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Copyright of Historia y Sociedad (01218417) is the property of Universidad Nacional de Colombia, Facultad de Ciencias Humanas y Economicas and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

This article analyzes the genesis and consolidation of devotion to the holy Ecce Homo in the city of Popayán -- located in the New Kingdom of Granada-- during the second half of the 17th century. It explores the influence of this mystical experience in crystalizing the city's religious feasts and the cultural nuances that permeated this particular invocation. It also describes the relationship of interdependence between the liberty of the free black man Juan Antonio de Velasco and other merchants, slaves, artisans, and the devout public in stabilizing this particular form of worship of the holy one. At the same time that it specifically traces the "life world" of the founder and confrere of the tradition, it calls attention to the imprint he made on this religious ritual in Popayán, "the white city." In addition to these social factors, it also shows the influence that the generalized natural crisis of the 17th century had on the emergence of new brotherhoods, rogation days and forms of devotion. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article explores how popular classes, especially Afro-Colombians, created an alliance with the Liberal Party in the Cauca region of Colombia during the mid-nineteenth century. Afro-Caucanos negotiated with elite leaders of the party, trading their votes and service as soldiers in the civil wars of the era for a variety of social, economic and political gains, including the abolition of slavery, access to commons, the reduction of aguardiente monopolies, and obtaining the status of citizens. Afro-Caucanos also redefined citizenship, imagining a popular liberalism different from the conceptions of Liberal elites, investing it with more powerful notions of liberty and equality. In the 1870s, the alliance began to fracture as elite Liberals refused to break the hacienda system and grant land rights to their popular supporters. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article reflects on the meaning that the slavery as well as his abolition have in the formation of the public-political, understanding it as the common references that regulate the social relations and the criteria of legitimization, shared by those who are perceived as members of the society. It asks for the role of the enslaved population during the building process of the references of citizenship and of the Republic during the first half of the XIX century. The slavery system inhibited the participation of the slaves in the construction of the public. Despite the resistance of this population and, after the independence, in spite of the attempts of a sector of the elite for turning them into free and equal citizens allowing their access to the space of freedom of the republic, during the process of abolition, the interests and the social and racial prejudices of the slavers had the priority, thus, prolonging the formal abolition until the middle of the century. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Contraband was an important component of the system of economic monopolies that Spain maintained with the Indies during the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries. In this illegal trade, the traffic of human beings followed the same pattern as that of merchandise. The illegal slave trade in the Caribbean region of New Granada had two main characteristics. First, the illegal trade of captives carried out by pirates, corsairs and foreigners. Second, the fiscal fraud conducted by Portuguese merchants who brought more slaves than permitted by their contracts. This type of illegal trade benefited from the complacency of provincial authorities and royal officials who profited enormously from the bribes. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]