that the crisis in the system of international relations has largely nullified the results achieved earlier. The degree of Russia’s involvement in the crisis raises the question of its resource capacity, the ability to further maintain its own positions. Additional difficulties will be associated with the consolidated efforts of the Western allies and other external actors, including China, to balance Russian influence and presence in the Western Balkans.
- Published
- 2023
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20. AMERICA IN THE WORLD AFTER HEGEMONY
- Author
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A. Y. Borisov
- Subjects
world order ,unipolar ,hubris ,multipolar ,polycentric ,hegemonism ,the usa ,russia ,china ,geopolitics ,International relations ,JZ2-6530 - Abstract
There are a variety of literatures that illuminate the logic and character of the post -Cold War transformation of the global system. One literature explores the rise and decline of the great powers and the international orders that they establish and dominate. This paper explores the evolution of the international system in historical perspective with particular emphasis on the role of the United States before and after the end of the Cold War against a backdrop of broader global context. It concentrates on the end of bipolarity and the emergence of unipolar system with American dominance and hegemony and its further decline. Washington failed to endorse with practical means its declared goal of “benign hegemon”. The author makes a comparative analysis between the dawn of the British Empire and current stage of crisis development of the United States with principal issue of transformation of the world order from unipolarity to multipolarity or from single power dominance to a more balanced international system. The paper also touches upon the strategic errors the American elite has made in its relationship with Russia and China referring to them as ”adversaries and revisionist powers” hostile to the US. America shortsightedly opened the gates of modernisation before China in the vain hope to make it an ally against the Soviet Union only to be disappointed later. And it underestimated the significance of rapid Russian assertion after the break up of the Soviet Union only to have a unique situation of “two fronts” in American history. As a result of his research the author comes to a conclusion and thoroughly substantiates it with facts that a new world order emerges which can be referred to as “improved status -quo” or alternative order with new economic, financial and political institutions in sight as opposed to the old Breton - Woods system of post WW2 American dominance. Still the open question persists whether this transformation can be peaceful and consensual or fraught with new hardship for the people and even military confrontation among great powers.
- Published
- 2018
- Full Text
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21. Priorities of the Republic of Korea in Integration Projects
- Author
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Aleksandr Nikolaevich Fedorovskii
- Subjects
republic of korea ,china ,usa ,european union ,japan ,russia ,regional integration ,north east asia ,east asia ,asean ,asia-pacific region ,International relations ,JZ2-6530 - Abstract
The article deals with the main purposes, opportunities and risks of the Republic of Korea’s involvement in integration projects. The author stresses the basic principles of South Korean foreign economic strategy, including common views of the different president administrations on key foreign economic priorities, including constant support of business expansion towards the most prominent markets. The analysis focuses also on new methods of support of national business interests: the transition from rigid defense of domestic market to adoption to growing competition at home as far as foreign partners agreed to open their markets to South Korean export. The paper describes role of bilateral Free Trade Agreements (FTA) and regional mega-projects in South Korea’s foreign economic diplomacy. Comparison study of bilateral Free Trade Agreements between the Republic of Korea on the one side, European Union, the USA and China on the other sides. The author characterizes growing role of China and other East Asian countries for South Korean economy the ROK-China Free Trade Agreement, including some obstacles and limitations to upgrade development of bilateral economic exchanges. Special attention paid to positive and negative factors, influenced on economic integrations between China, Japan and the Republic of Korea. The paper describes Seoul’s interests in economic integration projects in East Asia, including involvement in joint economic projects with ASEAN. The author analyses the Republic of Korea’s attitude to regional mega-projects in Asia-Pacific region such as Trans-Pacific Partnership. Finally the article describes modern stage and possible development of Russia-South Korea economic relations and contains forecast of the main trends of the Republic of Korea’s involvement in integration projects in East Asia and in Asia-Pacific region in general.
- Published
- 2017
- Full Text
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22. The Shanghai Cooperation Organisation and Mongolia's Quest for Security.
- Author
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Rinna, Anthony V.
- Subjects
NATIONAL security ,INTERNATIONAL relations - Abstract
In 2014 the Shanghai Cooperation Organisation(SCO) paved the way for Mongolia to accede to full membership.Historically, Mongolia's relations with the outside world were dominated by its relationship with China and Russia, which are Mongolia's sole geographic neighbours. Even in light of the strong development of Mongolia's "Third Neighbour" policy, China and Russia continue to be important factors in Mongolia's foreign policy, besides being the largest and most powerful members of the SCO. Mongolia's decision to join the SCO, however, was made to enhance Mongolian security. The decision did not necessarily result from the Sino-Russian geopolitical pressure, but the geographic as well as political and economic realities of Mongolia's existence mean it will inevitably maintain close ties with Beijing and Moscow. This paper argues that Mongolian accession to the SCO will not fundamentally alter the country's postcommunist foreign policy of balancing between China, Russia and Mongolia's "third neighbour", but rather will bring many benefits for Mongolian security. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]
- Published
- 2014
23. Central Asia, the Shanghai Cooperation Organization, and American Foreign Policy.
- Author
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ZIEGLER, CHARLES E.
- Subjects
ASIA-United States relations ,CHINA-Russia relations ,INTERNATIONAL relations ,INTERNATIONAL conflict - Abstract
This paper examines U.S. engagement in Central Asia over the past two decades, with specific reference to the Shanghai Cooperation Organization. While alarmist voices occasionally warn of the threat to American interests from China and Russia through the SCO, the organization's influence appears limited. Washington has engaged it only sporadically, preferring to conduct relations bilaterally with the Central Asian states. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]
- Published
- 2013
- Full Text
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24. Qué importancia tiene el BRIC?
