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With the development of the market economy, agricultural trade has become more and more significant for the development of the agricultural economy, which has triggered people's further thinking and exploration on the impact of agricultural trade on agricultural carbon emissions. This paper takes the measurement of trade implied carbon as the carbon dioxide emission index under the impact of agricultural trade and analyzes the impact of trade implied carbon and implied carbon balance on carbon emission. Taking the impact of Sino-US agricultural trade as an empirical background, this paper measures the impact of environmental changes in agricultural trade opening on China's agricultural development and its carbon emissions, so as to predict changes in China's regional agricultural carbon emissions performance. After calculation, it is found that the scale of China's exports has decreased by 0.089%, which is lower than the decline of 0.361% in the United States. The trade conflict has a significant impact on China's import and export structure. Under the scenario of mutual tariffs on agricultural products, China's exports to the United States are expected to decrease by 6.28%, while China's imports from the United States decreased by 13.02%. The Sino-US agricultural trade dispute will reduce China's carbon emissions by 0.013% and the United States' carbon emissions by 0.024%, which is related to the negative impact on the economy. Improving the performance of agricultural carbon emissions is not only the need for the green and sustainable development of the agricultural economy but also conducive to improving the international competitiveness of agricultural products. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

From 2007, the economic turmoil in the USA has had a dramatic impact on immigrant populations living within the nation’s borders. One such group is Chinese migrants who came to the USA as students in the 1980s and 1990s. This paper focuses on a segment of this population—medical professionals—who obtained graduate degrees in the USA and subsequently stayed on to work in pharmaceutical or health industries in Philadelphia’s metropolitan area. As a result of the economic crises in the USA and also the burgeoning market in China, pharmaceutical companies have begun to repatriate some of these Chinese professionals. This paper will examine reflections on the return experience to Shanghai, which has developed rapidly to become the most commercialized modern city in China as a result of the market reform initiated in 1979. I argue that neoliberal ideology in the USA not only forces these Chinese immigrants back to China, but also challenges their concepts of identity and citizenship, including cultural citizenship. This paper also examines the ways in which processes of change are affected by global capitalism and neoliberalism. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The demise of the Soviet Union, which was celebrated in the Anglosphere as the triumph of US supremacy, gave rise to different paradigmatic interpretations of the evolution of the world. The bulk of the evolving mainstream discourse was agendadriven and projected a continuation of the US hegemony of the global capitalist system. Two theses stood out in the context of the post-Cold War. The first was the optimistic assumption encapsulated in the notion of "the end of history," which projected a world having arrived at the last station based on the victory of liberal democracy and continued US hegemony. The second was the counter-assumption of the thesis of The Clash of Civilizations, which rejected the harmony interpretation of international relations and considered the future contradictions and conflicts to be related to cultural, not to say civilizational, antagonisms. The evolution of the world order in the past few decades demands a theoretical shift explaining the transformation, which takes into consideration the geostrategic and geopolitical ascendency of Eurasia and the Eastern Asia-Pacific hemisphere as well as the relative decline of the hegemony of the Anglosphere. Understanding the process at work makes it imperative to include the historical perspective. In this context, the growth of China and India as powerhouses in the world political economy cannot be exclusively defined as exemplars of catching up or late development but by the notion of "return of history." After a long period of self-centered development, they are gradually reinserting themselves in the world system and reemerging into their former dominant status prior to the eighteenth century and the Western imperialist intrusion in the East. The aim of this paper is to explore and explain the economic and political consequences this ongoing transformation will have for the future of geopolitical and geo-economic domination of the West. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper examines the historical evolution of housing in the context of US capitalism, highlighting the significance of homeownership as an ideology and social practice for the reproduction of hegemony in the USA. The paper challenges widely held views that identify public policy errors and government regulatory failures as primary causes of the recent housing boom and bust. Its purpose is to show how the subprime solution that triggered the housing collapse organically evolved out of the growth imperative to keep harnessing the socioeconomic benefits of homeownership. The demise of this model signals the failure of the profit-seeking system of privatized housing provision to overcome the limits of production based on capital. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

