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This paper introduces a set of papers analysing the likely economic impact of Brexit across key aspects of the UK economy as the country comes to the end of its first full year outside the European Union. The Brexit vote in 2016 was not just a vote on the UK's relations with the institutions of the European Union but was also a referendum on the fractured state of the UK as a nation. The resulting conflation of Brexit with domestic economic policy debates is reflected in this issue. A first cluster of papers focuses on the consequences of choosing to abandon the 'four freedoms' enshrined in the Treaty of Europe, the free movement of goods, services, capital, and labour across the EU, and a second is concerned with the indirect effects of Brexit in those areas of domestic policy that have been opened up by the Brexit decision. The economic consequences of Brexit are only just emerging, but these papers provide an informed perspective on the state of debate, and the likely implications of Brexit across a range of policy areas, both international and domestic. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

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This paper analyzes recent developments in the British and European government bond markets with reference to the UK's decision to leave the European Union. The two main goals of the study are, firstly, to examine whether the Brexit referendum result has affected the risk premium and, secondly, whether there are any changes in risk pricing following the referendum. The paper finds a significant impact of the Brexit referendum on the risk premium in selected economies. Furthermore, the results suggest that there is a considerable change in risk pricing after the announcement of the referendum result. Credit default risk and the risk aversion play a much important role in the post-referendum period than they did prior to the vote, particularly in the UK. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The initial stage of the COVID-19 vaccine rollout has been slow-moving and marred by supply disruptions in the EU. These problems have triggered severe criticism toward the institutions and highlighted a stark contrast compared to Britain's vaccination campaign, which, at the beginning of 2021, was one of the fastest in the continent. In the ensuing debate between the EU and the UK on their uneven vaccination rates, the Brexit argument has been repeatedly invoked: Some political commentators have argued that the reason why COVID-19 vaccination campaign could run so smoothly in Britain is that the country was not held back by the EU's slow approval process. This paper observes the way in which Britain emphasized its blistering vaccination pace to deflect criticism against Brexit. From a discursive perspective, Britain's vaccine success was used to vindicate the Brexit project, providing a new argument in favour of its indispensable and timely nature. At the other end of a binary rhetoric, the EU officials attempted to shatter confidence in the 'British vaccine', while also depositing blame on other factors triggering the EU's delay, such as the shortage of pharmaceutical supplies. The analytical part of this paper foregrounds strategies of discursive legitimation to observe how, and to what extent, the Brexit debate is being reshaped in UK and EU media by looking at a corpus of political tweets. The rhetorical strategies adopted by UK political leaders and EU officials to (de)legitimise national and supranational choices with reference to the COVID-19 vaccination campaign are observed through the lens of Critical Discourse Analysis as it embraces the idea that discursive acts are in dialectical relation to the social and institutional structures in which they are framed. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The UK left the European single market in energy on 31 December 2020, having been a leading light in its promotion. It entered into a new energy relationship with the EU-27 as outlined in the EU–UK Trade and Cooperation Agreement (TCA) on 1 January 2021. This paper discusses what has happened to the UK energy sector since the Brexit referendum of June 2016. Since our previous paper on this topic in 2017, there has been a significant clarification in the impact of Brexit on the energy sector in the UK. We outline what the TCA says about energy. We then discuss the current and potential future effects of Brexit on the UK electricity and gas systems in turn. We observe that the likely economic welfare impacts on electricity are larger than the impacts on gas, but the overall microeconomic impact appears likely to be modest (but negative). We offer a number of concluding observations. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Research background: The Brexit referendum had a profound effect on the economic relations between the United Kingdom (UK) and continental Europe. Major economic and financial determinants were affected, including the impact of the GBP/EUR exchange rate volatility on the dynamics of UK exports to the Eurozone. Purpose of the article: This paper seeks to assess the extent to which these dynamics have changed since Brexit and to estimate the magnitude of their impact. Methods: To this end, the volatility behavior of the GBP/EUR exchange rate before and after Brexit is captured using EWMA, GARCH(p,q), and EGARCH(p,q) models for the period of January 1, 2010 to August 31, 2020. The post-Brexit change in the volatility structure of GBP/EUR exchange rates is then tested by including a dummy in the optimal volatility model. Finally, the Autoregressive Distributed Lag (ARDL) Bounds Testing approach is employed to analyze the relationships between exchange rate volatility and exports. Findings & value added: GARCH(1,1) was selected as the winning model and used to examine the volatility structure of the post-Brexit exchange rate, which revealed no significant change. By incorporating a well-grounded proxy for exchange rate volatility into the demand function of exports, and controlling for the industrial production index, terms of trade, and real exchange rate, the analysis showed that exchange rate volatility had a negative impact on export volume to the Eurozone in both the long and short run. Additionally, the industrial production index had a positive effect on export volume in both the long and short run, while an appreciation in the value of the pound relative to the euro adversely affected the competitiveness of UK exports in the Eurozone market in the long run, with no impact in the short run. This paper serves as a benchmark for future studies, as it follows a three-step modeling approach and provides valuable insights into the potential economic and financial consequences a European Union (EU) member state may face should it choose to exit the EU. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper provides an empirical analysis of the novel Autumn by Scottish author Ali Smith, published in 2016. Our study seeks to contribute to the understanding of the way the author has chosen to represent the cultural and generational gaps on the background of Brexit in the UK in her novel, by providing an in-depth stylistic analysis dwelling on the author's linguistic choices. The applicative part of our study will provide a stylistic investigation of the selected literary text, bringing to the fore the main linguistic features and the symbols the author has chosen in order to depict the general state of the nation and to underline the divisions and the fractions born as a consequence of the 2016 referendum in the UK. This study addresses several issues related to the cultural and generational gaps already existing in the pre-Brexit period in the UK, which are reflected in Ali Smith's novel. Smith, who considers that all Brexit did was to reveal these gaps, underlines the fact that these misuderstandings and differences had already been there before the UK's decision to withdraw from the European bloc. The main objective of this paper is to provide a stylistic analysis with special focus on the symbols and symbolism identified in the selected literary text, be they people, marks, locations, or material objects, representing something beyond the literal meaning. Our analysis fosters a more in-depth understanding of the selected literary text, uncovering the hidden yet essential aspects of the novel. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Introduction: It is well-known that after the most significant enlargement of the EU in 2004, a great number of migrants from the Visegrad countries (V4), including Slovakia, decided to seek new opportunities in the UK. This has been reflected in numerous studies illustrating the consequences for British society and particularly the negative shift of Britons' attitudes towards migrants. The fatal mixture of political populism, media influence and social issues subsequently led to a referendum with the unexpected outcome of Britain leaving the EU, otherwise known as Brexit. Objectives: The main objective of the research presented in this paper was to examine the social, economic, legal and political consequences of Brexit and its impact on the migrant strategies of the Slovaks living in the UK. Methods: We used qualitative-research methods in the form of 30 in-depth semi-structured interviews online after the Covid-19 pandemic forced the original plan of interviewing the participants face-to-face to be abandoned. The approach used in the interviews was biographical, addressing the migrants' personal history (in respect to migration), present (in respect to Brexit) and future (in respect to both Brexit and migration). However, the final themes and questions included in the interviews was also affected by the pandemic which had largely replaced Brexit as the main cause of the migrants' concerns and had to be reflected. Results: A qualitative analysis of the collected data showing that Brexit did not alter the migration strategies of those 30 Slovak research participants, especially those from the post-EU-admission migration wave. They did not intend to go back to Slovakia and did not perceive any immediate negative impact of Brexit on their lives. Moreover, they believe that Britain would easily sustain and deal with any potential trouble resulting from Brexit. However, the focus of this paper is on those who emigrated before 2004 and can see the UK, their own lives and consequences of major political decisions in a broader perspective. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The aim of this paper is to explore the impact of Brexit on national identities. Particular focus is on British expatriates prior to and in the aftermath of the Brexit referendum held in June 2016 in the sense that Britain's withdrawal from the EU raised concern about their identities in Europe. The paper uses media framing as a methodological tool in order to gain a better understanding of the way British daily newspapers represented British expatriates' worries about Brexit. Corpus of the study, consisting in a selection of 200 articles from the Sun and the Daily Mail, is qualitatively analyzed in a bid to find out the way such newspapers framed Brexit in relation to British expatriates. Media frames are also juxtaposed to Ipsos Mori and YouGov polls dealing with Brexit and related issues to gain a better insight into media effects. Results of the study reveal that media frames seemed to have had a major impact on British expatriates, increasing their concern about their national identity to the extent that some of them decided to apply for another citizenship within the EU to keep their rights as EU citizens. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