- Author
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Turzi, Mariano
- Subjects
INTERNATIONAL competition ,INTERNATIONAL relations - Abstract
Copyright of Estudios Internacionales is the property of Instituto de Estudios Internacionales de la Universidad de Chile and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)
- Published
- 2011
25. Local consumption cultures in a globalizing world.
- Author
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Jackson, Peter
- Subjects
- *
CONSUMPTION (Economics) , *GLOBALIZATION , *INTERNATIONAL relations - Abstract
Focusing on the resilience of distinctive local consumption cultures, this paper challenges some of the more sweeping claims that have been advanced in the name of ‘globalization’. Thinking about a ‘globalizing’ rather than a fully ‘globalized’ world encourages us to examine the deeply contested nature of the concept and to explore the geographically uneven nature of recent economic, political and cultural transformations. This paper approaches globalization as a site of struggle rather than as an established fact, emphasizing the need for empirically grounded studies of the impact of ‘globalization’ on consumer cultures in different geographical contexts. The paper examines the way that producers have ‘customized’ their products for different markets (drawing on evidence from China and South Africa). It then reviews case study evidence from three contrasting consumption cultures: consumption and ‘public culture’ in India, ‘consumer nationalism’ in China, and ‘artful consumption’ in Russia. The paper concludes by identifying some current debates and outlining some directions for future research, including a re-emphasis on consumption and material culture; an exploration of consumption as social practice; the delineation of commodity-specific consumption cultures; and some reflections on the political, ethical and methodological issues that are being raised in contemporary consumption research. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]
- Published
- 2004
- Full Text
- View/download PDF
26. Cracks and Fault Lines: Foreign Policy Orientations of Western Balkan Capitals in the Context of the Ukrainian Crisis
- Author
-
E. S. Arlyapova and E. G. Ponomareva
- Subjects
western balkans ,«five pus one» ,foreign policy ,eu ,nato ,russia ,china ,usa ,ukrainian crisis ,International relations ,JZ2-6530 - Abstract
The Ukrainian crisis has reverberated throughout the troubled region of the Balkans in Southern Europe, exposing deep-seated cracks and fractures that have long characterized this geopolitical area. The crisis has not only highlighted divisions between local states but also between communities and ethno-religious groups. In many cases, these intraregional contradictions are exacerbated by external actors and their demands. This article examines the foreign policy priorities and orientations of Western Balkan capitals within the "five plus one" format states (Albania, Bosnia and Herzegovina, Montenegro, North Macedonia, Serbia, and the partially recognized "Republic of Kosovo") in light of the crisis in Ukraine, illustrating the interplay between regional dynamics and international crises.Drawing on a wide range of sources, including official documents and opinion polls on foreign policy, this paper identifies regional discrepancies in the perception and assessment of the ongoing Ukrainian conflict. The study employs a historical-systemic approach and neorealism principles to discern potential directions for political institutions in the external context. The analysis reveals that a fragile "balance of threats" persists in the region, heavily influenced by the goals and interests of external actors such as the EU, NATO, the United States, Russia, and to a lesser extent, China and Turkey.The military and political disengagement observed in 2022 mirrors the alignment of local players witnessed in 2014, but with a significant difference: the West now expects all participants in the "five plus one" format to fully adhere to their joint foreign policy, including implementing restrictive measures against the Russian Federation. This presents a challenging dilemma for Belgrade and Banja Luka, as they cannot overlook the widespread support for Russia's actions among the Serbian population. Any anti-Russian steps taken by local authorities may lead to serious internal political conflicts in both Serbia and Republika Srpska, with far-reaching implications for regional stability.
- Published
- 2023
- Full Text
- View/download PDF
27. The Arctic with Chinese Characteristics
- Author
-
Ramir Kh. Akimov
- Subjects
arctic ,china ,russia ,international relations ,geopolitics ,ice silk road ,international cooperation ,northern sea route ,arctic policy ,Social Sciences - Abstract
Year by year, the Arctic is becoming an increasingly complex geopolitical and geoeconomic epicenter of interaction and simultaneous confrontation between Arctic and non-Arctic actors in international relations. In particular, China has already “put its hands” (插手)to the Arctic region, being a non-Arctic state. Using diplomatic language, the PRC was able not only to conduct a number of scientific studies as an official observer at the Arctic Council, but also to build up economic ties with the Arctic countries over a relatively short period of time. The purpose of our study is to identify the institutional features of China’s emerging Arctic identity. The main methodological framework of the study is the analysis of regions through the prism of mega- and meso-areas (Osamu Ieda) and the concept of regional security complexes (B. Buzana and O. Vever). The author is also actively researching the main strategic document of the PRC (the White Paper on the Arctic), the UN Convention on the Law of the Sea, a number of relevant international, national conventions and agreements, regulatory legal acts, international reports, statements and media materials. The author considers the identification of institutional features of the Chinese Arctic identity to be the main result of the study. The article also forecasts China’s further geostrategic course towards the Arctic region.
- Published
- 2023
- Full Text
- View/download PDF
28. LAWS with AI: How to aBANdon the Superiority
- Author
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N. A. Samoylovskaya
- Subjects
russia ,ai ,responsibility ,u.s ,International relations ,china ,eu ,laws ,JZ2-6530 - Abstract
Taking the relative novelty of issues relating to the military use of AI and its influence on international relations into account, the author of this paper relies on the latest reports of international research centres, organizations and national programs on the issue. The paper considers the political consequences of the military use of AI, as well as the national and international approaches to mitigate its challenges. With great attention to the AI policies of two technological leaders in the field, the author concludes that a balanced U.S. policy will determine whether China and the United States will be able to create, despite the presence of competition, common rules for legalizing the use of AI systems in the military sphere and form common standards that include a high level of security in the use of these systems, including the proliferation of such weapons. The author points out that Europe’s concentration on the conflict with Russia and its exclusion from the environment created by the technical and ethical legal tools for using AI will increase unpredictability in relations. This is why it is in Europe’s interests to involve Russia in the development of a common platform and standards for AI. The development and establishment of common safety standards will help avoid problems with perception and introduce an element of predictability in international relations.
