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Political strategy in Indonesia, with its research method quantitative approach with snowball sampling technique with a sample size of 1,200 respondents from 38 provinces. margin of error of approximately 5 percent at a 95 percent confidence level with its data analysis technique descriptive statistics where data analysis is used to describe or summarize the main characteristics of strategic political leadership in Indonesia, its data analysis tool uses SPSS statistics version 26, with a time of 2 years, with its research results where scientific selection and training of workers, the role of civil society, political parties, the military, and do not know with an average of 86%. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

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The article aims to explain Navalny’s team’s political strategy after his arrest, focusing on the activity before the State Duma elections. This is an important issue from the point of view of the impact of leadership on a political organization in a system evolving from a hybrid regime to an authoritarian regime. As confirmed by the author’s research, the organization adapts to new conditions without a leader. Still, it is predestined to disintegrate and reduce the effectiveness of implementing the updated political strategy.

The Prosperous Justice Party (PKS) is an Islamic-based political party that has won the Depok City Regional Election (Pilkada) four times in a row since the first Pilkada was held in the city. The consistent change in leadership in Depok raises questions about PKS’s hegemonic practices to maintain and expand its influence among the people of Depok. This research aims to identify PKS Depok’s hegemonic practices according to Antonio Gramsci’s theory, which emphasizes creating ideological consensus, the role of intellectuals, and political leadership. The study uses qualitative methods, collecting data through interviews and literature review. It is conducted in Depok, focusing on the DPD PKS Depok and the 2020 Depok City regional Election as a case study. The study concludes that Idris-Imam, PKS-backed candidates for Mayor and Vice Mayor of Depok, won the election through the dissemination of the Rahmatan Lil Alamin Islamic ideology, the role of intellectuals such as ustad, and educational institutions, as well as the religious political leadership of Kiai Idris, the former Depok Mayor.

How can we best forge a theoretical practice that directly addresses the struggles of once-colonized countries, many of which face the collapse of both state and society in today’s era of economic reform? David Scott argues that recent cultural theories aimed at “deconstructing” Western representations of the non-West have been successful to a point, but that changing realities in these countries require a new approach. In Refashioning Futures, he proposes a strategic practice of criticism that brings the political more clearly into view in areas of the world where the very coherence of a secular-modern project can no longer be taken for granted. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The problem of distribution and consumption of intoxicating substances is considered a socially harmful phenomenon and Southeast Asia is a region particularly affected by drugs. In the face of this challenge, the heads of many states undertake radical actions, going beyond the legal framework, referred to as state vigilantism. Based on the example of three selected political leaders (Thaksin Shinawatra, Rodrigo Duterte and Joko Widodo), the author points out how radical strategies for fighting the drug problem contribute to increasing popularity, even though the problem has not been resolved since the early 1970s. Cross-comparison analysis of the three mentioned cases aims at identifying sources of effectiveness and attractiveness of populist methods that have not changed significantly for fifty years. Among them the author argues that vigilantism grows out of populism and takes the form of a spectacle containing such elements as dehumanising discourse, extrajudicial killings and the theme of the nation’s morality at risk.

Modern science doesn’t sufficiently disclose the essence and content of strategy (political strategy), even though the term and its derivatives actively circulate in theoretical and political discourse. This highlights the necessity to establish terminological clarity regarding the understanding of strategy. This article reveals the genesis of strategy as a practical management activity and as a science, as well as shows its connection with the military sphere. For a long time, the development of strategy as a science was closely connected to military affairs. The political component in strategy appeared in the 19th century, and has been gradually expanding. To separate political strategy from military and give it an independent scientific status, various authors have attempted to develop such concepts as higher strategy, grand strategy, and state strategy. Throughout time two approaches to understanding strategy emerged: the first focuses mainly on goal-setting, and the second - on coordinating goals with the ways and resources required to achieve them. According to the author, strategy in politics means a purposeful and long-term action program implemented to achieve a designed result. Military strategy acts not only as the highest level of military art, but also as an integral component of state strategy. At the turn of the 2010s attempts were made to conceptualize political strategy, but they did not find further development. The generation of a full-fledged concept of political strategy seems to be heuristic and promising in both theoretical and practical domains.

The purpose of this paper is to describe and analyze the social representations of democracy, populism and the relationship between both concepts in a sample of citizens from different regions of Peru (n = 76). To this end, a qualitative research design was proposed, using in-depth interviews, which were analyzed from a discursive approach. The results show that democracy and populism are two closely related concepts in tension. On the one hand, the social representation of democracy is semantically poor, closely related to electoral behavior and is seen as a political system that, ideally, is positively valued. Populism, on the other hand, is seen as a political strategy based on the manipulation of citizens' needs in order to reach power using the democratic process of elections. The representation of populism in general is negative, and it is mentioned that it appears and acquires strength in the face of citizen dissatisfaction with democracy, when it cannot solve problems of poverty, corruption or exclusion. The representations of populism take up the constitutive components proposed by different authors on the topic (people, elites and democracy as a product of popular will), but the participants do not necessarily structure the relationships between these components as proposed in the academic literature. Finally, the results shows that respondents' experiences with democracy and populism in Peru act as important socializing forces that will frame how citizens relate to politics and the public.

