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Attention to inequality is increasingly taking centerstage in the fight against climate change and environmental devastation. More and more scholars and activists emphasize the need to put the reduction of inequality at the core of environmental and climate politics, and more and more propose a (socially just) "sufficiency" approach and politics to do so. Just sufficiency is presented as the new desirable societal pact, tasked with taking over from the current dominant growth pact driving "excess," and replacing it with a politics of "enough," through "collectively defined self-limitation." However, an excess/enough lens misses the dynamics of production of inequality in the first place, with important political implications. This article thus seeks to contribute a tighter critical theoretical understanding of the inequality-unsustainability relation as a nexus historically powered by specific mechanisms of fossil, metabolic, as well as "green" accumulation. Through the theorization of these relations, one can better apprehend how inequality is not only a question of unfair distribution or exclusion from affluence demanding to be addressed through social and environmental justice, but also the condition for the modes of extraction and exploitation that produce and reproduce unsustainability. I argue that the counterhegemonic struggle must be waged on that terrain: putting limitations (not self-limitations) on the accumulation machine and its inequality-unsustainability nexus. This reading, which builds on critical theory and Marxist and feminist political ecology, is related to notions of class as structured not only by exploitation, but also, crucially by dispossession and status hierarchization. Adopting a nexus approach to inequality and unsustainability offers a critical theoretical method that can hopefully shift the assessments and orientations of the sufficiency movement away from the moral terrain of self-limitation (whose self?) toward the class politics of limits on capital needed today for socio-ecological transformation. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The wartime imprisonment of Nikkei on Indigenous lands has been recognized as having produced a double displacement under the auspices of American settler colonialism. Less clearly understood are the forms of postwar political awareness that this displacement provoked in Nikkei inmates, especially those who were children or teenagers at the time. One determining factor in our lack of understanding is the fact that mass incarceration, like the mistreatment of Indigenous peoples before, alongside, and after it, obliviated much of the historical record. However, while the fragmentation of memory, both individual and shared, has been a hallmark of Nikkei experience in the US, it also has been a spur to political action, even alliance. This article addresses efforts at unearthing the memory of imprisonment on Indigenous lands. Its aim is to begin accounting for the longer-term impacts of contact between groups that imprisonment generated. That contact matters, not only because it defies the white settler-colonialist narrative of the time, but also because it has begun to generate important, if nascent and complex, intergroup alliances.

This article reflects on the medicalization of psychic suffering in order to understand that process as part of a capitalist accumulation strategy. To do this, the first idea is that capitalism is in a phase of an initial residual accumulation terminal (Veraza, 2011) in which, psychic suffering is one of the aspects to expropriate and exploit. Second, the economic policies implemented in Argentina are described; in the following sections, it is particularized in the Alto Rio Negro valley and in the expropriation of livelihoods. In the last section, we present the inter-capitalist dispute within the health sector and medicalization as a means of repositioning the industrial fraction in that dispute from three dimensions, the abstract universalization of diagnostic categories in health Mental; The regulatory changes and the offensive against work. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article tracks the relationship between waste, environmentalism, and settler territoriality and its mobilization in the remaking of East Jerusalem's political ecology. While using environmental discourses for Palestinian dispossession is as old as the colonization of Palestine, this article shows how, in recent years, the Israeli state and private settler organizations have re-imagined the natural environment of the Wadi al-Rababa neighborhood and the Hinnom Valley through the lens of Jewish biblical cultural memory to pursue territory. It draws on extensive fieldwork in the heritage tourism sector to demonstrate how conceiving the Hinnom Valley as transitioning from a neglected wasteland to a biblical Eden is used to claim a Jewish relationship to land and sever Palestinian claims to property and sovereignty. It also demonstrates how settler political ecologies are deeply tied to racialization work, producing differences vis-à-vis temporality and the environment. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper addresses the experience of Indigenous peoples in the highlands of Guerrero, Mexico, as they organize to defend their territory against mining exploitation. This struggle evinces the different dimensions of territoriality that are mobilized in the process of anti-mining resistance, with particular emphasis on the collective structures of organization and government. My ethnographic findings and anthropological analysis problematize the concepts of common goods and dispossession, in which Indigenous territoriality and the processes territory defense against material and cultural dispossession are framed. El presente ensayo discute la experiencia de organización para la defensa del territorio de los pueblos indígenas en la Montaña de Guerrero frente a proyectos de explotación minera, exponiendo las distintas dimensiones de la territorialidad movilizadas en el proceso de resistencia antiminera, con particular énfasis en las estructuras colectivas de organización y gobierno. A partir de los hallazgos etnográficos y del análisis antropológico, se problematizan los conceptos de bienes comunes y despojo, en los cuales se enmarcan la territorialidad indígena y los procesos de defensa del territorio frente al despojo material y cultural. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

