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Despite seven decades of development of the European Union project, on 23 June 2016, the United Kingdom, Europe and the rest of the world were surprised when the Leave campaign won the Brexit referendum, offering an extraordinary case study for researchers. We spatially disaggregate the vote share data, which allows us to explore where anti‐European sentiment took root in the UK and why. In this paper, a spatial dependence model is applied to clarify and quantify the relevance of the different dimensions—demographic, cultural/educational and economic—that play a role in explaining the rise of support for the Leave campaign. The analysis is conducted at the local level, using local authorities (LAs) as the spatial unit of analysis due to the combination of official datasets with newly generated data in the context of an EU H2020 project. A new indicator capturing the affluence of each local area relative to its close neighbours is proposed and included in the model. In general, we observe that most of the main conclusions obtained by large regions or at the national level also hold at the local scale. However, it is particularly interesting that inequalities by LAs are clearly significant, indicating a marked influence on voters' decisions that have thus far been unaccounted for. This result provides further support for the existence of, to use Andrés Rodriguez‐Pose's terminology, an even more intense "revenge of the places that do not matter" at the local scale. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Nowadays, increase of analyzing stock markets as complex systems lead graph theory to play a key role. For instance, detecting graph communities is an important task in the analysis of stocks, and as planar maximally filtered graphs let us to get important information for the topology of the market. In this study, we first obtain correlation network representation of UK's leading stock market network by using a novel threshold method. Then, we determine vertex clusters by using modularity and analyze clusters in planar maximally filtered graph substructures. Our analyze include a new measure called weighted Gini index for measuring the sparsity. The main goal of this paper is to study the hierarchical evolution of the market communities throughout the Brexit referendum, which is known as the stress period for the stock market. Hence, the overall sample is divided into two sub-periods of pre-referendum, and post-referendum to obtain communities and hierarchical structures. Our results indicate that financial companies are leading elements of the clusters. Moreover, the significant changes within the network topologies are observed for insurance, consumer goods, consumer services, mining, and technology sectors whereas oil and gas and health care sectors have not been affected by Brexit stress. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In 2003 the Commission on European Contract Law (hereinafter: CECL) published the Principles of European Contract Law Part III (hereinafter: PECL III) which contained the provisions on EU set-off (hereinafter: EU model law of set-off). These are soft law provisions whose text was the result of the work of the most prominent academics from EU Member States. Considering that the Germanic, Romanic, and English set-off models coexist on the territory of the EU, the EU model law of set-off represents a reconciliation of the different private law traditions and models of set-off. During the 25 years since the adoption of the EU model law of set-off, several significant changes have occurred in the EU, which relate to its set-off law directly and indirectly. The most significant change is certainly the issue of Brexit and the possibility of Great Britain leaving the EU. Furthermore, it is important to note that automatic set-off was abandoned in France, which means it has replaced the Romanic set-off model with the German model. This paper starts with the context in which the European set-off rules were adopted. Then, the author identifies the nomotechnical and practical deficiencies in the EU model law of set-off in the context of the changed circumstances in the EU. The final part of the paper presents propositions for the change of the existing EU model law of set-off, which would help overcome the identified deficiencies and gaps. Consideration is also given to the question of whether, after Brexit and the change in the French set-off rules, the provisions of the EU model law of set-off which were influenced by English and French set-off laws should be removed. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

On 25 March 2017, the European Union celebrated the 60th anniversary of the Treaties of Rome, which established 'an ever-closer union' as a fundamental principle for European regional integration. Only four days later, the United Kingdom delivered an official letter triggering its withdrawal process from the Community. How could we comprehend Brexit integrative and disintegrative dynamics to the EU? The UK's decision to leave the EU alongside recent crises in the Community and the spread of Eurosceptic movements fostered studies about disintegration dynamics. This article presents the current debate about differentiated (dis)integration based on up-to-date related literature. Next, it proposes a framework to assess the recent shifts in the UK-EU relationship and its contradictory effects on the EU project. The main argument of the paper is that the UK's relationship with the European Union moved from an internal differentiated integration to a proposal of internal differentiated disintegration and, thereafter, to a process of external differentiated disintegration. Moreover, although Brexit means disintegration by one Member State, its effects on the EU project are mixed, initially promoting an integrative boom among the EU27 members, while at the same time neglecting disintegrating forces that could undermine the traditional European integration model. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper focuses on an analysis of the sovereignty of two territorial entities that have unique relations with the United Kingdom: the Crown Dependencies and the British Overseas Territories (BOTs). Each of these entities includes very different territories, with different legal statuses and varying forms of self-administration and constitutional linkages with the UK. However, they also share similarities and challenges that enable an analysis of these territories as a complete set. The incomplete sovereignty of the Crown Dependencies and BOTs has entailed that all these territories (except Gibraltar) have not been allowed to participate in the 2016 Brexit referendum or in the withdrawal negotiations with the EU. Moreover, it is reasonable to assume that Brexit is not an exceptional situation. In the future there will be more and more relevant international issues for these territories which will remain outside of their direct control, but will have a direct impact on them. Thus, if no adjustments are made to their statuses, these territories will have to keep trusting that the UK will be able to represent their interests at the same level as its own interests. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

As EU citizens and a 'middling' migrant group in the UK, Finns have been able to exercise a relatively limitless existence in Britain. However, this freedom became threatened after the Brexit referendum. Through a digital ethnographic approach, this paper shows that the result of the Brexit referendum turned Finns' translocal placemaking in the UK from being practiced by social bodies to being negotiated by political bodies and contributes to literature about translocal placemaking as receptive to disruptions. The referendum disrupted Finns' translocal place-making processes on personal and societal levels, cutting through both active, embodied processes in the UK and virtual, imagined processes in Finland. The referendum imposed newly experienced otherness and conditionality to the ability to participate in the British society. It did, however, also create translocal attachments towards both the UK and Finland. Through its disruptive nature, the event of the Brexit vote embedded itself in the future place-making orientations and narratives of the Finns in the UK, potentially having an impact on their future translocal trajectories and imaginaries. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Through a combination of research and reportage, this paper examines the immediate impact the 23 June 2016 pro-Brexit vote in the UK has had on scholarly research, its funding, the reputations of British universities and the scholarly publishing business. It documents industry speculation about what Brexit's long-term impact on the academic community could be. And through interviews with executives at a variety of six small, medium and large publishers of UK scholarly journals, the paper explores publishers' business plans in the wake of the UK's decision to separate from the European Union (EU). While academia nearly uniformly sees Brexit as disastrous for the funding of research in the UK and the ability of British researchers to collaborate with their EU colleagues, publishers see business opportunities in the pound's sharp decline in response to the pro- Brexit vote and on the whole believe that Brexit will have little negative long-term impact on their publishing business. Some are, however, concerned about the quantity and quality of the articles that will be available for publication as well as their potentially diminished impact. There is also uncertainty as to the legal and regulatory ramifications of Brexit on scholarly publishing and the new global competition it may engender. The paper examines how publishers can protect their businesses, increase the value of their content and differentiate their brand in the wake of Brexit's financial, political, regulatory and academic uncertainty. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper analyzed some of the reasons why Britain participated only half-way in the European Union and ended up voting for Bremen on 23 June 2016. It also examines the options open to the European Union and Great Britain. Europe must show that it can work by showing results. In Britain it is necessary to break the established molds of thought and reshape the structure of political parties. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]