- Published
- 2021
29. Prospects of CSTO and SCO in Regional Politics of Central Asia
- Author
-
Sarwat RAUF RAUF
- Subjects
regional security ,central asia ,russia ,lcsh:Political science (General) ,sco ,SCO,CSTO,China,Russia,Security ,csto ,International Relations ,Uluslararası İlişkiler ,security ,CSTO,SCO,Security,Russia,China ,china ,lcsh:JA1-92 - Abstract
This paper examines the coordination between the two organizations in Central Asia viz. the Collective Security Treaty Organization (CSTO) and the Shanghai Cooperation Organization (SCO). It identifies the priorities of the members of the CSTO and SCO and their likely actions towards each other. Both organizations are headed by non-Western powers and they claim to be security providers in Central Asian region. However, the security puzzle is still unresolved and this pertinent problem invokes scholars to research the issue. There is growing skepticism that Russia has leaned toward hedging of China in Central Asia and some scholars have projected a clash between great powers in Central Asia. In this background, this paper seeks to study the actions and policies of Russia and China concerning regional integration and security bequests. It offers the account of security threats in Central Asia and the functioning of SCO and CSTO to cope up challenges. The focus is on the efforts of SCO and CSTO to conjure up local leaders of CARs to take collective problem-solving actions and their responses. Overall, an analysis of the functioning of CSTO and SCO and member states’ efforts over countering terrorism, coordination and intelligence sharing has been presented.
- Published
- 2020
30. Push and pull: Russia's pivot to Asia
- Author
-
Spanger, Hans-Joachim and Hessische Stiftung Friedens- und Konfliktforschung
- Subjects
China ,Handel ,Asia ,economic union ,international relations ,Wirtschaftsbeziehungen ,Wirtschaftsunion ,geopolitics ,economic relations ,Internationale Beziehungen ,International Relations, International Politics, Foreign Affairs, Development Policy ,commerce ,Asien ,Russia ,Geopolitik ,Zentralasien ,Central Asia ,Interessenpolitik ,Russland ,internationale Beziehungen, Entwicklungspolitik ,pressure-group politics ,ddc:327 - Abstract
"In the wake of the crisis in and around Ukraine and the subsequent marked deterioration of its relations with the West, Russia has embarked on a new policy direction: its 'pivot' to Asia (or rather China), in Russian terms Povorot na Vostok (Turn to the East). In Russia's turn to the East push and pull complement each other. At the same time it is something of everything. It follows the pragmatic need to accommodate a big neighbor (China) and at the same time charges this relationship with broad-based geostrategic objectives (helping multipolarism to come true). It aims at making proper use of unprecedented economic opportunities abroad, and at the same time it calls for decoupling and import substitution. It projects to fully develop the potential of Russia’s lands east of the Urals, but at the same time keeps it secluded. It not only turns East but also inwards and backwards. This Working Paper analyzes these various elements connected with Russia's Asia pivot: It addresses the rationale of Russia's turn to the East, presents the record to date, assesses the problems and risks and provides some concluding thoughts about the prospects. In conclusion Russia's turn to the East presents a mixed picture. It is certainly not predicated on a modernization or development strategy, but rather amounts to damage limitation. Yet damage limitation entails costs and as a rule does not follow an economic rationale. In this sense the push seems to dominate the pull. Substituting the Western direction by the Chinese rather than complementing it - as originally conceived - is not a promising proposition." (author's abstract) "Infolge der Ukraine-Krise und der damit einhergehenden merklichen Verschlechterung der Beziehungen zum Westen hat Russland einen Richtungswechsel vorgenommen: Richtung Asien (vielmehr Richtung China), auf Russisch Povorot na Vostok (Wende nach Osten). Dabei ergänzen sich Push- und Pull-Faktoren: Zum einen wird der pragmatischen Notwendigkeit Folge geleistet, sich mit dem großen Nachbarn (China) zu verständigen. Zum anderen wird die Wende nach Osten mit weitreichenden geostrategischen Zielen überladen (konkret soll sie dem Multipolarismus zum Durchbruch verhelfen). Einerseits eröffnet der Richtungswechsel neue Marktchancen im Ausland, andererseits vollzieht er sich aber parallel zur Entkopplung vom Weltmarkt und der geforderten Importsubstitution. Er verspricht, das Potenzial des asiatischen Teils Russlands voll zur Geltung zu bringen und hält die Region zugleich verschlossen. Russland blickt nach Osten und zugleich nach innen und zurück. Das Working Paper analysiert die Faktoren, die zu Russlands Wende nach Osten geführt haben, deren Logik und Ergebnisse sowie die Risiken und Probleme. Abschließend stellt es einige perspektivische Überlegungen an. Der Befund: Russlands Schwenk nach Osten liefert ein gemischtes Bild. Mit Sicherheit folgt er keinem Modernisierungs- oder Entwicklungsplan, sondern reflektiert das Bemühen um Schadensbegrenzung. Eine solche Schadensbegrenzung geht jedoch mit Kosten einher und folgt im Regelfall nicht wirtschaftlicher Logik. Und so scheint der Push und nicht der Pull zu dominieren. Es ist alles andere als ein vielversprechendes Projekt, die Orientierung nach Westen durch eine Ausrichtung nach China zu ersetzen, statt sich - wie ursprünglich geplant - sowohl nach Westen als auch nach Osten hin auszurichten." (Autorenreferat)
- Published
- 2016
31. Eurasian Concept: Central Asia in Russian and Chinese Foreign Policy
- Author
-
Anastasiya Aleksandrovna Zabella, Evgeniya Yur’yevna Katkova, and Andrey Vladimirovich Shabaga
- Subjects
eurasian ideology ,russia ,china ,central asia ,eurasian economic union ,“the belt and road initiative” ,International relations ,JZ2-6530 ,Political science (General) ,JA1-92 - Abstract
