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Under the No Child Left Behind Act of 2001, school districts that receive federal Title 1 education funds and have a "school in need of improvement--year two" must implement supplemental educational services (SES). Such districts must allocate a portion of their Title 1 funds to free tutoring for low-income students. Providers may be public or private, and parents select providers. This article develops and applies a conceptual framework for analyzing the SES policy. The policy design assumes that parents will be motivated and equipped to act upon their options in the SES marketplace. However, policy implementation depends also on actions of districts and states. While the policy challenges district power, districts enjoy substantial control over implementation, and the federal government has limited enforcement power. Early findings suggest that the impact of the policy is likely to be uneven across the nation.

According to these authors, the federal government has pushed far too deeply into the routines and operations of the nation's public schools, now regulating everything from teacher credentials to the selection of reading programs. Ironically, the one way to extricate Washington from the minutiae of K-12 education is to give it more power in one realm--specifically, the power to set national standards and tests--and then ask it to back off from just about everything else. The federal role in education has always been a disappointment and a frustration. For most of the American history, Uncle Sam steered clear of the issue; in the days of Jim Crow, this amounted to shameful neglect. After "Brown v. Board of Education" (1954) and the Elementary and Secondary Education Act (1965), the pendulum began to swing toward the other extreme: Washington became an overbearing, micromanaging schoolmarm, attempting to coerce equity, then excellence, from the K-12 system through regulation and bribery. This, too, has failed to produce schools of which the nation can be proud. In this article, the authors envision a radically different approach, a role reversal in which the federal government plays a much smaller role in the day-to-day affairs of local schools, but is much more specific about achievement expectations. Under this scenario, Washington would do three things--and only three things--in K-12 education: (1) fund high-quality research and data gathering; (2) distribute dollars (ideally through a formula weighted by student needs); and (3) measure the schools' progress with common standards and tests, just like other grown-up countries do. National standards and tests just might be the way out of the morass--and the way into the education future that the country needs.

This article explores how the interlocking of formal and informal political institutions has affected the dynamics and performance of the Argentine democracy. Key institutional features of the Argentine political system have been a competitive form of federalism, loosely structured and political parties that are not ideologically unified, neopatrimonial practices, and client list exchanges. These features have interacted with the pluralist political landscape resulting from the vertical and horizontal constitutional division of powers. In combination with the distribution of power resulting from electoral results at different levels of government, these features have severely constrained the possibilities for coordination in and across institutional arenas.

Claims that the Third International Mathematics and Science Study (TIMSS) and the Program for International Student Assessment (PISA) represent a leap forward in the quality of comparative international research on schooling. Discusses prospects of achieving a consensus among educational policy makers on the reforms suggested in both study results. (CAJ)

Explores how, for a student of Canadian federalism and postsecondary education, one theme that keeps recurring is the number of times these two dimensions of public policy have been connected; over and over again, changes in the governance and financing of education, and especially postsecondary or higher education, have presaged more general changes in the pattern of Canadian federalism. (EV)

The global health regime is caught in a paradox, whereby connecting "human" to "(inter)national" security to prevent the spread of infectious diseases unwittingly introduces into this complex and expertise-reliant domain of "low politics" the notion of "sovereign decisionism"—states' prerogative to identify a threat and counter it with exceptional measures that may in turn constrain their ability to unilaterally securitize disease. This article introduces an analytical framework presenting three pathways through which state leaders with different conceptions of sovereignty and varying constraints on their legitimacy among their domestic audiences may nevertheless securitize policy domains traditionally considered as falling within the scope of sub-state "low politics." Two of the pathways begin with scientific objectivation rather than politicization, and one trades power concentration for collaboration with sub-state and global authorities. I then compare the Canadian and American responses during the first wave of the coronavirus pandemic to uncover how these contextual factors disposed Donald Trump to politicize COVID-19, while Justin Trudeau emulated the World Health Organization's securitization of the virus without centralizing state powers. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The evolution of US migration policy has run several cycles: at first, the fate of immigrants was the responsibility of the employer (companies, who brought them to the USA), then, with an increase in their influx and their gradual resettlement, the lives of newcomers began to be determined at the state level. Only at the end of the 19th century migration regulation began to acquire the features of the federal government’s established policy with a vector towards liberalization throughout the next century. Starting from the 2010s there is a reverse trend – back to restrictionism and ‘descend’ of the regulation to the level of state authorities, especially for illegal immigrants. Such shift causes a clash between states and federal government, and at the same time emphasises the inability of this government to carry out objectively aspired reform.Today immigration policy in the United States can be divided into two major areas: legal immigration regulation and government attempts to solve the problem of illegal immigration. This division, albeit conditionally, helps to understand why for 30 years now no Congress has been able to work out a comprehensive immigration reform or at least agree on key areas for the implementation of its’ certain aspects. A set of acute problems of socio-economic, moral and ethical nature forms an inseparable set of challenges. It equally includes both the areas necessary for the country’s successful economic development: highly qualified personnel attraction, aging of the nation combating, increase of the birth rate, and the challenges associated with the burden on society and the increase in crime: the influx of refugees, illegal, seasonal and permanent immigrants and their families.Due to domestic political peculiarities in the modern United States, party coalitions cannot agree on even one of these areas, let alone develop a profound working system that meets constantly changing needs of the economy, foreign policy challenges, and is in consensus with states’ authorities, who would finally assimilate newcomers.Will the current crisis on the southwestern border of the United States affect J. Biden’s reelection in November 2024? What strategy has D. Trump chosen to bypass his rival? – you will find from this article.