Despite their apparently pervasive reach and relevance, the geographies of branded commodities and their branding have been unevenly recognised and under-researched. This paper presents a way of conceptualising and analysing brand and branding geographies. Focusing upon goods and services, the notion of geographical entanglements is developed to understand the spatial associations and connotations that unavoidably ensnare brands and branding. Second, it examines how such attachments shape and are shaped by brand and branding agents, including producers, circulators, consumers and regulators. Last, the placing of the geographical entanglements of brands and branding is developed as a means of lifting their 'mystical veils' and prompting reflections upon their politics and relationships to uneven development. Situating branding genealogies in geographical context, the empirical analysis comprises a socio-spatial biography of Newcastle Brown Ale (NBA). It explains how NBA's geographical entanglements have been (re)constructed in its contrasting survival in the UK and growth in the US. As a way of thinking about brand and branding geographies, the paper seeks to broaden the reach of economic geographies at their intersections with cultural economy approaches and to stimulate debate about their politics and alternatives to uneven development. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The 1980s and 1990s have been decades of quite good economic growth in North America and much of Western Europe. But how have the fruits of growth been shared? This paper reviews changing income distributions in the U.S., Germany and the Netherlands. These three countries may be taken as exemplars and leading economic performers in "the three worlds of welfare capitalism" (Esping-Andersen, 1990). The U.S. is a liberal welfare-capitalist state, Germany a corporatist state, and the Netherlands (less clearly) a social democratic welfare-capitalist state. The paper focuses particularly on income changes in the bottom, middle and top quintiles and takes a ten year period into account. Previous analyses have shown that labor and market income dispersion are increasing, with increased returns to human capital. The potential impact of government through the tax-transfer system has been largely ignored. All three governments redistribute income from the rich to the poor. However, the paper shows that only the Dutch government has redistributed sufficiently to ensure that the bottom quintile has gained along with others. In Germany and the U.S. the poorest quintile was considerably worse off in absolute terms at the end of the decade.than the beginning. The German government somewhat counteracted the trend towards greater income dispersion by redistributing to the poorest quintile, so the loss of market income was partly compensated. In the U.S. the impact of government on the poorest quintile stayed about the same, so this group ended up with about the same decrease in disposable income as market income. The U.S., Germany and the Netherlands are the only three countries for which ten or more consecutive years of panel data are available. The data come from the PSID-GSOEP Equivalent File 1980-97 and from a comparable file constructed from the Dutch SEP data. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper offers a critique of the recent work on global economic and state restructuring in the broader political economy literature. It argues that much of this work, because of its theoretical reliance on regulation theory, offers only a partial account of the state and state restructuring. The paper offers a framework for understanding state restructuring and the state's role in economic regulation that adds more explicitly political imperatives to the existing regulation account. The methodological goals of the regulationist literature have led it to focus too heavily on the reproduction of capitalist relations as the primary object of state policies and institutions. That focus should be enlarged to include an explicit analysis of the important element of state-citizen relations. In addition to helping reproduce capitalist relations, state policies must also reproduce a condition of political legitimacy between state and citizen in order to ensure the continued reproduction of state institutions and state sovereignty. While the statecitizen relation is closely bound up with economic relations, it also includes non-economic, more purely political aspects. I argue that the imperative of state-citizen legitimacy will play an important role in how the state is restructured in the present crisis. The paper ends by offering a case study of the local state in Los Angeles in order to illustrate how state-citizen political legitimacy can play an important role in state restructuring. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper argues that the US economy is not entering a new era of prosperity, mainly because the rote of profit remains 30-40% below its earlier postwar peaks, in spite of a 20% reduction of real wages since the early 1970s Under these conditions, real wages are unlikely to increase very much (if at all) in the years ahead. The paper also argues that an important reason for the acceleration of growth in the US economy since 1995 is a large and rapidly increasing net inflow of foreign capital (which also precipitated the worsening depression in Asia).The final section argues that the chances of a recession in the US in 1999 are high, and that such a depression would probably propel the world capitalist economy into deep depression. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The Coalition government’s plans for reform are meant to transform the NHS into a more privately run, competitive system, raising the question as to whether or not the NHS is likely to resemble the US capitalist healthcare industry. The US system will be examined for comparative purposes, followed by an analysis of how far earlier reforms under Conservative and New Labour governments have moved the NHS in that direction. The implications of the White Paper proposals are analysed to determine the degree to which the NHS is destined to become a commodity-producing industry. The tentative conclusion is that while secondary care will be similar in many ways to the US hospital industry, state funding remains a barrier to complete transformation, and what is likely to emerge is a hybrid system in which competition, consolidation, and pressure on the workforce all increase. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

A conference paper about creative capitalism in the U.S. is presented. It cites various ideas of renowned people including Bill Gates, Adam Smith and Karl Marx about capitalism which evolves over time. It also cites Ayn Rand who suggests that Americans must be happy at the success of capitalism in the country implying its superpower in the world.