This article focuses on the reasons for both increasing attention to Eurasian ideology among political and scientific circles in Russia and the Chinese interest in Central Asia. Given a realistic paradigm, the authors analyzed aspects of Russian and Chinese foreign policy in the context of strengthening their influence in the region. Based on traditional values the ideology of Eurasianism is considered as a basis of Russias foreign policy in Central Asia. The authors paid attention to an analysis of the effectiveness of the Russian concept of Eurasianism and the Chinese initiative the Belt and Road Initiative, reminiscent of the Silk Road, in Central Asia. The paper covers theoretical-analytical and systemic-historical methods that offered an opportunity both to analyze the approaches of Russia and China to strengthen their influence in Central Asia and to examine the possibilities and contradictions of cooperation between Russia and China in Central Asia. The authors consider an interface among the EAEU and the Belt and Road Initiative as an opportunity to increase the efficiency of Russian-Chinese interaction, to create significant benefits to the countries in the Central Asia, and to expand the Russian and Chinese presence in the region. The authors pointed out the strengths and weaknesses of Russia and China in their interaction with the countries of Central Asia. Although Russia enjoys significant advantages, China is strengthening its presence in the region by its investments. The main hypothesis of this article is that the interface among the EAEU and the Belt and Road Initiative initiatives may curb competition between Russia and China in Central Asia, but the authors do not rule out the Shanghai scenario, which demonstrates a gradual strengthening of Chinas position.
- Published
- 2021
- Full Text
- View/download PDF
32. Chinese 'Gas Policy' towards Russia and Turkmenistan, 2001–2012
- Author
-
Hedvika Koďousková
- Subjects
China ,energy policy ,natural gas ,strategic approach ,state-centric realism ,Russia ,International relations ,JZ2-6530 - Abstract
The ambition of the paper is to analyze the major characteristics of the Chinese energy policy towards the most important producers of natural gas in China’s neighborhood. The analytical perspectives of a strategic approach to energy security and state-centric realism are used to work with case studies of Sino-Russian and Sino-Turkmen relations from the energy security perspective. The paper concludes that China’s energy policy towards the given producers in Russia and Turkmenistan comes significantly close to the selected analytical perspectives and that natural gas has become an important part of the strategic considerations of the Chinese political leadership. This conclusion, however, applies more to Turkmenistan and less to Russia, as in the case of the Sino-Russian relations, both parties fail to achieve a mutual complementarity, and economic thinking prevails over Beijing’s strategic interests.
- Published
- 2013
33. Russia between east and west, and the future of Eurasian order
- Author
-
Zachary Paikin and Elena Korosteleva
- Subjects
Great power ,International relations ,China ,Geography, Planning and Development ,Complexity ,‘the local’ ,Geopolitics ,Russia ,Transformative learning ,Development studies ,Foreign policy ,Political science ,Political economy ,Political Science and International Relations ,International political economy ,Original Article ,Order ,Central Eurasia ,EU ,JZ ,Rivalry - Abstract
This article introduces the special issue by going beyond the traditional debates about geopolitics and great power rivalry. Instead, it examines the emergent and highly complex world of Central Eurasia, in its transformative effort to reorder itself in response to both global and local change. In particular, the paper (and the volume) focuses on two interrelated themes: one of a changing Russia, that is anxiously trying to adapt to the uncertain dynamics within and beyond the wider Eurasian space; and the other—of an emerging complexity of new order-making regional (integration) initiatives that are poised to reshape the future of international and global order. The overarching intention of this paper and the volume is to advance the need to focus on ‘the local’, to gain a more holistic understanding of the present-day challenges and the kind of global response needed to stay attuned to the increasingly complex world.
- Published
- 2020
34. The Shanghai Cooperation Organisation and Security in Post-Soviet Central Asia.
- Author
-
Safiullin, Askhat
- Subjects
INTERNATIONAL economic integration ,NATIONAL security ,ASIAN cooperation ,CONSTRUCTIVISM (Education) ,SOCIAL constructionism ,INTERNATIONAL relations - Abstract
Tracing the debate on the importance and influence of the Shanghai Cooperation Organisation (SCO) on regional security integration in Central Asia, this work assesses the degree of its integration. It mainly addresses the interplay between individual state security needs, norms and identities. My proposed perspective is based on constructivism, informed by the English school. The paper concludes that security cooperation between SCO member states in the security environment is impacted by three factors 1) security, influenced by 2) identities and norms, inducing states to utilise 3) the functions of organisation to their needs. The work explores the implications of such security cooperation in the context of perceptions and the conduct of cooperation research. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]
- Published
- 2010
35. TRACING THE CIVILIZATIONAL INFLUENCES IN THE CONSTRUCTION OF CHINESE AND RUSSIAN APPROACHES TO INTERNATIONAL LAW
- Author
-
Punsara Amarasinghe and Sanjay Kumar Rajhans
- Subjects
civilization ,colonialism ,pragmatism ,russia ,china ,identity ,hegemony ,international law ,Political science ,International relations ,JZ2-6530 - Abstract
This article seeks to examine the rigor of civilizational values in modern international law as a crucial factor and how historically different civilizational values have inculcated different approaches to international law. While critiquing the civilizational rhetoric built by European nations in creating Eurocentric international law, this article illuminates how international law has been perceived by China and Russia following their historical complexities as unique states. The results emerging from this paper will demonstrate the diversity in international law in across different countries.