For centuries, Gujarat has been known for its long distance trade across the seas. During the colonial times, the textile mill industry gradually developed in Ahmedabad and the city was known as ‘the Manchester of India’. However, for the past few decades, the city has also achieved notoriety for communal violence and the resultant loss of lives and property. This violence has also altered the morphology of the city leading to liminal spaces which are zones of dispossession and contestation. This paper focuses on Juhapura, located at the western extremity of Ahmedabad on the National Highway leading towards Saurashtra. It was a sparsely populated area to begin with but the situation drastically changed after the horrific communal riots of 1969. The beleaguered Muslim population of the city drifted towards Juhapura as a place of refuge as periodic bouts of violence plagued the city. Gradually, Juhapura got the dubious distinction as the largest ‘Muslim Ghetto’ in India. Despite residing in a rapidly globalizing city, the residents of Juhapura occupy a ‘disturbed zone of citizenship’ wherein the state is conspicuous by its absence. After a brief historical discussion on the lived spaces of Ahmedabad, the present study will focus on Juhapura which exists as a state of exception, wherein the everyday lives of the people are a struggle to survive, and a sense of precarity prevails as there is a conscious and continuous denial of rights in both subjective and material forms. Located on the periphery of the state-citizen relationship, dispossession is embedded in the habitus of Juhapura. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Attention to inequality is increasingly taking centerstage in the fight against climate change and environmental devastation. More and more scholars and activists emphasize the need to put the reduction of inequality at the core of environmental and climate politics, and more and more propose a (socially just) “sufficiency” approach and politics to do so. Just sufficiency is presented as the new desirable societal pact, tasked with taking over from the current dominant growth pact driving “excess,” and replacing it with a politics of “enough,” through “collectively defined self-limitation.” However, an excess/enough lens misses the dynamics of production of inequality in the first place, with important political implications. This article thus seeks to contribute a tighter critical theoretical understanding of the inequality-unsustainability relation as a nexus historically powered by specific mechanisms of fossil, metabolic, as well as “green” accumulation. Through the theorization of these relations, one can better apprehend how inequality is not only a question of unfair distribution or exclusion from affluence demanding to be addressed through social and environmental justice, but also the condition for the modes of extraction and exploitation that produce and reproduce unsustainability. I argue that the counterhegemonic struggle must be waged on that terrain: putting limitations (not self-limitations) on the accumulation machine and its inequality-unsustainability nexus. This reading, which builds on critical theory and Marxist and feminist political ecology, is related to notions of class as structured not only by exploitation, but also, crucially by dispossession and status hierarchization. Adopting a nexus approach to inequality and unsustainability offers a critical theoretical method that can hopefully shift the assessments and orientations of the sufficiency movement away from the moral terrain of self-limitation (whose self?) toward the class politics of limits on capital needed today for socio-ecological transformation.