Thearticledealswiththeneedtofurtherimprovement ofthefunctioningofthepoliticalsystemofmodernUkrainiansociety. The relevance of this task is determined by the severity of manifestations of opposition from higher authorities. Today, there is a rather complex and contradictory system of relations between the institution of the head of state and the supreme bodies of all branches of power in Ukraine. The most acute contradictions have developed in the executive branch, which are manifested primarily in the relations between the Office of the President of Ukraine and the Cabinet of Ministers of Ukraine. The author substantiates the objectively existing need to develop new theoretical foundations and define practical tasks for modernizing the political system of modern Ukrainian society. At the same time, the author prioritizes measures to harmonize the foundations of a particular form of government with the most effective practices of organization. The author emphasizes that there are a number of contradictions inherent in the regulatory framework, which significantly complicate the organization of interaction between the supreme bodies of all branches of government. It is emphasized that the process of further development of the political system of Ukrainian society requires a thorough restructuring of the regulatory framework for the organization and functioning of the leading political institutions of modern Ukrainian society. First of all, improvement of the regulatory framework for interaction between the branches of power in Ukraine should be aimed at overcoming the manifestations of power dualism enshrined in the powers of all supreme bodies of state power.The author substantiates the tasks of regulatory support for the main directions of optimization of the political system of Ukrainian society through a more complete implementation of one of the classical forms of government.

The social capital in a general election is understudied compared to the economic capital. This study discusses the social capital of the Nasional Demokrat (Nasdem) party in the 2019 legislative election. Nasdem was in the top three rows of political party seats in the legislative election and won the most votes in the city of Makassar. This study used primary data collected from various related stakeholders: Nasdem’s agent/organizer, Nasdem's legislative candidate, community leader, general election commissioner, and residents/voters. Content analysis based on in-depth interviews found the significant relation of social capital with Nasdem's strategy in winning the 2019 legislative election in Makassar. Therefore, social capital could be a theoretical and practical discussion in a general election, especially for the political party. More specifically, social capital in Nasdem strategy refers to bonding and bridging social capital, which was in the form of disaster care programs, free ambulance, family and friendship relations, and sons of the regions discourse. The study contributes to evidence of social capital implementation to political party strategy for winning the general election.

Women have an important role in politics, where their representation becomes a role model for other women. PAN and PKB are the two parties that won quite a large number of votes in the 2019 elections. However, the percentage of elected women legislators from these two parties does not represent the fulfillment of the 30% quota. This paper analyzes the strategy for selecting women members of PAN and PKB in the 2019 elections, using qualitative research methods. Through interviews and literature searches in the form of books and journals as well as other supporting references, this research yielded several important results. The results of this study indicate that there is a use of resources and funding by women legislators as part of the campaign. As for the differences in the strategy for electing women legislators between the two parties, that PAN women are more on the use of personal social networks and not through ‘Aisyiyah and PUAN. This is different from the PKB, in which elected women legislators use social and political capital from their involvement in Fatayat NU and women of the nation. The supporting factors for the election of both were due to the socio-political capital possessed and the figure of a female legislature member. While the inhibiting factors come from the patriarchal perspective of society as well as competition with male and female legislative candidates, both from the same party and not.

The present article purports to explore the significance of the Japanese case within the context of contemporary populism studies. By appraising the state of political discourse about populism both in select Japanese media and in theoretical and empirical work by political scientists in Japan and in the West concerned with the subject matter, the author seeks to summarize the state of the respective research by arguing that there are three possible ways of providing for a conceptual re-evaluation of the notion of ‘Japanese populism’, while underscoring that there are both similarities and divergences in terms of empirical manifestations of the aforesaid populism, which is duly presented through three case studies of recently most prominent Japanese politicians conceived of as ‘populists’– Jun’ichiro Koizumi, Yuriko Koike, and Toru Hashimoto.