- Published
- 2020
- Full Text
- View/download PDF
36. THE PEOPLE’S REPUBLIC OF CHINA AS A ‘PILLAR’ IN THE FOREIGN POLICY OF THE REPUBLIC OF SERBIA DURING COVID-19 PANDEMIC.
- Author
-
CIBOREK, Przemysław
- Subjects
COVID-19 pandemic ,INTERNATIONAL relations ,POWER (Social sciences) ,PRESIDENTS ,COVID-19 ,UIGHUR (Turkic people) ,CHINESE people - Abstract
In the opinion of many researchers, Sino-Serbian bilateral relations during the COVID-19 pandemic have hit an all-time high. The People’s Republic of China was the first country to aid Serbia in the face of internal problems within the European Union. The EU’s inconsistent policy during the global health crisis has enabled political and economic rapprochement of Belgrade with Beijing and Moscow. In addition, it seems that the political influence of the United States and the European Union on the domestic and foreign policy of Serbia is weakening. Due to the specificity of Serbian media, the Chinese republic is also gaining many supporters among Serb citizens. The pro-government media coverage is supplemented by the government’s praise of the Chinese leadership. Regarding the Four Pillar Foreign Policy strategy introduced by the then President Boris Tadić, it appears that despite Serbia’s ongoing EU accession process, the People’s Republic of China appears to be the most significant ‘pillar’ in Serbia’s foreign policy during COVID-19 pandemic. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]
- Published
- 2021
- Full Text
- View/download PDF
37. Results of Davos 2019 – economic pessimism and innuendo
- Author
-
Vladislav Belov
- Subjects
world economic forum ,davos ,globalization ,european union ,usa ,russia ,china ,germany ,the fourth industrial revolution ,International relations ,JZ2-6530 - Abstract
The regular World Economic Forum (WEF) took place in Davos against the background of aggravation of the geopolitical and trade conflicts, strengthening of protectionism, deterioration in an economic situation in the EU and uncertainty with Brexit. A number of world leaders refused participation in it at the last minute. It caused pessimism of participants and raised an issue of future role of Davos as leading discussion platform on world economy and policy. The paper considers results of the 49th WEF and the prospects of the further development of WEF.
- Published
- 2019
- Full Text
- View/download PDF
38. Making It Personal? A Comparative Study of Institutional Constraints on Foreign Policy in Russia and China.
- Author
-
Ivre, Joel Petersson and Lee, Eugene
- Subjects
MILITARISM ,INTERNATIONAL relations - Abstract
By treating militarism and personalism as institutional constraints on foreign policy, this article examines the role and influence of these constraints on the foreign policies of Russia and China. By looking at empirical evidence the authors argue that domestic institutional constraints in each country have exhibited distinctly different patterns throughout the last twenty years, and this can to some extent explain the difference in their respective foreign policies. However, institutional personalism in China has recently become more similar to that of Russia. The authors argue that current Russian foreign policy bears some elements of similarity suggesting future developments in Chinese foreign policy. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]
- Published
- 2020
- Full Text
- View/download PDF
39. Der Disput um das iranische Nuklearprogramm und die Rahmenvereinbarung von Lausanne
- Author
-
Akbulut, Hakan and Österreichisches Institut für Internationale Politik (oiip)
- Subjects
China ,political negotiation ,IAEA ,P5+1 ,Politikwissenschaft ,Friedens- und Konfliktforschung, Sicherheitspolitik ,proliferation ,Peace and Conflict Research, International Conflicts, Security Policy ,Frankreich ,Großbritannien ,Federal Republic of Germany ,Rahmenbedingung ,Iran ,United States of America ,Internationale Beziehungen ,Konfliktpotential ,Russia ,general conditions ,Political science ,internationales Abkommen ,USA ,conflict potential ,Great Britain ,International Relations, International Politics, Foreign Affairs, Development Policy ,Bundesrepublik Deutschland ,nuclear weapon ,Kernwaffe ,nuclear energy ,Kernenergie ,ddc:320 ,international agreement ,Russland ,France ,International relations ,politische Verhandlung ,internationale Beziehungen, Entwicklungspolitik ,ddc:327 - Abstract
Am Ende eines Verhandlungsmarathons erzielten die P5+1 und der Iran Anfang April 2015 eine Einigung auf die Parameter eines noch im Detail auszuarbeitenden und gegebenenfalls bis Ende Juni 2015 anzunehmenden Endabkommens zur Beilegung des Disputs um das iranische Nuklearprogramm. Dieses Papier greift diese Punkte auf und nimmt eine Diskussion und Bewertung der Rahmenvereinbarung von Lausanne vor. Gleichzeitig werden die unterschiedlichen Facetten und Dimensionen des Disputs an sich beleuchtet., At the end of lengthy negotiations, the P5+1 and Iran reached a deal on the parameters for a final agreement to be concluded by the end of June 2015 and intended to settle a longstanding dispute over latter’s nuclear program. This paper looks into this framework agreement achieved in Lausanne and explores and discusses potential strengths and weaknesses, at the same time, providing background information on the different elements and dimensions of the dispute as such.