This article examines how the futures promised by the postcolonial state through various projects leave peasants sceptical about a new government project at the rural margin of India. Focusing on a car factory project undertaken in 2006 by the government of the West Bengal Indian state, I explore how a half century-long project of land reforms shaped the dispossession politics of the peasants whose lands have been acquired for a car factory project. Based on an ethnography in Singur, this article explores how a car factory project at the very onset of its implementation instilled a sense of harm to life and livelihoods. Consequently, that project produced forms of spatiotemporal inequality between different socioeconomic groups in connection, not only with their ownership of land, but also with their respective vision of their work futures. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In January 2018, the mayoral-controlled Hartford Board of Education voted to officially close four mostly Black and Latinx schools as part of a district reorganization for “excellence.” This decision followed a decade of market-oriented reforms of school choice and closure promoted as a reform lever to improve academic achievement in a district under a school desegregation order and settlement. As part of a broader case study, this article draws on framing theory and the concept of accumulation by dispossession in order to compare stakeholder responses to the proposed closure of two schools in Hartford, Connecticut, at a moment of shifting public funds towards urban redevelopment. This article argues that stakeholders’ framing of responses connected to the form of school closure and their frame resonance, or effectiveness to connect with each other and the audience, related to status and identity in the district. This study supports the need for deeper understanding of how families, educators, and community partners experience school closures in urban contexts and how these groups provide alternatives to permanent school closure. The study also notes a particular form of school closure: desegregation by dispossession.

AbstractThe term disruption has become a buzzword for our times, although there is little clarity over what the term means, how it is deployed, and towards what ends. In order to understand the analytical and political stakes that are embedded in the deployment of ‘disruption’ as a rationale for various sources of upheaval, in this article I argue that these three terrains of disruption should be understood as theories of governance, and term them ‘disruption from above’, ‘disruption from the middle’, and ‘disruption from below’. Each terrain of disruption embodies different ethoses, actors, and goals: the first connoting elite-driven creative destruction and innovation; the second obfuscating the capitalist imperative that produces world-systemic upheavals; and the third seeking to expose the structures of violence and inequality built into such practices. I illustrate these three terrains through a structural account that traces the popularity of the disruption discourse from its origins to its material application; analyse an illustrative example of the assetisation of infrastructure and how it bureaucratises governance and shifts relations of power; and conclude by examining infrastructural forms of protest against such forms. I argue that the confusion over what disruption means, who exercises it, and upon whom is not a coincidence: rather, disruption's polysemy is structurally produced as a way to disguise ongoing capitalist crisis as a technical problem that market innovations can solve.

This paper analyses the central role of water infrastructure in the transformation of hydrosocial territories through a case study in the Forquilha catchment in Brazil's Nordeste. Decentralised state-led infrastructural development reinforced the resilience of communities to drought, leading to more sustainable water access by many families; this was further magnified through individual and collective initiatives. However, this entailed the overdevelopment of small-scale hydraulic infrastructure and the formation of small community-based hydrosocial territories, which changed water flows and social relations at different scales. We show how this has led to the loss of hydraulic connectivity and the fragmentation of the catchment and how it has weakened collective action vis-à-vis the state. The state staged a remarkable interventionist comeback in the catchment by connecting medium-sized reservoirs in the upstream part of the catchment to urban water supply networks. In the absence of negotiated water reallocation, this may lead to the loss of water and livelihoods by vulnerable groups. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The Coachella Valley sits at the geographic periphery of Los Angeles. Despite its physical and political marginality, the Coachella Valley is a key site of agricultural production in Southern California. Access to water is essential for ensuring the region's centrality in economic and social reproduction. Today, access to water for industrial production is primarily achieved through ongoing water dispossession. Using archival and policy documents, I analyze how United States settlers leveraged multiple mechanisms for water dispossession to expand the region's growth. Literature on water dispossession focuses on forms (water rights, grabbing, allocation, diversion, or contamination) that advance either settler colonialism or capitalism. This article demonstrates how successful white settlement in the Coachella Valley could only happen through Indigenous water dispossession. I identify an understudied form of water dispossession: groundwater overdraft. I illustrate that groundwater overdraft is not just a characteristic of early U.S. settler colonialism in the Coachella Valley; it is ongoing. In addition, the economic and environmental drawbacks to overdraft are resolved by expanding water dispossession. Analyzing groundwater overdraft as water dispossession, questions this premise. Illuminating the structural processes at play in water dispossession exposes the need to address dispossession, rather than simply overdraft, through both policy and cultural changes.