The article is devoted to the unification of the leading left parties of France: Socialist (SP), Communist (FCP), Europe Ecology – The Greens (EEG), France Unbowed (FU) – on the eve of the parliamentary elections on June 12 and 19, 2022, into a single alliance, called New Ecological and Social People’s Union (NESPU). It is analyzed to what extent the efforts made by the leaders of the leading left political forces corresponded to the aspirations of the left electorate. Particular attention is paid to the theoretical provisions of the program adopted by the NESPU, it was educed to what extent the strategy adopted by the Union corresponded to the individual programmes of the parties and what the coalition participants failed to agree on. The socio-cultural section of the NESPU electorate is considered separately. The results of the parliamentary elections for the NESPU are analyzed, the speeches of the deputies of the parties belonging to the Union in parliament on the most important issues of the financial policy of the government of E. Macron for 2023 are shown, and the fault lines between the participants of the NESPU are marked. Based on the results of the study, it was concluded that the newly created coalition of leftist political parties as a whole, despite the considerable differences in political courses, still manages to maintain unity, following the chosen strategy of free voting.

Gaining power by the Justice and Development Party with a democratic and pragmatic face was a new voice in Turkey's political environment which managed to reflect and represent the real issues of the society and be popular with the public. However, since 2013, the ruling Justice and Development Party has transformed from a popular quasi-democratic political party to an exclusionary populist party; In a way that most theorists of populism, many analysts of Turkish issues, as well as writers of prominent news media such as Guardian, Bloomberg, New York Times and Foreign Policy, called Erdogan and his party "populist". Accordingly, the current research, by using the theoretical framework of populism, especially the ideas of people like Kurt Wieland, Robert Barr, Kenneth Roberts, and Pappas, in the form of "populism as a political strategy", tries to answer this main question that what the causes of Erdogan and the Justice and Development Party's tendency towards populism were in the last decade; And how did Erdoğan utilize populism to achieve his desired goals? The findings show that, in the last decade, relying on populist tools and positions such as the foreign status of political actors, anti-establishment attraction, personal ties, unorganized mobilization, etc., Erdogan has artistically used populism as a "political project to build and maintain power" for himself and his party. The research approach is political sociology, qualitative research method, causal explanation type and data collection method, library, and also using virtual resources.

In his article, I examine the image of a political strategist, popular in Chinese historical cinema, the origin of which can be traced to historical chronicles and fiction. Analysis of their cinematographic representation allows to single out the characteristic features of this image, distinguishing it from the functionally close, yet not identical image of a noble minister. Further, I suggest that the literary and cinematic image of Zhuge Liang, the famous politician and strategist of the Three Kingdoms, serves as an archetype of a political and military advisor in general, and substantiate this hypothesis. Based on the analysis of sovereign-advisor relations, I make an assumption that the very image of an advisor, with their characteristic appearance, personality, and their relationship with their overlord, takes its origins in the self-presentation of shi— a social class of the Warring States period. The leading values in this class were intelligence, loyalty to the lord, and freedom. I suggest and support a hypothesis that there is a genetic connection between the image of an advisor and the teaching of Legalism. Counterbalancing and complement to this image in a costume series is the role of a noble minister, which has its ideological basis in the Confucian philosophy. Apart from that, I name some of the strategies of seizing and retaining power, as well as domestic and foreign policy strategies, frequently seen in TV shows. The analysis of political and administrative methods in many Chinese historical series indicates that foreign policy, as presented in these shows, allows for more manipulations, but also more variability. The internal political opposition, by contrast, is almost completely delegitimized, its goals are a priori recognized as immoral and self-serving, and, consequently, the only way left for the sovereign and their advisor is to directly suppress their internal opponents. The results of this study lead to a number of conclusions about the political culture of China as manifested in this type of TV products, and about the strategemic thinking underlying this culture. В статье рассматривается популярный в китайском историческом кинематографе образ политического стратега, ведущий свое происхождение от исторических хроник и художественной литературы, анализируются его воплощения на экране. Автор выделяет характерные черты этого образа, обособляющие его от близкого по функции, но не тождественного образа «благородного министра». Высказывается и обосновывается гипотеза о литературном и кинематографическом образе Чжугэ Ляна, прославленного политика и стратега периода Троецарствия, как об «архетипе» политического и военного советника вообще. Исследуются взаимные отношения в паре государь-советник. На основании проделанного анализа автор заключает, что сам образ советника, его внешность, характер, его отношения с господином, берут начало в самопрезентации социального слоя ши периода Борющихся Царств. Его ведущими ценностями являются интеллект, верность господину и свобода. Выдвигается и обосновывается гипотеза о генетической связи образа советника с учением легизма. Противовесом и дополнением этого образа в китайских костюмных сериалах автор считает амплуа «благородного министра», берущее свою идеологическую основу в конфуцианской философии. Кроме того, в статье предпринята попытка вычленить некоторые распространенные в теленовеллах стратегии захвата и удержания власти, а также внутри- и внешнеполитические стратегии. Проанализировав способы ведения политической борьбы и реализации административных планов во множестве китайских исторических сериалов, автор приходит к заключению о большей манипулятивности, но и большей вариативности методов внешнеполитического противостояния. Напротив, внутриполитическая оппозиция практически полностью делегитимирована, ее цели априорно признаются аморальными и своекорыстными, и, следовательно, для государя и его советника остается только путь прямого подавления своих внутренних оппонентов. В итоге настоящего исследования автор приходит к ряду выводов о политической культуре Китая, которая манифестирует себя в данной телепродукции, и о лежащем в основании этой культуры стратегемном мышлении китайцев.