- Published
- 2015
40. A New Alliance against the US? Sino-Russian Relations in Response to Trump's Redefined Foreign Policy Priorities.
- Author
-
Ciborek, Przemysław
- Subjects
CHINA-Russia relations ,INTERNATIONAL relations - Abstract
The current state of bilateral relations between the Russian Federation and the People's Republic of China is described by many international relations experts as the best in history. After taking the president office by Donald Trump, the bilateral relations between America and abovementioned powers are cooling down. Current foreign policy of the People's Republic of China and the Russian Federation focuses on holding a common position in the international political arena, which is in fact an attempt to counter-weight political influence of the US administration and their allies. The dimension of the strategic partnership between China and Russia is also determining the mutual economic dependence, which is now crucial for both powers to build a strong position on the international forum. In addition, Russia is one of the crucial partners for the Chinese-led Belt and Road Initiative (BRI) – by many recognized as the Chinese attempt to break the American economic domination. The collisional course of the American foreign policy towards Russia and China forces the latter to look for Central and Eastern European allies as well as to gain influence in the region of Central Asia which is leading to a constant increase in tensions between China and Russia. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]
- Published
- 2019
- Full Text
- View/download PDF
41. Turkey as a Eurasian Transport Hub: Prospects for Inter-Regional Partnership.
- Author
-
ATLI, Altay
- Subjects
RUSSIA-Turkey relations ,INFRASTRUCTURE (Economics) ,TRANSPORTATION ,INTERNATIONAL cooperation ,INTERNATIONAL relations - Abstract
Turkey is well poised to become a Eurasian transport hub connecting Europe with Asia, the East with the West. While the country is blessed with a prime geographical location in this respect, it also needs infrastructure development within its territory, and enhanced connectivity with neighboring countries and the region in general. Turkey's recent cooperation with China within the framework of the latter's Belt and Road Initiative is an important development in this sense; however, there should be more cooperation with other regional powers as well, especially with Russia. Transport corridors favored by Turkey and by Russia, or routes that cross the territories of these countries, do not necessarily compete with or substitute for each other; they could rather function as parts of a holistic network of Eurasian connectivity. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]
- Published
- 2018
42. Ballistic Missile Defense : Impact of technology on global politics
- Author
-
Musaefendic, Armin
- Subjects
China ,Political Science (excluding Public Administration Studies and Globalisation Studies) ,ballistic missile defense ,global security ,International relations ,USA ,Statsvetenskap (exklusive studier av offentlig förvaltning och globaliseringsstudier) ,Russia - Abstract
The focus of this paper is to discuss ballistic missile defense (BMD) systems and their impact on international relations. I have a profound interest in the correlation between technological innovation/improvement and changes in international politics. I have therefore chosen the impact of BMD on global politics as the subject of discussion in my paper. I begin the discussion by describing the technological segment of Ballistic Missile Defense systems, after which I indulge in the political aspect of it. There are three primary actors in the field: the United States of America, China, Russia. These three are the main focus of the debate, though not the only ones. During the Cold War it was the USA and Russia which pursued BMDS with most vigor, with China keeping a close eye on their progress as well as initiating its own BMD program. The emergence of the “New World Order” in the aftermath of the Cold War resulted in restructuring and re-organizing of the countries` strategic thinking, interests as well as defenses. The strongly criticized 2002 US withdrawal from the Anti-Ballistic Missile (ABM) Treaty of 1972 became the latest milestone in the sphere of strategic defenses. US withdrawal from the Treaty paves way for a new kind of arms race between the three major powers of today: USA, China, Russia. My conclusion is that US policy regarding strategic defenses is completely unacceptable. The US quest for “invulnerability”, by many experts seen as futile, is extremely dangerous and just another proof that USA continues to relentlessly pursue complete global military, political and economic domination. The international community, with China and Russia leading, must not ignore US strategic defense ambitions and it must act today. Tomorrow might be too late.
- Published
- 2007
43. A Twenty-First-Century Strategy to Counter Russia, China, and Iran
- Author
-
Matei, Sorin
- Subjects
China ,Syria ,International Relations ,Realism ,South China Sea ,IRGC ,Iran ,Science and Technology Studies ,Russia ,Ukraine Crisis - Abstract
The FORCES white paper / report A Twenty-First-Century Strategy to Counter Russia, China, and Iran published by the National Interest proposes a new approach to American foreign policy, which provides the flexibility needed to handle two major international conflicts at the same time. We propose "cascading realism," The United States should consider a strategy of selective and deeply collaborative realism. The new realism should rely on three principles: a convergence of purpose; flexibility of action and shared and cascading responsibility. The second principle is the most important. It requires disconnecting the understanding of U.S. national interests from maintaining a maximal understanding of the global order. Maintaining global order should be the product of the U.S. interests coupled with that of its allies and collaborators. The guaranteed global order should satisfy the cumulative values and needs of the United States and its allies, starting from the ground up, not from top (the United States) to bottom (U.S. allies), which is the current situation.