In August 1899, US Naval and Marine forces arrived on Guam to establish an American military government that would replace more than two centuries of Spanish colonial rule. Within the first month of Captain Richard Leary's term as naval governor, he directed a number of decisive actions specifically against the Roman Catholic Church. These included a ban on the annual celebration of village fiestas, a prohibition on the ringing of church bells and, most dramatically, the expulsion of the island's Spanish priests. While the existing scholarship interprets these events as political actions to establish a uniquely American governmental system that enforces the separation of Church and State, this paper interrogates an additional array of intersecting economic and cultural issues to tell a story about some of the desires and anxieties regarding colonialism, capitalism, and nationalism in the Pacific. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

A conference paper is presented that argues that the war on terrorism convened by U.S. President George W. Bush after the terrorist attack of September 11, 2001 is an immoral and failed policy. The author suggests that the resulting economic chaos is not simply a global financial crisis or a banking crisis, but a failure of the capitalist system that affects all economic sectors. He mentions the catastrophic consequences of the U.S. conduct of two wars with no tax increase.

In 1917, the German-American scientist Jacques Loeb (1859-1924) published a short essay, entitled 'Biology and War', that summarized his disagreement with World War I. He was deeply saddened by the break-up of the international scientific community as a consequence of the actions of bellicose politicians. These actions were in direct opposition to his efforts to promote social reform, mechanistic biology and scientific internationalism. The aim of this paper is to examine Loeb's activities aimed at these efforts before, during and after the war. It attempts to explain how Loeb's scientific work was formed, what was special about it and why it was both successful and attacked. Particular emphasis is placed on how Loeb reacted to the War and the subsequent forced disintegration of his international scientific network. Loeb's attempts to integrate his interpretation of biology into post-war Europe's approach to the life sciences is analysed in connection with his social commitment. It is argued that his emigration to the USA, the circumstances of World War I, the reaction of his German colleagues to it and the demolition of the international scientific community changed: (1) Loeb's feelings towards his old home; (2) the direction of his scientific endeavours; and (3) his engagement in science politics. His correspondence with eminent scientists from all over the world serves as a key to Loeb's efforts in the context of the social elements of scientific networks and perceptions. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The financial crisis triggered by increasing default rate, real estate devaluation and financial asset depreciation combined with U.S. subprime mortgages brought about the debate over the framework of the U.S. and international financial systems, their potential systemic risks, and their regulatory and supervisory mechanisms. A great variety of financial institutions which were poorly regulated and badly supervised changed into the counterpart of the credit risk transfer from the banking system and started to hold increasing risks. This paper deals with the interaction of these financial institutions, including a description of some features of the major stage in this process -- the so-called over-the-counter (OTC) market -- and the use of financial innovations which amplified the crisis. It also aims to clarify the need for improvements in terms of regulation and supervision considering the complexity and opacity of these institutions and markets. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Under George W. Bush, the United States has chosen to revolutionize world affairs by abandoning successful forms of hegemonic governance, based on the institutionalization of collective economic and security regimes, in favor of militarism, or the pursuit of global domination through force. Starting from a critique of structuralist approaches, this paper examines the ideational transformation of the American right and situates it within the context of the US's emergence in 1991 as a unipolar strategic actor and as the core state in the newly globalized capitalist political economy. While these synchronous transformations considerably augmented America's autonomy, giving the US the opportunity to reconfigure the world system to its advantage, one must distinguish between the current imperial expansionism of the revived and expanded US national security state and earlier forms of US hegemonic rule. The aim: to account for a fundamental shift of the way in which the US has governed the capitalist world system since 1945. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In this paper I begin by taking a brief glimpse at the current state of global capitalism. I then look at attempts in Britain and the US to argue the case, within educational theory, that postmodernism and poststructuralism can be forces for social change and social justice. Concentrating on some of the work of Elizabeth Atkinson, Patti Lather and Judith Baxter, I argue that such claims are illusory. I make the case that Marxism remains the only viable option in the pursuit of social change and social justice. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In this article, the author has discussed the U.S. government's acts of terrorism. The goal of the U.S. is to become an empire and superpower. The author feels that, on papers, the country's original ideas sounded good. The ideas about a nation grounded in democracy and governed by people and the idea of capitalism that would allow for a healthy, competitive economy are far from reality. For many decades, the military-industrial complex has been the reality. The economy has turned out to be nothing more than a military economy. Like it or not, war and the preparation for war is the number one business. Already, the U.S. military budget exceeds that of the next eight nations combined.