Religion influencing politics and politics impacting religion to achieve its own, very non-religious, goals are determining the reality of contemporary states and of global politics. Mutual relations between religion and nationalism have proven to be one of the most complex and unequivocal challenges shaping contemporary states in the areas of both their domestic and their foreign policies. This article is an attempt to compare two cases which are often wrongly perceived as twin models of links between religion and politics, namely Poland and Hungary. In both states, based either on actually present or on "constructed" Christian values, myths and symbols religious–national narratives have been developed by leading politicians (Jarosław Kaczyński in Poland and Viktor Orbán in Hungary) linked directly to the sacralization of ethnos (nation) and the ethnicization of religion. The conducted analysis has a theoretical character. The sacralization of nation and the ethnicization of religion occurring in Poland and Hungary are presented against quite different historical and cultural backgrounds and levels of religiosity/secularization in both countries. In order to explain this specificity, an analysis is performed upon a broader historical and cultural context and upon a specific understanding of religion and nationalism in Central and Eastern Europe. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Women have an important role in politics, where their representation becomes a role model for other women. PAN and PKB are the two parties that won quite a large number of votes in the 2019 elections. However, the percentage of elected women legislators from these two parties does not represent the fulfillment of the 30% quota. This paper analyzes the strategy for selecting women members of PAN and PKB in the 2019 elections, using qualitative research methods. Through interviews and literature searches in the form of books and journals as well as other supporting references, this research yielded several important results. The results of this study indicate that there is a use of resources and funding by women legislators as part of the campaign. As for the differences in the strategy for electing women legislators between the two parties, that PAN women are more on the use of personal social networks and not through 'Aisyiyah and PUAN. This is different from the PKB, in which elected women legislators use social and political capital from their involvement in Fatayat NU and women of the nation. The supporting factors for the election of both were due to the socio-political capital possessed and the figure of a female legislature member. While the inhibiting factors come from the patriarchal perspective of society as well as competition with male and female legislative candidates, both from the same party and not. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

For the first time in the Belarusian research literature, the activities of the French Socialist Party (FSP) to overcome the most severe ideological and political crisis that clearly manifested itself in the 2017 elections is examined. The author shows the results of the internal party struggle on the strategy of restoring the party’s position in the political life of the country. In the article the changes in the ideology are characterised and the degree of renewal of the party doctrine is determined, the features of the activity of the FSP in the role of the opposition party are established, the efforts of socialists to rally the left forces are shown, the specifics of the role of the FSP in political life and the left political camp of France are established. It is concluded that the FSP refused a deep revision of ideology and political strategy and kept the ideological and political identity of the left government party, its authorities managed to avoid transformation to a micro-party, but they were unable to restore the former role of the main party of the left political camp and one of the two leading parties in the country.

How do unions that represent similar constituencies and fight for comparable goals come to embrace radically different relationships to the state and party politics? Drawing on Collier and Collier's (1991) concept of the dual dilemma, that is, whether to collaborate with the state and risk co-optation or reject such collaborations and risk being sidelined, I analyze teachers' unions political strategy in São Paulo (APEOESP) and Oaxaca (Local 22). In São Paulo, strategy centers on taking state power by building political parties that fight for working-class interests. In Oaxaca, the rise of the democratic teachers' movement was a rejection of state power and an attempt to build autonomy from political parties. I argue that teachers chose these contrasting strategies during the late-1970s and early 1980s, due to their experiences of the legacies of labor incorporation under authoritarian regimes. The internal political practices established during this transitional period, when reform movements took control of the unions in both countries, continue to shape teachers' strategies to the present. These findings suggest that union strategies regarding how to interact with the state are deeply shaped by previous state-labor relations and that unionists' responses to the dilemma about whether to take or reject state power will directly shape their interpretations of ongoing political challenges. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This study aims to discuss how the Regional Campaign Team (TKD) Ir. Joko Widodo - KH. Ma'ruf Amin of East Java Province in formulating the strategy of the East Java TKD funds of local officials, Jokowi's volunteer network and East Java kyais and political figures to win the Candidate Candidate No.1.In this study several resource persons stated that the role of all elements of society and figures and clerics and in the 2019 presidential election were very compact and effective, especially with the many issues of ethnicity, race and religion, which were used to attack incumbent Joko Widodo. This type of research uses descriptive qualitative methods and case study methods, with data collection techniques, namely interviews and documentation. The purpose of this research is to describe the Strategy of the East Java Regional Campaign Team Joko Widodo - KH. Ma'ruf Amin and Jokowi Volunteers during the Presidential election, therefore the East Java TKD strategy is an opinion leader to determine the Getter vote and become a political mediator to various parties who have an important role to increase votes in East Java.