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Brexit, i.e. the withdrawal of the United Kingdom from the European Union, is a major event in European and global politics. It has been debated from a multitude of social, economic, and cultural angles. This paper offers a cognitive linguistic perspective on Brexit, and investigates its metaphoric conceptualization on the first days after the 2016 referendum. That period seems especially important as, arguably, it was then that for many UK citizens, Brexit suddenly became more than just a hypothetical possibility. The investigation is quantitative and follows Socio-cognitive discourse studies principles. It registers frequencies of source-domain use in UK online media, and traces preferences as to general source-domain semantics. The findings strongly suggest the presence of negative source-domain preferences. This negative metaphoric construal comes in stark contrast with the 3-year par between the Leave and Remain stances in the UK. To explain that discrepancy, the paper argues in support of the importance of 'levels' in source-domain use. Admittedly, throughout Lakovian works (e.g., Lakoff and Johnson, 1980, 1999), conceptual metaphoric transfer has been argued to take place at what Rosch et al. postulate as basic-level categorization (1973). However, as the present paper suggests, Rosch's 'levels' in prototypology can be seen as functioning through conceptual metonymy. That, in its turn, combined with the all-pervasive cognitive mechanism of spreading activation (first introduced into linguistics by de Beaugrande and Dressler in 1981) suggests all semantic levels can be co-activated in the process of metaphorization, regardless of which level is currently being highlighted and drawn on. As a consequence, different semantic levels are believed here to have the potential to co-influence inferences and connotations resulting from conceptual metaphorization. Thus, the approach adopted in the present study also has the potential to explain why it has been so difficult for scholars to pinpoint and formulate metaphoric transfers. Importantly, the 'levels' proposed here should be differentiated from, although not interpreted as contradicting, the metaphor-relevant levels specified in Kövecses (2010). [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The Brexit vote in 2016 caused consternation in higher education circles. Financial and reputational questions were raised concerning: the number of students from EU countries coming to study in the UK; the ability of the sector to retain and recruit staff from the EU; the threats to research funding; and the ability of UK students to study abroad. This paper tracks developments since then. Much remains uncertain and the picture has been complicated by the impact of Covid-19. Though enrolments of EU citizens for the 2021–22 academic year have fallen dramatically, this has been more than offset by larger numbers of UK entrants and entrants from non-EU countries. The main immediate threat is to research funding, partly because of restricted access to EU programmes and partly because of constrained government spending. The longer-term threat is to the sector's relationship with European academia. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper uses a small and simple theoretical DSGE model in order to conduct some exercises in comparative dynamics of shocks that can be associated with Brexit. We do so by comparing two policy environments, one where a flexible macroprudential regulation (FMR) is in place and one, where this is not the case. This enables us to evaluate whether and to what extent FMR helps to mitigate the Brexit related shocks. We conclude that FMR would indeed be helpful, although in quantitative terms only slightly so. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

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Copyright of Contexto Internacional is the property of Pontificia Universidade Catolica do Rio de Janeiro, Instituto de Relacoes Internacionais and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

The paper focuses on the European Parliament (EP) elections seen as a tool for migrant political participation. When migrating for work, EU migrants do not always consider naturalization as an optimal arrangement, being satisfied with rights connected with their EU citizenship. Therefore, in terms of voting strategies, they often limit their voting rights to those connected with the institutions of their country of birth. However, the particular political context might create additional motivation for participation in EP elections. I would argue that such a particular situation did occur in the United Kingdom in May 2019, when many EU migrants decided to exercise their right to vote in EP elections. Furthermore, many of them were then denied this right, which has been attributed by some to the lack of efficiency on part of British institutions. The paper will look at the institution of the European Parliament elections, analyzing both the normative justification of the formal arrangements and the empirical dimension of 2019 EP Elections in the United Kingdom in the context of the ongoing processes of Brexit. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The relationship between the United Kingdom and the European Union has always been tumultuous and problematic, and European integration has always been a controversial topic in the UK's contemporary politics. However, current research on the Brexit referendum's news discourse hardly addresses this topic directly. Therefore, this paper analyses the discursive construction of the UK versus the EU during the campaign coverage of the Brexit referendum in major British broadsheets. To do so, a corpus of four major British broadsheets along ideological lines (left-right) and Brexit stance (Leave-Remain) was analysed by applying a mixed method approach of Corpus Assisted Discourse Studies (Discursive News Values Analysis along with some Corpus Linguistic tools and techniques). The way news values were adopted in the campaign coverage of the British broadsheets shows a certain continuation of historical discourses around the relationship of the entities. The results show that news values during the campaign coverage were adopted by the pro-leave outlets to construct a highly negative and elite-associated image of the EU in contrast to the UK, while the pro-remain broadsheets mostly focused on a limited, practical and economic argument in favour of the EU, maintaining and highlighting the importance of UK independence. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper analyses the effect of trade policy uncertainty in a customs union on export‐platform foreign direct investment (FDI). First, I develop a partial equilibrium framework with heterogeneous firms based on the proximity–concentration trade‐off that involves trade policy uncertainty about trade costs inside a customs union. Second, I derive an empirical equation that I test by exploiting the 2016 Brexit referendum as a natural experiment and using data on manufacturing greenfield FDI projects. The results show that trade policy uncertainty impacted negatively the decisions of firms to invest in export‐platform activities in the UK following the Brexit referendum. Moreover, I find that extra‐EU manufacturing firms preferred EU countries as opposed to the UK for new investments after the 2016 referendum. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