- Published
- 2022
44. The Hidden Integration of Eurasia: East-West Relations in the History of Technology.
- Author
-
Högselius, Per and Yao Dazhi
- Subjects
INTERNATIONAL relations ,TECHNOLOGICAL innovations ,ECONOMIC history - Abstract
"East" and "West" have long been prominent categories in the history of technology. The historical literature that claims to deal with comparisons or connections between East and West from a technological point of view is rich and fascinating. Yet, so far there has been no attempt to succinctly summarize or synthesize the main findings. This article takes a first step towards such a synthesis. It does so by addressing technological interaction between three broadly defined geographical regions: (1) Western Europe and North America; (2) Eastern Europe, Russia and Central Asia; and (3) the non-Russian Far East. The article suggests that East-West studies in the history of technology can be divided into three sets, which would benefit from greater interaction with each other: studies of East-West and West- East technology transfer; studies comparing the evolution of Eastern and Western technological levels and technological "styles"; and studies of large technical systems that materially interconnect East and West. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]
- Published
- 2017
- Full Text
- View/download PDF
45. From ‘the global’ to ‘the local’: the future of ‘cooperative orders’ in Central Eurasia in times of complexity
- Author
-
Irina Petrova and Elena Korosteleva
- Subjects
International relations ,China ,Cooperative orders ,Corporate governance ,Realisation ,Geography, Planning and Development ,Complexity ,Russia ,Development studies ,Order (exchange) ,Foreign policy ,Political science ,Political Science and International Relations ,International political economy ,Original Article ,Central Eurasia ,Economic system ,EU ,JZ ,Diversity (business) - Abstract
Living in times of increasing complexity is hard; it becomes even harder with the realisation of diminishing control. How do we adapt our governance to this complexity to ensure peaceful cohabitation of the established and emergent order regimes? This paper contends that it is important to embrace complexity in full, conceptually and practically, by shifting from ‘the global’ to ‘the local’, to understand the pressure of transformational change and to prepare the ground for the emergence of more resilient and cooperative orders. We apply this complexity-thinking, using a 3P analysis, to Central Eurasia, presently a battleground of three competing order-making regimes—the EU, China and Russia. We argue that for more resilient and cooperative orders to emerge, it is essential to understand and enable ‘the local’ and embrace the region in is diversity, to facilitate a more joined-up and bottom-up governance in managing the complexity of a changing world.
- Published
- 2020
46. Hungary’s Pragmatic Foreign Policy in a Post-American World
- Author
-
Zoltán Vörös and István Tarrósy
- Subjects
International relations ,post-american world ,russia ,Sociology and Political Science ,hungary ,05 social sciences ,050601 international relations ,0506 political science ,foreign policy ,africa ,Foreign policy ,Political science ,Political economy ,Political Science and International Relations ,050602 political science & public administration ,turkey ,china ,strongmen - Abstract
This paper seeks to provide an overview of Hungary’s foreign policy priorities since the change of the political system of 1989–90. It intends to critically analyse the rise of pragmatism, in particular, in the new policy chapters of the ‘Turn towards the East’ and the ‘Opening to the South’, while it also looks at the international system itself with its recent developments and how Hungary has behaved in relation to them. Focal attention will be given to certain regions of the world, together with some global issues such as China, Turkey, Russia and Sub-Saharan Africa, as well as the ongoing refugee crisis and climate change.
- Published
- 2020
47. Geopolitics of electricity
- Author
-
Westphal, Kirsten, Pastukhova, Maria, Pepe, Jacopo Maria, and Stiftung Wissenschaft und Politik -SWP- Deutsches Institut für Internationale Politik und Sicherheit
- Subjects
China ,Asia ,Turkey ,geopolitics ,Federal Republic of Germany ,energy supply ,Iran ,Internationale Beziehungen ,Türkei ,Russia ,Geopolitik ,Außenpolitik ,Energiepolitik ,international relations ,Energieversorgung ,International Relations, International Politics, Foreign Affairs, Development Policy ,Bundesrepublik Deutschland ,Asien ,internationaler Wettbewerb ,foreign policy ,international competition ,ddc:320 ,Energiewirtschaft ,Energieversorgungssystem ,Elektrizitätsversorgungsnetz ,Verbundnetz ,Konnektivität (Internationale Beziehungen) ,Infrastrukturelle Erschließung ,Belt and Road Initiative ,Eurasien ,Russland ,energy industry ,internationale Beziehungen, Entwicklungspolitik ,EU ,energy policy ,ddc:327 - Abstract
Although electricity grids shape and define both political and economic spaces, the geopolitical significance of electricity remains underestimated. In political communities and beyond, such grids establish new channels for projecting geopolitical influence and new spheres of influence. In the Europe-Asia continental area, integrated electricity grids meet interconnectors - that is, cross-border transmission lines linking different electric grids. Interconnectors define new, partly competing vectors of integration that extend beyond already integrated electricity grids. In this context, it is attractive for non-EU states to belong to the electricity system of continental Europe. This is because interconnected synchronous systems form "grid communities" that share a "common destiny" - not only in terms of electricity supply but also in terms of security and welfare. Germany and the EU must develop an electricity foreign policy in order to optimise, modernise, strengthen and expand the European electricity grid. Above all, however, Germany and the EU should help shape interconnectivity beyond the EU's common integrated electricity grid. China is gaining considerable influence in the electricity sector, setting standards and norms as well as expanding its strategic outreach - to the benefit of its own economy. Its efforts are part of Beijing's larger Belt and Road Initiative (BRI), an attempt to reorient global infrastructure and commercial flows. In the EU's eastern neighbourhood, geopolitical issues have dominated the configuration of electricity grids since the end of the Cold War. There is unmistakable competition over integration between the EU and Russia. The eastern Mediterranean region, the Black Sea and Caspian Sea regions, and Central Asia are, each in their own way, changing from peripheral zones into interconnecting spaces. The EU, China, Russia and - across the Black Sea - Iran and Turkey are competing in these zones to influence the reconfiguration of electricity grids. And in South and Southeast Asia, India's influence is on the rise. (author's abstract)