The situation in the Middle East is complicated by the need for Turkey to formulate a new military and political strategy . Relations between the Kurds and Turkey since the collapse of the Ottoman caliphate have been strained by the Kurds' desire for autonomous power. Until now, Kurds are still struggling to gain this legitimacy and are transforming into radical and separatist groups. Turkey under Erdogan's leadership underwent political reform from secular to democratic Islam. This includes changing Turkey's strategy to deal with Kurdish militias in Syria because Kurdish militias in Syria are considered dangerous by forming the PKK. The PKK occupies Syria's border with Turkey, so Erdogan devised a special military and political- strategic framework to stem the power of Kurdish militias. Since Turkey was ruled by Recep Tayyip Erdogan, Turkey's foreign policy has used the concept of "strategic depth" which is essential "zero problems with neighbors". Turkey in the Erdogan era tries to represent a modern and Muslim country that encourages democracy and social justice. This affected the perspective and strategy of Turkey being used to paralyze the Kurds. In the political strategy, Turkey conducts relations with various state and non-state actors to be able to exert influence at the international level. This research aims to know how Erdogan’s foreign policy against Kurd in Syria. This research method is using normative legal research with data analyzing using case approach. This research will explain on; a) The conflict between Turkey and Kurds, b) Characteristics of Erdogan's Government, c) Turkey's Involvement in the Syrian Conflict. This research finding will be the discussion analysis on Turkey's Military and Political Strategy against Kurds in Syria and Implications of Military and Political Strategy.

The present article purports to explore the significance of the Japanese case within the context of contemporary populism studies. By appraising the state of political discourse about populism both in select Japanese media and in theoretical and empirical work by political scientists in Japan and in the West concerned with the subject matter, the author seeks to summarize the state of the respective research by arguing that there are three possible ways of providing for a conceptual re-evaluation of the notion of 'Japanese populism', while underscoring that there are both similarities and divergences in terms of empirical manifestations of the aforesaid populism, which is duly presented through three case studies of recently most prominent Japanese politicians conceived of as 'populists' - Jun'ichirō Koizumi, Yuriko Koike, and Tōru Hashimoto. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Religion influencing politics and politics impacting religion to achieve its own, very non-religious, goals are determining the reality of contemporary states and of global politics. Mutual relations between religion and nationalism have proven to be one of the most complex and unequivocal challenges shaping contemporary states in the areas of both their domestic and their foreign policies. This article is an attempt to compare two cases which are often wrongly perceived as twin models of links between religion and politics, namely Poland and Hungary. In both states, based either on actually present or on “constructed” Christian values, myths and symbols religious–national narratives have been developed by leading politicians (Jarosław Kaczyński in Poland and Viktor Orbán in Hungary) linked directly to the sacralization of ethnos (nation) and the ethnicization of religion. The conducted analysis has a theoretical character. The sacralization of nation and the ethnicization of religion occurring in Poland and Hungary are presented against quite different historical and cultural backgrounds and levels of religiosity/secularization in both countries. In order to explain this specificity, an analysis is performed upon a broader historical and cultural context and upon a specific understanding of religion and nationalism in Central and Eastern Europe.

Ahmadinejad's rise to power in Iran's political structure was accompanied by a new round of economic policies. Iranian analysts have examined these policies from a variety of perspectives, while some believe that the economic orientation of this period was closely related to economic populism. Based on this, the main question of the preliminary research is that the economic policies of Mahmoud Ahmadinejad's presidential period are relative to the macroeconomics of populism? The present paper attempts, from the perspective of political economy, using Durran Bush and Edwards' macroeconomic popolism) in the form of a populist approach as a political strategy and at the level of economic policy-making) while revising Ahmadinejad's economic policies, an explanation of the relationship between these policies and populist approaches to the economy as well as its consequences for the economy of Iran. The research findings show that Ahmadinejad, on the basis of populist economic policy makers, promised to support his supporters of poverty and inequality and the revival of justice, he worked with oil revenues to implement expansionary economic policies in the first two years of his presidency. Which ultimately led to the spread of liquidity, inflation, and recession, after which, since 2009, due to lower oil revenues, the ninth government turned to stabilizing policies and reduced its subsidies and economic development plans.