In this paper we report the analysis of the economic and social strategies employed by an illiterate farmer in early nineteenth-century Kentucky to increase his wealth and social position using wealth gained from slave labor and possibly from slave breeding. Our analysis demonstrates that the slavery system was completely integrated into the regional capitalist enterprise, and that the same kinds of economic and social factors that motivated other types of entrepreneurs also influenced Enos Hardin to participate in and promulgate slavery. The excavation of the material remains of his farmstead in central Kentucky demonstrates his involvement with the capitalist market, and shows the strategies he used to buy his way into a higher social standing in his community. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The built forms of New York City and Boston differed dramatically in the second half of the nineteenth century. This paper focuses on the changing forms of their retail districts and evaluates the divergence in those patterns in relation to their socioeconomic context. Historical atlases and city directories identified the locations of department stores, which were used as indicators of the retail districts while primary and secondary historical sources related locational decisions to their economic position and the structure of their elite classes. New York's unstable elite classes continued to move their residences north on Manhattan Island throughout the latter half of the nineteenth century and were unable and unwilling to stop the northward expansion of the retail district. Boston's stable ruling class was able to control retail expansion through various political acts limiting development and through social barriers that limited displays of conspicuous consumption. The importance of the structure of elite classes in mediating the processes of land allocation suggests that findings of New York, as a city of competitive capitalism with a splintered elite, and Boston, as a city of controlled capitalism with a ruling elite, might provide a useful framework for understanding the specific contexts within other urban built forms.

The purpose of this paper is to offer a genealogy of some of the disciplinary practices that constitute the everyday life of contemporary postmodern America. I argue that we are witnessing the emergence of a new economy of illegalities, and with it, an increased tension between exceptional punishment and generalized surveillance. This physics of power is constituted, in part. through a new political technology of the body that directs a gaze of accountability on an individuals "life-style" and is often premised on regulating, probing or, measuring the body's functions, processes, characteristics or movements. In this way, the body is being used as a central clement in the localization of contemporary power. All this. I believe, is made possible by the historical moment of law twentieth-century capitalism. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper begins with a brief critical review of the major perspectives in the debate concerning ownership and control of major corporations. After examination of a new source of data compiled by a Senate committee (pertaining especially to the expansion of stock control by institutional investors and, most importantly, by major commercial banks), we argue that none of these perspectives is strongly supported. In concluding we tentatively outline a perspective which seems to provide a better "fit" to the data. We argue that the dominant force in the overall capitalist economy is now an "intercorporate complex" of major corporations, with banks in a central coordinating position (though short of "control") and an inner group of the "corporate class" providing the human linkage. This form of control is what we call "intercorporate control," based upon the impersonal interests of major, interrelated corporate bureaucracies. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article presents the reply of Donald Palmer, Brad M. Barber and Xueguan Zhou to the comments of Fligstein regarding their article about acquisitions of U.S. corporations in the 1960s. We reaffirm our conclusions, theoretical framework and interpretation of results pertaining to the acquisition of rims in the 1960s, showing how Fligstein mischaracterizes each of these components of our paper. Fligstein claims that our results fail to show that the U.S. capitalist class is mainly organized through network interlocks, particularly interlocks with banks, and that this interlock structure explains the 1960s merger movement and do not add up to a sociological theory of the social organization of capitalism. Fligstein correctly quotes us as saying that ownership relationships and networks ties among the business elite had a significant impact on acquisition behavior in the 1960s. However, he neglects out other conclusions. Fligstein contends that the reported negative effect of stock ownership by managers on the likelihood of acquisition has little to do with interlocking directorates or a unified capitalist elite. We agree, but then our framework assumes that ownership and interlock relations tap two different dimensions of the class positions of corporate elites and assumes nothing about the level of elite unity in the 1960s. In summary, Fligstein exaggerates our clams for our results regarding ownership and interlocks while underestimating the actual significance of these results, largely because he misstates our conclusions and caricatures our analytical framework.