The Sexenio Democrático of 1868–1874 became a key stage in the development of Catalan nationalism. During this peri-od, its main figures actively participated in pan-Spanish poli-tics. They were part of the federalist movement, striving for the decentralization of Spain. Within the framework of this movement, Catalan intellectuals headed the most radical fac-tion of the “intransigente”, fighting for granting the Spanish regions the maximum possible rights. However, their maxi-malist position did not find support among the majority of Spanish politicians, even their fellow party members. The proclamation of the republic, which was supposed to become a federation, brought new disappointment: the presented draft constitution did not meet the expectations of the radicals. The collapse of the Republic and the restoration of the monarchy finally buried hopes for the federalization of Spain. The expe-rience of the Sexenio Democrático demonstrated to Catalan intellectuals that, regardless of the form of government, their projects for broad autonomy for the regions would not re-ceive wide support. Disappointment with pan-Spanish federalism led Catalan figures to create an independent Catalan movement.

When COVID-19 (coronavirus disease 2019) struck Spain, it caused a multidimensional crisis that sparked countless debates on its health, social and political implications. Drawing on the literature on multilevel crisis management and federalism, this paper focuses on the impact of the pandemic on the Spanish intergovernmental relations between 2020 and 2022. This research demonstrates that several intergovernmental coordination and cooperation mechanisms were activated or reactivated at the political and technical levels. This change improved joint decision-making and strengthened the system’s own capacity to cope with future crises. In particular, this article shows how and to what extent the health crisis broke down the existing logic of discretionary collaboration and increased coherence among regional governments by strengthening the role of central ministries. Three movements have been observed and measured consisting in a growing institutionalisation, coordination and cross-sectoral logic of action. Consequently, we conclude that intergovernmental relations in Spain have been strengthened by the pandemic under the leadership of central ministries. The Spanish intergovernmental system has demonstrated its capacity to adapt to external shocks and its learning ability.

Amid the array of challenges prompted by the COVID-19 pandemic, the policy response of governments proved vital. Different states in the U.S. pursued varied policy approaches that demonstrated distinct divergences in impact. Particularly, contrasting state contexts produced markedly assorted frameworks for the delivery of public health services, which indicate potential effects for COVID-19 policy implementation. Using the rates of COVID-19 vaccination as a measure of policy execution, the purpose of this study is to examine the political and administrative influences contributing to differences in COVID-19 public health policy outcomes among the states in the U.S. Ordinary least squares (OLS) regression models included data sources of nationally representative information pertaining to state public health attributes of politics and administration during the height of the pandemic and vaccine campaign. The findings suggest that state political leadership and fiscal capacity display significant associations with COVID-19 vaccination disparities, while other administrative indicators did not. The results signal important policy implications for the politics–administration dynamic within the COVID-19 pandemic and offer further understanding toward the roles of federalism and governance in future public health emergencies.

Abstract Fiscal decentralization is perceived as a viable strategy for fostering economic growth in Pakistan. Concerns persist regarding its potential impact on environmental quality, particularly in relation to increased carbon emissions. Employing diverse analytical methods such as structural vector autoregressive (SVAR) modeling and autoregressive moving average model evaluations, this study comprehensively explores the dynamic relationships among fiscal decentralization, economic development, and environmental quality over the period 1979–2019. Intriguing trends emerge, revealing positive correlations between environmental efficiency and variables, including revenue collection, tax autonomy, and transfer payments. Conversely, a negative correlation is observed between government spending and economic growth. The interplay of these variables results in oscillations in the influence of fiscal decentralization on carbon emissions, presenting a complex challenge for policymakers. Notably, positive fiscal decentralization shocks lead to an increase in carbon emissions, while positive expenditure decentralization and economic development correlate with decreased carbon emissions. Despite economic growth's statistically significant negative impact on carbon emissions, the intricate nature of the relationships underscores the complexity of the link between fiscal decentralization, economic expansion, and environmental outcomes. From a policy perspective, the study emphasizes the need to adjust fiscal policies and coordinate intergovernmental fiscal ties across all government levels to enhance environmental efficiency. These findings provide policymakers with valuable insights to navigate the intricate landscape of fiscal decentralization and its environmental implications.