We analyze the link between memory and oblivion in the Brazilian political process, focusing on the behavior of some institutions and specific actors, whether state, political, military, business, religious or intellectual, internal and external, to whiten past traumas, without carrying out deep transformations, which causes its resurgence, transfigured, as a continuity that transcends different historical periods and imposes obstacles to the present. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Islam has a political and social aspect in its essence and by no means, it is not considered as a purely spiritualistic and individualistic religion. The political legacy of Muhammad (PBUH) appears both in his holy book and in his nation and the political community that he provided to Medina during his ten years of migration. Hence, political affairs are intertwined with the history of Islam, and not only the social developments of Muslims, but also many religious divisions are influenced by political affairs. The present article is to take the role and function of politics, and political affairs into consideration in the Shiite world and in the early centuries of Islam and the time of the presence of the innocent and innocent Shiite Imams. The author tries to study the role of politics in the emergence of Shiism, and the sectarianization of Shiites by referring to narrative and historical sources and analyzing them appropriately, and by reviewing the political affairs and policy of Shiite Imams, the evidence shows that these political behaviors can be classified according to which political approaches and strategies. The consideration of the identity of Shiites on the eve of the beginning of the Absence and the political strategy drawn by the Imams for the Shiites in the era of the Absence is also the focus of this article.

The subject of the article is the analysis of deconstruction of the statehood of Ukraine with special reference to the conflict in Donbas. Activities in the south-eastern part of Ukraine are part of the broader context of the Russian Federation’s strategic activities in the post-Soviet area. Some analysts believe that the Russians consistently implement the strategy of neo-imperial expansionism and their activities in Donbas are the next step to reintegration of the post-Soviet area. An important role is also played by the policy implemented by the president and government of Ukraine. The author verifies three research hypotheses: (1) that the chief objectives of Russian politics are to destabilize the situation in Ukraine. (2) that Donbass conflict is an example of the use of hybrid war elements such as irregular military operations (guerrilla warfare, sabotage, subversive activities, terrorist acts) and elements of information fight, such as propaganda or disinformation, be it economic or digital. (3) that the non-military methods of propaganda are helping to create a proper propaganda apparatus and the activation of “agitators” who would do “the field work” involving the exposure of the most attractive aspects of “Russianness”.

At every general election performance, candidates who are included as part of the majority tend to have more potential to win the contestation than minority candidates. However, this does not mean that the minority will lose at the time of the election, depending on the strategy used by the candidate. This study aims to explain the Schroderian political strategy framed in the Bourdieusian-style social practice of the Confucian Andrei Angouw. The qualitative research methodliterature study was chosen in this study. The results of the study explain Andrei's advantages in building political modalities (members and chairman of the DPRD North Sulawesi), social (people and political capital transformation), economy (entrepreneurs, Director of PT. Gapura Utarindo), culture (local wisdom), and symbolic capital, are then he frames it into his political strategy in reaping the votes of the voters, successfully leading him to become the winner of the Manado 2020 general election (realm) contest. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

We ask how incumbent car manufacturers and their political coalitions changed their political strategy with respect to the Californian zero emission vehicle mandate over the period 2000-2013. Building on the Corporate Political Activities literature we conceptualize firms' political strategies and their underlying tactics and actions. Our longitudinal case study builds on a dataset comprising governmental reports, documents, and public hearing transcripts, letters from industry, and complementary interviews with stakeholders. We find that car manufacturers became less defensive over time and more proactive and compliant in their political strategies towards the zero emission vehicle mandate. Car manufacturers' coalitions on the other hand, remain relatively defensive in their political actions as they continue to do the manufacturers' "dirty work". We provide insights in the Corporate Political Activities used to influence policymakers. To deal with industry opposition to policy interventions, our research suggests that policy makers might focus their interaction with industry on individual firms instead of industry associations, craft policies that stimulate competition between firms to break apart their closed industry front, and complement technology-forcing policies with demand-pull initiatives.