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Copyright of Carta Internacional is the property of Associacao Brasileira de Relacoes Internacionais and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Nowadays, increase of analyzing stock markets as complex systems lead graph theory to play a key role. For instance, detecting graph communities is an important task in the analysis of stocks, and as planar maximally filtered graphs let us to get important information for the topology of the market. In this study, we first obtain correlation network representation of UK's leading stock market network by using a novel threshold method. Then, we determine vertex clusters by using modularity and analyze clusters in planar maximally filtered graph substructures. Our analyze include a new measure called weighted Gini index for measuring the sparsity. The main goal of this paper is to study the hierarchical evolution of the market communities throughout the Brexit referendum, which is known as the stress period for the stock market. Hence, the overall sample is divided into two sub-periods of pre-referendum, and post-referendum to obtain communities and hierarchical structures. Our results indicate that financial companies are leading elements of the clusters. Moreover, the significant changes within the network topologies are observed for insurance, consumer goods, consumer services, mining, and technology sectors whereas oil and gas and health care sectors have not been affected by Brexit stress. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Discourse related to any political event is a portrayal of the views of the participants involved. These views in turn are based on the underlying ideologies, beliefs and, concepts. Intertextual connections, among other aspects of discourse, make a discourse more meaningful and understandable in a given context. This article is an attempt to bring to light the various shades of discourse of Brexit, in terms of its participants and characteristics that emerged on the canvass of British political scene in the wake of 2016 EU Referendum campaign. Moreover, it goes on to explore instances of intertextual connections in post referendum Brexit discourse. For this purpose, a number of placard images from the "People's Vote march", an anti-Brexit march organized on October 20, 2018, were selected. This paper brings to light the dichotomy of Britons into Leavers and Remainers during Brexit referendum and further bisects them into senders and receivers to elaborate the participants of Brexit discourse. A review of the literature reveals Leavers' discourse to be chiefly based on populism, Euroscepticism, British sovereignty, global Britain, anti-immigration, racism, misrepresentation of facts and discreet handling of language by the leaders of leave camp. On the contrary, it is found that Remainers' discourse mainly relied on regarding immigrants as strength of UK and EU membership as a source of imparting stability and productivity to the UK on the one hand and on highlighting the loss of healthcare benefits to the UK and NHS and prevalence of unemployment on the other hand. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Collected Papers of the Law Faculty of the University of Rijeka / Zbornik Pravnog Fakulteta Sveučilišta u Rijeci is the property of Pravni fakultet Sveucilista u Rijeci and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

This paper addresses how a group of predominantly EU citizens discussed Brexit, the UK and its relationship with the EU between 2016 and 2020. These discussions took place on Debating Europe, an online platform that invites EU citizens to debate topics relating to the EU and, thereby, aims to strengthen the EU-wide public sphere (H. Rivett, personal communication, June 11, 2019). Against the backdrop of past discourse analytical research on the UK-EU relationship and considerations regarding the EU/European public sphere, I home in on discussions posted between the 2016 referendum and 'Brexit day' in January 2020. Using NVivo's case classification, I exclude postings that identify the poster as a UK national. The resulting data set consists predominantly of postings by EU citizens and is examined with a focus on various linguistic and discursive parameters, such as referential and predication strategies and intertextual references. Findings indicate that Brexit is understood as particularly disadvantageous for the UK. While Brexit is also depicted as negative for the EU in some postings, there are also postings that suggest that the UK has never been an integral part of the EU and that Brexit might not be problematic for the EU at all. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In 2003 the Commission on European Contract Law (hereinafter: CECL) published the Principles of European Contract Law Part III (hereinafter: PECL III) which contained the provisions on EU set-off (hereinafter: EU model law of set-off). These are soft law provisions whose text was the result of the work of the most prominent academics from EU Member States. Considering that the Germanic, Romanic, and English set-off models coexist on the territory of the EU, the EU model law of set-off represents a reconciliation of the different private law traditions and models of set-off. During the 25 years since the adoption of the EU model law of set-off, several significant changes have occurred in the EU, which relate to its set-off law directly and indirectly. The most significant change is certainly the issue of Brexit and the possibility of Great Britain leaving the EU. Furthermore, it is important to note that automatic set-off was abandoned in France, which means it has replaced the Romanic set-off model with the German model. This paper starts with the context in which the European set-off rules were adopted. Then, the author identifies the nomotechnical and practical deficiencies in the EU model law of set-off in the context of the changed circumstances in the EU. The final part of the paper presents propositions for the change of the existing EU model law of set-off, which would help overcome the identified deficiencies and gaps. Consideration is also given to the question of whether, after Brexit and the change in the French set-off rules, the provisions of the EU model law of set-off which were influenced by English and French set-off laws should be removed. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