- Published
- 2022
- Full Text
- View/download PDF
48. Eurasianism in Turkey
- Author
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Kınıklıoğlu, Suat and Stiftung Wissenschaft und Politik -SWP- Deutsches Institut für Internationale Politik und Sicherheit
- Subjects
China ,Turkey ,India ,Nationalismus ,Iran ,Internationale Beziehungen ,Türkei ,Russia ,islamism ,Regionale Außenpolitik einzelner Staaten ,Regionale Sicherheitspolitik von Staaten ,Eurasien ,Bestimmungsfaktoren der Außenpolitik ,Politischer Islam ,Zentralasiatische Staaten der ehemaligen Sowjetunion ,Perinçek, Doğu ,political ideology ,nationalism ,Pakistan ,bilateral relations ,Außenpolitik ,politische Ideologie ,Indien ,autoritäres System ,bilaterale Beziehungen ,UdSSR-Nachfolgestaat ,USSR successor state ,international relations ,authoritarian system ,International Relations, International Politics, Foreign Affairs, Development Policy ,foreign policy ,ddc:320 ,Russland ,internationale Beziehungen, Entwicklungspolitik ,ddc:327 ,Islamismus - Abstract
Turkey’s neo-Eurasianist ideologues describe themselves as "Kemalist Eurasianists". They argue that "Eurasianism calls for a cultural, military, political and commercial alliance with Turkey's eastern neighbors, notably Russia, Iran, the Turkic countries of Central Asia, and even Pakistan, India and China" and is hostile towards any type of pro-Western policy in the Eurasian space. Turkey's neo-Eurasianists transformed from incarcerated villains to coalition partners in government and the bureaucracy. This spectacular reversal of fortunes could only materialize due to the special circumstances that arose from the ruthless power struggle between Turkey's Islamists. Nationalist-Islamism and Eurasianism overlap as they both despise Western dominance in the international order, feel threatened by the liberal cultural-civilizational siege of the West and thus have a common counter-hegemonic view of the world. Turkish Islamists and Eurasianists believe that a post-Western world is in the making. They argue that the unipolarity of the 1990s is over and that the West is essentially in an unstoppable decline - not least because of its degeneration in values. The true significance of Turkish "Eurasianism" does not lie in its capacity to shape foreign and security policy although that cannot be totally disregarded; rather, its real contribution to the current regime comes from its critical role in widening and solidifying consent to authoritarian rule in Turkey. (author's abstract)
- Published
- 2022
49. China and the Korean Peninsula: Why the Problems?
- Author
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Chang, Gordon G.
- Subjects
CHINA-Korea relations ,INTERNATIONAL relations ,LEADERSHIP - Abstract
Relations between China and North Korea are troubled and look like they will continue to deteriorate. The deterioration is largely the result of both states going through especially turbulent leadership transitions, which are changing decades-old patterns of governance. Moreover, Chinese and North Korean foreign policy goals conflict more than before, and this ensures a continued downward spiral in ties. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]
- Published
- 2015
50. Standing on our own feet? Opportunities and risks of European self-defence
- Author
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Lübkemeier, Eckhard, Stiftung Wissenschaft Und Politik, and Stiftung Wissenschaft und Politik -SWP- Deutsches Institut für Internationale Politik und Sicherheit
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China ,European Politics ,military potential ,Politikwissenschaft ,Friedens- und Konfliktforschung, Sicherheitspolitik ,Peace and Conflict Research, International Conflicts, Security Policy ,Frankreich ,Europapolitik ,transatlantische Beziehungen ,United States of America ,transatlantic relations ,Russia ,europäische Integration ,Effizienz ,internationale Beziehungen ,GSVP ,Political science ,USA ,Weltordnung ,world order ,international relations ,Souveränität ,Streitkräfteplanung ,Militärische Stärke, materiell ,Militärische Stärke, personell ,Selbstverteidigungsrecht von Staaten ,Risikoabschätzung ,Nukleare Abschreckung ,Status und Rolle im internationalen System ,Bedrohungsvorstellungen (Sicherheitspolitik) ,Rivalität von Staaten ,Implikation ,Epidemie/Pandemie ,COVID-19 ,defense ,CSDP ,efficiency ,ddc:320 ,Militärpotential ,Russland ,Verteidigung ,France ,EU ,European integration - Abstract
Only a Europe that provides for its own defence can be a fully sovereign Europe. As is the case for the US, Europe would have to be capable of protecting its core security interests without depending on its transatlantic partner. Structural incentives as well as recent developments militate in favour of establishing such intra-NATO status parity. Structurally, unilateral dependence, even among friends, comes at a price. This timeless incentive is reinforced by recent developments: the demise of the old West, with or without Trump; China's twofold challenge; an emerging Sino-American rivalry; a resurgent Russia; the new world disorder; Macron's offer to his European partners. European self-defence has to meet four key requirements: broader and greater European integration, sufficient military capabilities, effective strategy, and political leadership. Defence autonomy requires an independent nuclear deterrent capability. In the case of the EU, neither primary deterrence, reserved for a single state, nor extended deterrence, such as that provided by the United States, would be adequate. Instead, Europe would have to create a novel type of "integrated deterrence". Underpinned by a solid community of solidarity and trust, this would be based on French nuclear forces, with the French president maintaining exclusive decision-making authority. Germany and France would have to seize the initiative by "taking their bilateral relations to a new level", as stated in the Aachen Treaty of January 22, 2019. They would have to lead by example, bring about the progressive integration of their armed forces and an alignment of their strategic cultures. This would demand a great deal of Germany in terms of defence spending and redefining its "culture of military restraint". To initiate such a process of rethinking and repositioning will require an open-minded debate on the role of the military for a Europe that "takes its fate into its own hands" (Chancellor Angela Merkel). (author's abstract)
- Published
- 2021
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