Dewan Pengurus Cabang (DPC) Partai Demokrasi Indonesia Perjuangan (PDIP) Surabaya is a local political partywhich succeeded in preserving its victory in the 2019 Legislative Election with the acquisition of 15 seats. This study aims to determine the political communication strategies used by the Indonesian Democratic Party of Struggle (PDIP) during the 2019 elections. This study uses a qualitative approach with employing in-depth interview and observationmethods. The data obtained were analyzed through an interactive analysis model including data reduction, data display, and drawing conclusions. This research founds the PDI Perjuangan political communication model is more based on the transactional model. This communication model illustrates the ongoing communication process between the sender of the message (party and candidates) and the recipient of the message (community). Of course, during the campaign there were obstacles or disturbances, one of which was money politics. As a consequence, the community should elects their candidates and parties during the 2019 Elections. DPC Partai Demokrasi Indonesia (PDI) Perjuangan Kota Surabaya merupakan politik lokal yang berhasil mempertahankan kemenangan di Pemilu Legislatif 2019 dengan perolehan 15 kursi. Penelitian ini bertujuan untuk mengetahui stategi komunikasi politik yang dipakai PDI Perjuangan selama Pemilu 2019. Penelitian ini menggunakan pendekatan kualitatif dengan metode observasi dan wawancara mendalam. Data yang diperoleh dianalisis dengan model analisis interaktif meliputi reduksi data, sajian data, dan penarikan simpulan. Temuan penelitian ini adalah model komunikasi politik PDI Perjuangan lebih pada model transaksional. Model komunikasi ini menggambarkan proses komunikasi yang berlangsung secara berkesinambungan antara pengirim pesan (partai dan caleg) serta penerima pesan (masyarakat). Kendala uatam selama kampanye yaitu politik uang, sebagai umpan balik (feedback), masyarakat memilih caleg dan partai tersebut saat Pemilu 2019.

This research is about the strategy used by the member legislature body 2014-2019 to keep the constituents’ vote in their election area after being elected as a legislative member. This research used a case study in the 1st election area of Central Java Province which includes Semarang City, Semarang District, Kendal District, and Salatiga City. By taking a member of DPR RI as the main sample and two members of DPR RI as a comparative sample or as group control. This research applies the qualitative approach supported by a quantitative approach with the survey method. This research finds the strategy which is used by the member of DPR RI to keep the constituent vote in their election area. It could be done through some strategies such as interactive dialogue, provision of assistance, installation of campaign attributes (banner/billboard/etc), utilization of party structure and base mass party, encouragement of another cadre from the party, community approach, social media and formation of the volunteer. All strategies have objectives to keep the constituent vote in an election area, and to gain the sympathy and vote from those who have not chosen them in the last legislative election. So it could be ended in re-elected the member of DPR RI in the next legislative election.

The paper addresses the issues of contemporary crisis of the European security system and of erosion of international order. The author insists on necessity of overcoming an protracted «reactive» phase in European and international politics by shifting to searching for an anti-crisis strategy while focused on the pan-European perspective. The paper contains practical proposals regarding «windows of opportunities» within the Russia-EU–NATO institutional framework in order to remove existing imbalances in Russian-Western relations as well as in the European security system.

The 2016 parliamentary elections were a turning point in political campaigning in Romania. With the major changes brought to the law on political campaigns and party financing, the political parties searched new avenues to reach out effectively to voters. Our analysis focuses on the political campaign conducted by the Social Democrat Party (PSD) and closely investigates their political strategy, branding, targeting and the communication tools used during the 2016 parliamentary campaign, in order to identify the main approach changes and which communication tools were the most effective. To get our answers we centralize and compare the social media activity (FB posts, online campaigns), the activity on the television and the major outdoor campaigning elements - banners and posters. Also, we took into account the precampaign period used to increase awareness and to gently integrate the main political message among the voters.

Understanding how political actors not only set the terms of policy debates but limit the range of acceptable policy positions is critical to understanding the political process. Beyond their most preferred policies, politicians and special interests have sets of policies that they would find acceptable, though not ideal. In addition to advocating for their policy ideals, political actors attempt to limit debate to those policies that are within their preferred set. This rhetorical strategy has implications for how to identify, assess, and discuss policy debates and likely outcomes. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The authors employ geopolitical analysis to identify the core characteristics of NATO’s current policy towards the Baltic Sea region. After the demise of the Soviet Union, the region was considered as one of the safest in terms of military security. However, in the aftermath of the Ukraine crisis, the region has witnessed a growing tension in relations between NATO and the Russian Federation. A comparative analysis of NATO’s official documents on the Baltics shows that the chief pretext for increased military presence in the region is the alleged need to defend the Baltic states from the Russian threat. Special attention is paid to the attempts of Western military strategists to encourage the neutral Nordic states — Sweden and Finland — to accede to NATO. This would lead to the organisation’s northern enlargement. The current situation suggests that to ease tension in the Baltic Sea region Russia has not only to respond adequately to emerging military threats but also to launch an awareness campaign to explain its position and dispel the myth about Russia preparing to start a hybrid war against the Baltic States.