I review trends in migration to the UK since the Brexit referendum, examining first the sharp fall in net migration from the EU that resulted, and then the recent more dramatic exodus of foreign-born residents during the covid-19 pandemic. I describe the new post-Brexit system, and review studies which attempt to estimate both the impact on future migration flows and on GDP and GDP per capita. Finally, I discuss the wider economic impact of the new system and some of the policy implications. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article revisits the issue of UK regional policy 5 years after the Brexit referendum. Though the mechanisms to replace EU regional investment funds are not yet in place, much has changed both in terms of understanding, and of policy relating to regional development, in the post-Brexit UK. These changes include the acknowledgement of wide regional variations in productivity and the UK government commitment to the 'levelling up' agenda. This has led to a number of policy initiatives, including revision of the Green Book and new funding intended to support 'levelling up'. In addition, Brexit has necessitated the introduction of legislation to regulate the UK internal market. Its particular form may undermine the current constitutional settlement. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In the UK's 2016 Brexit referendum, young voters were more likely than their elders to support remaining in the European Union. Using half a century of data and new techniques, we find that recent cohorts tend to be more pro‐European than their predecessors, but that voters also become more sceptical towards Europe as they age. Much of the pro‐Europeanism of recent cohorts is associated with greater years of education. We also document large nationwide swings in sentiment that have little to do with age or cohort effects. These time effects are plausibly associated with, inter alia, macroeconomic fluctuations, financial conditions and geopolitical circumstances, but they also could have other sources. They dominate the impact of the estimated age and cohort effects and will crucially determine future UK support for membership in the European Union. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of International Relations / Uluslararasi Iliskiler is the property of International Relations Council and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

The European Union project is strongly challenged today by the historical decision of United Kingdom's citizens to exit from this structure, with all consequences assumed. United Kingdom will be the first nation that will quit this ambitious initiative and the decision is transmitted by the organized national referendum's results in this respect. The population's opinion expressed by a huge number of voting persons should be taken into consideration by British politicians and transposed very soon into political actions that could have a strong and clear economic impact on both sides. This paper will discuss the possible economic consequences of such historical decision, including potential effects on a small country like Romania. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper focuses on an analysis of the sovereignty of two territorial entities that have unique relations with the United Kingdom: the Crown Dependencies and the British Overseas Territories (BOTs). Each of these entities includes very different territories, with different legal statuses and varying forms of self-administration and constitutional linkages with the UK. However, they also share similarities and challenges that enable an analysis of these territories as a complete set. The incomplete sovereignty of the Crown Dependencies and BOTs has entailed that all these territories (except Gibraltar) have not been allowed to participate in the 2016 Brexit referendum or in the withdrawal negotiations with the EU. Moreover, it is reasonable to assume that Brexit is not an exceptional situation. In the future there will be more and more relevant international issues for these territories which will remain outside of their direct control, but will have a direct impact on them. Thus, if no adjustments are made to their statuses, these territories will have to keep trusting that the UK will be able to represent their interests at the same level as its own interests. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