The article considers the problem of the role of the constituent entities of the Russian Federation in implementing the mechanism for division of jurisdictions and powers between the Russian Federation and its constituent entities. The author provides a general description of this differentiation mechanism and analyzes its evolution. Now, the division of powers takes place mainly through federal laws. However, the adoption of these laws is within the jurisdiction of the Russian Federation and is carried out through a special procedure — the legislative process. Therefore, the author evaluates the role of constituent entities in the division of jurisdictions and powers mechanism through their role in federal legislation. The author identifies the main problems and formulates a few promising proposals aimed at strengthening the role of the subjects of the Russian Federation and increasing the degree of consideration of their regional interests in the division of powers.

This study delves into the intricate security landscape of Nigeria, a nation grappling with a myriad of challenges such as terrorism, insurgency, banditry, and communal conflicts. The existing centralized security architecture has been found wanting in its ability to effectively mitigates these threats and safeguards the well-being of Nigerian citizens. To gain a deeper understanding of these issues, the study employs a well-structured questionnaire as its primary data collection tool and utilizes a descriptive analytical model as its theoretical framework. It leverages descriptive quantitative tools to scrutinize the collected data, aiming to provide a logical interpretation of the situation. The study identifies lack of decentralization in the security architecture and skewed federalism as key contributing factors to the prevailing insecurity in Nigeria. It uncovers a multitude of causal variables that contribute to the internal insecurity in the country. A significant finding of the study is the correlation between the over-centralization of the security architecture and the rising insecurity across the nation. It posits that the higher the level of centralization, the greater the alienation of citizens in the security of their local areas. In light of these findings, the study advocates for Nigeria to embrace the principles of true federalism. It recommends amendments to the 1999 constitution, suggesting that the majority of the items currently in the exclusive lists should be moved to the concurrent lists. This would pave the way for regional integration and the establishment of regional security outfits, such as the Amotekun in the south west, thereby fostering a more secure and harmonious nation.

The paper traces the history of the journal Il Ponte, founded by Piero Calamandrei in April 1945, in order to capture the ideal roots of this audacious publishing initiative. The Author focuses on the liberal-socialist vocation of the journal and on the ideals of European federalism that led Calamandrei to oppose the Atlantic Pact. Lastly, he delves into the commitment of the Florentine jurist in support of the Constitution, democracy and the Welfare State.

The aim of this paper is to reconstruct the main features and historical-political reasons behind the presidentialism proposal advanced by Piero Calamandrei in the Constituent Assembly. The Author illustrates this proposal not only within the context of the Florentine jurist’s thought, but also within the broader field of institutional reforms and the Italian political system, highlighting the factors that undermine the stability of the executive.