Tens of thousands of labourers work in the factories in and around Baia Mare, a city that is being reindustrialized after an initial industrialization under state socialism. In 2021, most workers were being paid about 280 euro a month, as companies were aiming to achieve the lowest possible production costs while remaining within the European Union. Workers and their families, unable to make do on their low wages alone, constantly scramble for means to supplement their income. Many work overtime systematically; some choose to migrate for work abroad for a few months every year; yet others quit their factory jobs for more lucrative opportunities during the summers, only to return to the factories in the autumn. In this paper, I look at the industrial history of Baia Mare and the work lives of labourers to understand how the workers in the region were impacted by the politics of dispossession. I use two complementary lenses: on the one hand, I understand their position at the junction of global, national, and local forces; on the other hand, I underline the ways in which this specific case speaks to the workings of global capital, not as an exception, but as one of many interconnected stories of human experience.

Considering the national awakening to the pervasiveness of racial violence, historical acts of planning must be examined for how they have concretized racial inequalities in the built environment. This paper engages with Critical Race Theory to consider how the historical development of the View Park subdivision of Los Angeles contributed to the materialization of White Supremacy. The developer’s plan for the fully improved, racially and socioeconomically restricted subdivision of View Park, especially when compared to its plans for subdivisions intended for Black and working-class persons, illustrates how possession was achieved by design for the exclusive use of White persons through disinvestment in non-White communities.

Austerity as management of public debt is at the core of neoliberal policies and proceeds as differential exploitation. To explore the gendered dimensions of debt, the paper inquires how debt is bond to desire and inscribed in bodies. After indulging in David Graeber’s, Gilles Deleuze’s and Félix Guttari’s work, the analysis focuses on accumulation through debt and dispossession. Drawing on Verónica Gago, Luci Cavallero and Silvia Federici, it reflects how current economies of debt exploit feminized work in times of authoritarian neoliberalism. The paper sheds light on solidaristic struggles against austerity that manifest a desire for social transformation and economies of care.

This article deals with developments following a period of social conflict resulting from the dispossession of Rarámuri communities in the Copper Canyon of the Sierra Tarahumara by several tourism entrepreneurs. The planning of the “Aventuras” Tourist Park generated expectations and speculation that led private individuals to try to forcibly displace the Rarámuri communities. These communities organized and responded with lawsuits in the courts, most of which have been won. In this research we analyze the process of negotiation with the state government that occurred after the first victories of the communities and the arrival of a state government sympathetic to their demands. During the period studied, the recognition and exercise of the communities' human rights experienced paradigmatic advances at the national level, however, they also faced unforeseen obstacles and State inertia that have not allowed the satisfaction of the communities' demands. The establishment of the Park's Consultative Council and the construction of the regional airport are standpoints for the analysis of this sui generis situation in the region.

The article showcases the nature of climate colonialism by examining the transitions in heirloom seed conservation practices in the context of climate change. Insights for this article are drawn from an action research project implemented among heirloom seed keepers and small-scale farmers in Tamil Nadu, India. Local knowledge systems and indigenous seed conservation practices play a crucial role in strengthening the resilience of small-scale farmers to climate variability and extreme weather events. Throughout India, traditional seed keepers have voluntarily taken up the responsibility of collecting and conserving native and heirloom seeds for future generations. These practices also ensure that sustainable farming practices are adopted. However, the modernization and commercialization of agriculture since the colonial and post-independence periods have displaced several such practices, paving the way for the mass consumption of hybrid seed varieties and chemical fertilizers and pesticides. With the advent of climate change as both global discourse and locally experienced phenomena, yet another layer of dispossession and the cheapening of nature has occurred. The key argument of this article is that climate change adaptation has become a new commodity frontier, dispossessing and alienating small-scale producers.

This paper analyses the central role of water infrastructure in the transformation of hydrosocial territories through a case study in the Forquilha catchment in Brazil’s Nordeste. Decentralised state-led infrastructural development reinforced the resilience of communities to drought, leading to more sustainable water access by many families; this was further magnified through individual and collective initiatives. However, this entailed the overdevelopment of small-scale hydraulic infrastructure and the formation of small community-based hydrosocial territories, which changed water flows and social relations at different scales. We show how this has led to the loss of hydraulic connectivity and the fragmentation of the catchment and how it has weakened collective action vis-à-vis the state. The state staged a remarkable interventionist comeback in the catchment by connecting medium-sized reservoirs in the upstream part of the catchment to urban water supply networks. In the absence of negotiated water reallocation, this may lead to the loss of water and livelihoods by vulnerable groups.