There has been increased interest in trade policy following the UK's EU membership referendum. However, relatively little scholarly analysis has been produced on how Brexit will affect EU trade policy. Instead, the received wisdom has been that Brexit will shift the EU's trade policy position in a less liberal direction. This is based on a 'static' analysis where the UK variable is simply removed from the figurative 'function' determining EU trade policy. We argue that this neglects the potential role of more 'dynamic' effects. First, the negotiations to determine the nature of the EU-UK future economic partnership are likely to involve a lengthy process with a still uncertain, and possibly evolving, destination. The outcome and process of arriving there will influence how economic operators and policymakers adapt their preferences and behaviour, including through possible relocation and the formation of new alliances. This will shape EU trade policy in potentially counterintuitive ways. Second, the absence of clear material structures from which actors can 'read' their interests highlights the importance of considering the role of ideas and political framing. How the vote for and consequences of Brexit are interpreted will likely shape what is considered an appropriate policy response. Examining EU trade policy since the Brexit vote, the article finds that rather than push the EU in a more illiberal direction, the referendum result has been used to reinforce the European Commission's external liberalisation agenda. The Commission's discursive response to Brexit and Donald Trump has been to portray the EU as a champion of free trade in an era of global populism. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Motivation: The United Kingdom has been triggered Article 50 of the Lisbon Treaty on 29th March 2017 and formally has been begun Britain’s exit from EU. The Withdrawal Agreement entered into force on 1 February 2020. The very announcement of Brexit aroused many concerns and uncertainty. The Withdrawal has taken place in an orderly manner, the UK and the EU remain in close partnership with new agreements. Such a significant institutional change also may affect economy and indirectly macroeconomic stability. Aim: This research aims to identify and assess the changes in macroeconomic stability in United Kingdom, from the year before the Brexit referendum to the first year outside the EU, i.e. in 2015–2021. Results: The method used in the study is a comparative analysis that employs a macroeconomic stabilization pentagon model (MSP). The macroeconomic stabilization pentagon is based on the GDP growth rate, the unemployment rate, the inflation rate, the budget balance and the current account balance. Time range of research is 2015–2021. The MSP indicators for United Kingdom and EU-27 are compared. In the period 2015–2018, i.e. during the uncertainty as to the results of the Withdrawal Agreement negotiation, the MSP index fluctuates slightly, which we interpret as very small changes in macroeconomic stability. The UK’s macroeconomic stability has fallen dramatically in 2020, the first year out of the EU. It is worth emphasizing that the UK’s macroeconomic stability was lower than EU-27one throughout the period studied. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper analyzed some of the reasons why Britain participated only half-way in the European Union and ended up voting for Bremen on 23 June 2016. It also examines the options open to the European Union and Great Britain. Europe must show that it can work by showing results. In Britain it is necessary to break the established molds of thought and reshape the structure of political parties. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Brexit was ostensibly about the assertion of sovereignty of the UK parliament in taking back control from the EU. The UK government believed it could reimpose the traditional sovereignty view practised prior to joining the then European Economic Community. However, changes since then mean that within the UKs ambiguous constitutional order account must be taken of the 1998 devolution of certain powers to Scotland, Wales, and Northern Ireland. This article addresses this sovereignty dilemma in post-Brexit UK against a background of both EU withdrawal and regional differentiation. The UK government's post-Brexit push for centralisation has raised the stakes as regions seek to accommodate the centripetal force of their intra-UK economic relations with the centrifugal force of their culture and identity. It is argued that path dependence formed from the shared experience of the evolving institution of devolution promotes that accommodation thereby offering a path to a viable and unified UK. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The Brexit referendum highlights the apparently anomalous role of the "people" in the constitutional order of the United Kingdom. Politically speaking, its verdict is acknowledged as unassailable and unaccountable, yet this "sovereign" status has no legal grounds. In turn, some commentators have argued that this discrepancy between "political" and "legal" understandings of popular sovereignty—or the failure to properly institutionalize popular sovereignty in a legal-constitutional form—represents a distinct site of constitutional crisis in its own right. However, I argue that such claims of constitutional anomaly, or of British exceptionalism in this regard, are misplaced. While the Brexit scenario seems to express the destabilizing and disruptive potential of a popular sovereign that exceeds or evades constitutional recognition, this is in no sense a peculiarity of the British constitutional order. By its nature, popular sovereignty is inexhaustible by constitutional recognition, and so it tends to retain such disruptive potential regardless of whatever constitutional form it is assigned. Thus, critics of the British constitutional status quo overestimate the capacity of constitutional law in general to regulate or domesticate the expression of popular sovereignty via referendums. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The aim of the article was to select and analyze keywords concerning central Brexit-related themes found in chosen speeches delivered in the years 2013-2021 by politicians from three British parties: the Conservative Party, the Labour Party, and the Brexit Party. The decision regarding Brexit had been made as a result of the referendum in which a slight majority of British citizens had voted for the United Kingdom of Great Britain and Northern Ireland to leave the EU. Via a pragmatic analysis conducted with the help of the program AntConc on a sample of one hundred transcripts of chosen speeches from sources such as the official UK government website and media websites, two keywords that played a crucial role in the discourse on Brexit were chosen, namely leave and remain. They appeared in the speeches of members of all three parties mentioned above. In their rhetorical and persuasive speeches delivered before the referendum, the politicians tried to convince the British society to support Brexit or be against it. In their speeches given after the referendum, they accented, e.g., that the decision made by the majority of the voters needs to be honoured. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Brexit is not only a major political event in Britain and an important node in the development of European integration, but also has an important impact on transatlantic relationship. Before Brexit, the UK occupied a unique position in EU-US relations, serving as a necessary bridge between the two and shaping the EU in a way that suited the US interests. However, Brexit has profoundly changed the EU, driving internal power structure shifts and policy adjustments. It will also change how EU and the US interact with each other and pose new challenges to the evolving transatlantic relationship. In the unfolding of “Great Changes Unseen in a Century”, the transatlantic relationship is undergoing profound adjustments, and Brexit has become a critical internal variable in this process. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article attempts to prove that the sense of English identity and English nationalism were two key factors in the UK's decision to withdraw from the European Union and indicates the evolution of the Eurosceptic attitude in the UK to the point at which UK's citizens were divided by the referendum in 2016 into two categories: Brexiters and Remainers. In adopting a socio-cultural perspective, it provides an empirical analysis of a survey made in 2012 by the Future of England regarding English nationalism and the way such attitudes as Euroscepticism, Britishness or Englishness affected the results of the 2016 EU referendum in the UK. It starts with the main features of nationalism in UK's component countries (Black 2021) and ends with a few personal conclusions regarding the way the Eurosceptic attitude was used by the Brexiters' campaign in order to achieve its purpose. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The purpose of this article is to assess whether the withdrawal of the United Kingdom (UK) from the European Union (EU) may entail the revival of the early bilateral agreements between the UK and EU member states. The main claim is that the earlier bilateral agreements may be reinstated pursuant to international law, but the revival is substantially narrowed due to the limitations arising from EU law and the new EU - UK legal framework. This is based on the argument that the earlier bilateral agreements were not terminated or suspended in operation, and remain in force with limited application. After providing the outline of the new legal relations between the EU and the UK, the article analyses the framework provided for subsequent agreements in the Vienna Convention on the Law of Treaties and the case-law of international tribunals. The current analysis draws implications for a revival from EU Treaties and the case-law of the Court of Justice of the EU. Finally, general considerations are provided as applied to agreements in the two specific fields reviewed, namely aviation and coordination of social security. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In the so-called Brexit referendum which took place on 23 June 2016, a slim majority of British citizens voted in favour of the United Kingdom leaving the EU. Following this decision, the United Kingdom officially withdrew from the European Union on 31 January 2020. On both occasions, British newspapers responded with a series of articles and front pages where they elaborated on various arguments for and against Brexit and declared sides in the Brexit campaign. The following study, which focuses on the UK's withdrawal from the EU, is based on Brexit-related front pages and articles from print and online editions of British newspapers published in both June 2016 and late January/early February 2020. The analysed periodicals represent diverging viewpoints: some argued against Brexit, whereas others backed the Leave campaign. The main points of interest are the intertextual techniques implied in the analysed media texts, ranging from direct quotation to (visual) allusion. They are viewed and discussed as means of (1) revealing the stance of the analysed newspapers; (2) extending the meaning of a given text; (3) attracting attention; and, last but not least, (4) "infotainment", i.e. involving and entertaining the readership. The conducted analysis proves visual allusions based on British and European national symbols as well as structural allusions to films, songs and works of literature, proverbs and fixed phrases to be a widely applied journalistic strategy in the British media coverage of Brexit. Carefully targeted by producers of media and appropriately decoded by the readership not only do they fulfil a meaning-making and evaluative function but first and foremost provide entertainment, enhance the attractiveness and thus maintain and/or increase the circulation of the newspaper in question. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This Article highlights the legal and procedural restrictions a Member States faces during its withdrawal from the EU and subsequent talks on a future trade relationship by analyzing the unprecedented case of the UK. One such restriction consists of an obligation to negotiate withdrawal as a result of the principle of sincere cooperation. Other limits derive from the withdrawal process itself, designed as it was by the European institutions on the basis of a very scant Article 50 TEU. By then comparing the three substantive pillars of the EU-UK WA—citizens' rights, the financial settlement, and the Irish border— with the UK's initial negotiating red lines, I offer two conclusions: That the aforementioned constraints on the withdrawing state can significantly weaken the defense of its interests during its withdrawal process and that having to agree to important issues in a first and separate stage of "orderly withdrawal" talks also diminishes the state's bargaining power with regards to the next stage of negotiating a future partnership with the EU. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Brexit makes both a direct and an indirect impact on the European Parliament (EP). The most direct consequence is the withdrawal of the 73-member strong UK contingent and the changing size of the political groups. Yet, the impact of Brexit is also felt in more oblique ways. Focussing on the role and influence of the EP in the EU--UK negotiations, and of the British delegation in the EP, this article shows that the process, and not just the outcome of Brexit, has significant organisational implications for the EP and its political groups.Moreover, it also showcases the importance of informal rules and norms of behaviour, which were affected by Brexit well ahead of any formal change to the UK status as a Member State. The EP and its leadership ensured the active involvement of the EP in the negotiating process--albeit in different ways for the withdrawal agreement and the future relationship--and sought to minimise the costs of Brexit, reducing the clout of British members particularly in the allocation of legislative reports. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Brexit has far-reaching consequences for Europe and the European single market for financial transactions. In particular in this field, the UK has had a strong influence in drafting European policies and legislation as the City of London has acted as the financial hub in Europe for several decades. As a result, the UK has spearheaded the call for more market friendly legislation with the support of some other EU member states. This went against the wishes of several other EU member states, where a stronger rule-based approach to financial markets was strongly preferred, in particular after the financial crisis clearly demonstrated weaknesses in the macroeconomic oversight of European financial markets. With the UK leaving, the call for more stringent legislation will gain momentum as the political leadership among the remaining 27 EU member states will shift and might be looking to curtail the long-standing dominant position of the UK in the field of financial industries. In this light, several leaders of EU27member states have already voiced their support for their nations' financial hub to become the next City of London. This would lead to a substantial change in leadership in European finance post-Brexit. This contribution assesses the impact of Brexit on the changes in political leadership on the governance of European financial markets, as they might ultimately be reflected in the institutional outcomes and policies. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The issue of protection of rights in a post-Brexit UK has been largely absent from either the final rounds of EU/UK negotiations or the internal UK debate, other than in regard to Northern Ireland and citizen rights. The UK will leave the EU with little certainty as to how various rights, now ‘brought home’, will be protected and enforced. The protection of rights in the UK has been dependent on a multi-layered framework including EU institutions. The UK’s withdrawal from the EU will produce gaps in this overall institutional framework. Rights protection is likely to be further diluted through Brexit’s unsettling of the UK’s constitutional arrangements within its current rights-averse political environment. This article adopts an institutional approach to assess the implications of Brexit for the UK’s protection of rights. It argues that even with some regulatory alignment between the EU and the UK, inadequate institutional arrangements risk undermining current levels of protection. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Przeglad Sejmowy is the property of Kancelaria Sejmu and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

The article analyses the consequences of the withdrawal of the United Kingdom from the European Union, particularly the political effects of its decision. In the first place, it addresses the holding of the referendum, and the decision to withdraw, as a paradigmatic example of the so-called "new politics" that has given special prominence to the so-called populist forces in Western societies. Then, the peculiar negotiation between the UK and the EU to establish a withdrawal agreement is examined. Next, the different forms of commercial ties that the EU currently maintains with third States are identified as a reference to the agreement that may be established with the United Kingdom. Finally, the viability of the Global Britain project as a future strategy to regain a position of international influence is evaluated. The conclusion reached is the paradox that Brexit represents, as the United Kingdom has launched a traumatic, uncertain and divisive process to achieve an international, political and commercial position, which in objective terms will be indisputably worse than the one it left. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Since the Brexit referendum, the UK government has deployed a vision of 'Global Britain' revolving around trade agreements, yet, this was not a key issue in the referendum. Drawing on politicisation literature, we explore the absence of visible activism around future trade policy, in contrast to moderate activity around the EU-US Transatlantic Trade and Investment Partnership (TTIP). We identify actors in UK TTIP mobilisation and trace their actions post-referendum, revealing politicisation as campaigners participate in channels for attempting to influence future UK trade policy. In the presence of these channels and lack of full clarity on future policy, to date, recourse to visible mobilisation in the public space has not yet occurred. Tracing this dynamic process, intertwining Brexit and trade policy, enables us to understand how politicisation of one process affects another. Crucially, given the context of re-nationalisation of trade policy, it allows us to explore how politicisation is operationalised in the absence of one of the key conditions for politicisation suggested in the literature: the transfer of authority to a more remote level of governance. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Trabalhos em Lingüística Aplicada is the property of Universidade Estadual de Campinas - Portal de Periodicos Eletronicos Cientificos and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)