Fiscal decentralization is perceived as a viable strategy for fostering economic growth in Pakistan. Concerns persist regarding its potential impact on environmental quality, particularly in relation to increased carbon emissions. Employing diverse analytical methods such as structural vector autoregressive (SVAR) modeling and autoregressive moving average model evaluations, this study comprehensively explores the dynamic relationships among fiscal decentralization, economic development, and environmental quality over the period 1979–2019. Intriguing trends emerge, revealing positive correlations between environmental efficiency and variables, including revenue collection, tax autonomy, and transfer payments. Conversely, a negative correlation is observed between government spending and economic growth. The interplay of these variables results in oscillations in the influence of fiscal decentralization on carbon emissions, presenting a complex challenge for policymakers. Notably, positive fiscal decentralization shocks lead to an increase in carbon emissions, while positive expenditure decentralization and economic development correlate with decreased carbon emissions. Despite economic growth's statistically significant negative impact on carbon emissions, the intricate nature of the relationships underscores the complexity of the link between fiscal decentralization, economic expansion, and environmental outcomes. From a policy perspective, the study emphasizes the need to adjust fiscal policies and coordinate intergovernmental fiscal ties across all government levels to enhance environmental efficiency. These findings provide policymakers with valuable insights to navigate the intricate landscape of fiscal decentralization and its environmental implications. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Amid the array of challenges prompted by the COVID-19 pandemic, the policy response of governments proved vital. Different states in the U.S. pursued varied policy approaches that demonstrated distinct divergences in impact. Particularly, contrasting state contexts produced markedly assorted frameworks for the delivery of public health services, which indicate potential effects for COVID-19 policy implementation. Using the rates of COVID-19 vaccination as a measure of policy execution, the purpose of this study is to examine the political and administrative influences contributing to differences in COVID-19 public health policy outcomes among the states in the U.S. Ordinary least squares (OLS) regression models included data sources of nationally representative information pertaining to state public health attributes of politics and administration during the height of the pandemic and vaccine campaign. The findings suggest that state political leadership and fiscal capacity display significant associations with COVID-19 vaccination disparities, while other administrative indicators did not. The results signal important policy implications for the politics–administration dynamic within the COVID-19 pandemic and offer further understanding toward the roles of federalism and governance in future public health emergencies. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Since Myanmar transitioned from direct military rule in 2011, successive governments have attempted to decentralize the primary and higher education systems through top-down "federalizing" initiatives. However, these efforts have largely failed. However, following the February 2021 military coup, the absence of a credible central education authority has led ethnic armed organizations (EAOs) and non-state actors, including local communities, to provide education to up to one million of the most vulnerable and conflict-affected children. This represents a new "federating" moment for education in Myanmar, where capacity and alliances are built from the bottom up and which could potentially endure after the ongoing conflict ends. This article explores Myanmar's complex and contested education system since the coup, analysing the difference between "federalizing" and "federating" approaches. It compares the pre- and post.-coup approaches to illustrate the importance of an adaptive, bottom-up approach based on local ownership and resilience. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In the Federation of Malaysia, the state government has a dominant role in the management and administration of local authorities as well as in allocating resources. This paper takes a bottom-up perspective to look at the dependence of the Sibu Municipal Council on the Sarawak state government and strongman. It begins by showing how the existing legal and political frameworks enable the formation of a strongman government and then addresses the state government's control over resources for local development. Then, it zooms into the local politics of Sibu, showcasing the patron–client relations between the state strongman and local business groups in Sarawak. However, it argues that the power of strongman politicians is not unchecked but constrained by the political framework. The later part of this paper features the political-economic networks of the state strongman in Johor to show that the strongman phenomenon is not particular to Sarawak. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Revista de Estudios Políticos is the property of Centro de Estudios Politicos y Constitucionales and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

The promises and risks of Artificial Intelligence permeate current policy statements and have attracted much attention by AI governance research. However, most analyses focus exclusively on AI policy on the national and international level, overlooking existing federal governance structures. This is surprising because AI is connected to many policy areas, where the competences are already distributed between the national and subnational level, such as research or economic policy. Addressing this gap, this paper argues that more attention should be dedicated to subnational efforts to shape AI and asks which themes are discussed in subnational AI policy documents with a case study of Germany's 16 states. Our qualitative analysis of 34 AI policy documents issued on the subnational level demonstrates that subnational efforts focus on knowledge transfer between research and industry actors, the commercialization of AI, different economic identities of the German states, and the incorporation of ethical principles. Because federal states play an active role in AI policy, analysing AI as a policy issue on different levels of government is necessary and will contribute to a better understanding of the developments and implementations of AI strategies in different national contexts. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article considers regionalism (oblastnichestvo) as an independent direction in the history of Russian thought and culture. Four varieties of regionalism are pointed out: Russian, Ukrainian, Siberian, and Western Russianism (zapadnorussizm), which held the principles of federalism in common. The philosophical and methodological basis of regionalism was narodnichestvo (populism)—the ideology and movement of the intelligentsia in Russia in the second half of the nineteenth century. Narodnichestvo was against serfdom and capitalist development in Russia, and for the overthrow of the autocracy by means of a peasant revolution, positivism, and Slavophilism. The program of the regionalists was addressed to the provincial intelligentsia and was largely aimed at the formation of an intelligentsia called to serve their region. The program of Siberian regionalism is considered in more detail. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of ASBU Law Journal is the property of Social Sciences University of Ankara and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

This study was conducted to provide a comprehensive review of the structure, quality, operations, and readiness of a federalist government from the perspectives of various columnists and editorials. The study employed a descriptive design aimed at discussing a specific topic or issue under investigation. Qualitative content analysis was utilized to examine the diverse opinions of columnists and editorials on Federalism, gathered from thirty (30) news articles from three nationally circulated newspapers and research papers. The online-retrieved data were printed, read, and analyzed to grasp the depth of the concepts. The study highlighted that writers in national newspapers focus on key federalism themes like decentralization, service efficiency, operational clarity, and provincial readiness. These discussions aim to inform the national and international audience about the adoption of federalism as the Philippines' new governance system. Hence, it is concluded that writers in a nationally circulated newspaper in the Philippines discuss key aspects of federalism, including decentralization for increased autonomy, focus on service quality and efficiency, clear allocation of functions for governance efficiency, and provinces' readiness to embrace federalism, facilitating a smooth transition to this new form of government. Additionally, recommendations such as adopting federalism successfully in the Philippines, key strategies involving education campaigns, stakeholder engagement, and local capacity building to empower institutions for a well-informed transition are considered.