This article aims to define and critically examine the concept of touristification and its socio-economic and territorial implications, particularly focusing on the Costa del Sol (Málaga, Spain). It employs the method of systematic literature review. The paper concludes that touristification is a product of the prevailing capitalist logics, of which hegemonic tourism is a further expression. Thus, contemporary tourism becomes a channel for the accumulation and reproduction of capital, entailing a process of dispossession, gentrification, and the transformation of geographic spaces to the benefit of these capitalist logics. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Revista de Antropología Social is the property of Universidad Complutense de Madrid and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

The proposed study explores the ways in which Abulhawa uses fiction to humanize the Palestinian condition of dispossession and displacement thus advancing the Palestinian perspective of the conflict. Analysing the important role of narratives in decolonizing the colonial imaginaries for example "Palestinians do not exist", or "they are savages or terrorists", it contends that, for Abulhawa, retrieving the Palestinian narrative is a fundamental praxis for seeking decolonization and to end dehumanization and exclusion. Reclaiming native narrative of the conflict will enable Palestinians to affirm their existence and propel their struggle against settler colonialism. The study will be done with the help of the analysis of Abulhawa's Mornings in Jenin. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Situated in the context of the land and ocean grabs in Ghana post-2007–2008 global economic crises, this article argues that the country is experiencing "primitive accumulation" without capitalist industrialization. I draw on the insights of agrarian political economy to argue that this has created cheap laborers without industrial capital to exploit. The corollary of this is the creation of additional "relative surplus population", worsening the country's (un)employment crisis. However, this "relative surplus population" is not marginal to global capitalist accumulation and exploitation; on the contrary, it is important to them. The article draws on ethnographic fieldwork in Ghanaian communities to document the voices of the dispossessed and semi-proletarianized about their experiences with the crisis of (re)production inflicted on them by global capitalism. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Mundo Agrario is the property of Universidad Nacional de La Plata and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

A growing body of literature has argued for the reconceptualization of Latin America as a settler colony. Contrary to the self-proclaimed decolonization of Latin American states upon their independence two centuries ago, the settlers who came to Latin America stayed and preserved the structure of settler colonialism to the present day. This article analyzes the case of Nicaragua through the conceptual frame of settler colonialism and examines an apt case study: the Indigenous and Afrodescendant communities of the Rama-Kriol Territory in southeastern Nicaragua, where I have conducted activist ethnographic research since 2014. The ongoing colonization of the Rama-Kriol Territory exhibits not only failures of the state to enforce legal protections of multicultural rights, but also the extension of a colonial logic of dispossession and elimination. The case of the Rama-Kriol Territory demonstrates the entanglements of Nicaraguan settler colonialism with international institutions, development banks, multinational corporations, and settler colonial projects around the world. I conclude that social science researchers should attend to continuing and emergent forms of Indigenous sovereignty in Nicaragua. Amid the fading backdrop of liberal multiculturalism in Latin America, these assertions of sovereignty pose a political horizon of decolonization and an end to settler violence, dispossession, and domination.

The conjunction of climate, food, and financial crises in the late 2000s triggered renewed interest in farmland and agribusiness investments around the world. This phenomenon became known as the ‘global land grab' and sparked debates among social movements, NGOs, academics, government and international development agencies worldwide. In this introduction, we critically analyse the ‘state of the literature' so far, and outline four areas that are moving the debate ‘beyond land grabs'. These include: (1) the role of contract farming and differentiation among farm workers in the consolidation of farmland; (2) the broader forms of dispossession and mechanisms of control and value grabbing beyond ‘classic’ land grabs for agricultural production; (3) discourses about, and responses to, Chinese agribusiness investments abroad; and (4) the relationship between financialization and land grabbing. Ultimately, we propose new directions to deepen and even transform the research agenda on land struggles and agroindustrial restructuring around the world.