When the indigenous peoples' movement emerged in the 1990s and grew stronger in the wake of reformasi, people formally termed "backward" and "primitive" suddenly emerged as political actors. This article traces the relationship between the state and the idea of the original, sometimes referred to as the autochthonous, sometimes as the indigenous, in Indonesian history and analyses how these relationships are reflected in legislation on land issues, the major concern of recent indigenous movements. In a second step, the article deals with current political strategies of the indigenous movement (AMAN), concluding that the movement is shifting its efforts from the "centre" (national legislation), to the provinces and the margins, a process we term the "local turn" in the indigenous people's movement in Indonesia. By drawing on the example of Enrekang, South Sulawesi, the contribution shows how peraturan dearah (local regulations) provide a basis for recognition within the margins of the Indonesian nation state. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

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We argue that firms in regulated industries react to macroeconomic and policy risks in sharply different ways. While they seek to avoid countries with high levels of macroeconomic uncertainty, we predict that they find it more attractive to expand into countries characterized by governments with discretionary policymaking capacities so as to be able to negotiate favorable conditions of entry. We also argue that firms are heterogeneous in their attitudes toward risk. We predict that firms in which the state holds a partial equity stake exhibit a more tolerant attitude. We also expect that as firms accumulate foreign experience, they develop an aversion toward further foreign entries into politically unstable markets. Support for these predictions is provided by an analysis of the Latin American market entries of all listed Spanish firms in regulated industries between 1987 and 2000. Copyright © 2008 John Wiley & Sons, Ltd. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The aim of this article is to highlight Ragusan political strategies mirrored in the literary works of Mavro Vetranović (1482-1576) and Marin Držić (1508-1567). The similarities and differences between these two authors are determined on the basis of their use of the same poetic topoi, notably that of the right path. Vetranović’s political optimism in the analysis of Pjesanca spurjanom (Poem to a Bastard) proves a strategy by which the poet secures his right to public speech in a society highly restrictive towards individual public discourse. By publicly addressing a social problem without pointing his finger at the culprit, he emphasised a topic which otherwise could not have been spoken about. With regard to the political authority, Vetranović designated the nobility as a non-differentiated collective entity offering him protection, whilst Držić, in the case of a polemic surrounding the alleged plagiarism, addressed an individual―a specific nobleman. Merely on this example the difference between the two writers is clearly discernible. Vetranović proves himself as a writer of collective sensibility, whereas Držić is a typical Renaissance individualist. Given that Ragusan political experience is founded on collective authority, Vetranović is a poetic embodiment of that very experience. Contrary to that of Dubrovnik, Croatian political experience, due to the absence of authentic national institutions, built its own model based on an image of a strong individual, who, in the name of his community, makes his statement in a heroic and in principle tragic gesture. This model has survived to this day and is still prevalent in the current political practice of Croatia. Although alien to the Ragusan understanding of politics and society, this model clearly echoes in the individualism of Marin Držić.

The subject of the article is the analysis of deconstruction of the statehood of Ukraine with special reference to the conflict in Donbas. Activities in the south-eastern part of Ukraine are part of the broader context of the Russian Federation's strategic activities in the post-Soviet area. Some analysts believe that the Russians consistently implement the strategy of neo-imperial expansionism and their activities in Donbas are the next step to reintegration of the post-Soviet area. An important role is also played by the policy implemented by the president and government of Ukraine. The author verifies three research hypotheses: (1) that the chief objectives of Russian politics are to destabilize the situation in Ukraine. (2) that Donbass conflict is an example of the use of hybrid war elements such as irregular military operations (guerrilla warfare, sabotage, subversive activities, terrorist acts) and elements of information fight, such as propaganda or disinformation, be it economic or digital. (3) that the non-military methods of propaganda are helping to create a proper propaganda apparatus and the activation of "agitators" who would do "the field work" involving the exposure of the most attractive aspects of "Russianness". [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This study assessed whether and how government--business partnerships (GBPs) offer a unique platform that targets profound environmental impacts via the promotion of radical eco-innovation. It applied transactional cost and complementary logics to explain the rationale of GBP formation for radical eco-innovation, and further assessed the operation of GBPs from governance, learning, and rulemaking aspects. This study applied propensity score matching technique to empirically test these theoretical associations using 225 observations representing 166 U.S. firms' participation in 192 environmental alliances between 1985 and 2013. The study results confirmed GBPs' role in channeling public and private efforts in pursuing transformative environmental change via the adoption of radical eco-innovation goals. Results highlight four critical elements of GBP operation--effective governance, exploration learning, cognitive learning, and rulemaking--that enable participants to embrace these radical environmental solutions. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Public trust in business, defined as the degree to which the public—meaning society at large—trusts business in general, is largely understudied. This article suggests four domains of existing trust research from which scholars of public trust in business can draw. The authors then propose four main hypotheses, which aim to predict the determinants of public trust, and test these hypotheses using a factorial vignette methodology. These results will provide scholars with more direction as this article is, to the authors' knowledge, one of the first empirical studies of public trust. Furthermore, the study will enable those companies interested in increasing public trust to understand better respective determinants of public trust. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]