Conquest of new frontiers in the universe requires the colonization of old ones. This article interrogates technoscience desires to explore outer space, and how time and territory for discovering extraterrestrials and habitable planets are organized through settler colonialism on our own. Examining modern astronomy at Mauna Kea, I argue the technoscientific promise of the Thirty Meter Telescope hinges on a temporality of lateness—late to show up and late in time—that contributes to the dehumanization, elimination, and dispossession of Kanaka Maoli, the Indigenous people of Hawai‘i. I demonstrate further that kia‘i—mountain protectors— unsettle technoscientific conquest by cruising Mauna Kea as an alternative tempo that disrupts the pace of building the observatory.

Copyright of Jangwa Pana is the property of Revista Jangwa Pana and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Mundo Agrario is the property of Universidad Nacional de La Plata and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Abstract This article examines the conflict dynamics among the pastoralists in the eastern Rift Valley in Ethiopia. It focuses on the Ituu–Karrayuu pastoralists’ conflict encounters with their neighbours, the Afar and Argobba. The article aims to provide a deeper understanding of the changing patterns of the relation of conflict and land use in the territories shared by these groups and how it is influenced by boundary-making within Ethiopia in the early 1990s. It draws on fieldwork conducted in the Fantallee district in the Oromiya region from March to June 2020. The source of data for this article relies on qualitative methodology and data collected through interviews, focus group discussion, observation and document analysis. The data obtained through recording and note-taking were categorised and organised into relevant themes and analysed thematically. The findings reveal that the current pastoralist conflicts in the study area have become more rather than less dynamic and intense. Unlike the recent works on conflicts across the country, we argue that most of the conflicts occurring among the pastoral communities of the eastern Rift Valley are not driven by the policy of ethnic federalism alone. Instead, our research shows the changing nature of pastoralist conflicts is a consequence of multi-layered causes/actors and evolving state policies—in short, a consequence of a wider political and economic context. The study suggests the need for placing the pastoral issues within the broader political and economic contexts to address the tensions across the rangeland economy.

From the social construction of memory, we study the processes of dispossession and grievances experienced by the P'urhépecha community members of Ocumicho, for more than a century, by mestizos, agrarian and judicial institutions and different actors of illegal economies; as tangible traces of a living history. We also show how past events are re-signified by its members to give meaning to the present, which allows them to think of possible future horizons. For this purpose, we put in dialogue colonial and agrarian archive documents, but mainly we place in the center of the analysis the written and oral testimonies, related to contentious processes that threaten their indigenous territory and their continuity as a culturally specific collective. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Revista Anuario de Historia Regional y de las Fronteras is the property of Universidad Industrial de Santander and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

A protracted movement emerged in Kashipur in Southern Odisha in 1993 that stalled a bauxite mining project for over 18 years. It went through fragmentations and eventually petered out by the early 2010s. This paper aims to understand how and why the processes of capital accumulation through dispossession cause fragmentation of social movements and their eventual petering out. I analyse the collective strikes that the villagers engaged in during 2008-2010, paralyzing the company's incipient construction work over a tumultuous nine months. Critically engaging with David Harvey's concept of "accumulation by dispossession" (ABD) and Kalyan Sanyal's concept of "jobless growth", I argue that ABD processes entail protracted interaction of extractive capital, bureaucratic structures, ecology, and the movements of subaltern communities with existing divisions. Dispossession processes generate new fissures in which ownership of land or lack of it due to land acquisition becomes the central axis of cleavage, shaping the politics and outcomes of dispossession. I further reveal that 'jobless growth' is unachievable for a company that can push ahead only through the provision of precarious employment and such promises. It is based on eight months of ethnographic fieldwork conducted in 2010-2012. Methodologically, it follows Burawoy's (2000) call to "construct perspectives on globalisation from below" through "ethnographic grounding". [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Kafr 'Aqab is an annexed neighborhood at the northern end of East Jerusalem, squeezed between Ramallah and the Wall. Many observers and journalists wrongly assume it is simply a congested suburb of Ramallah, usually regarded by passersby as a concrete jungle. The reality of Kafr 'Aqab is far more interesting and diverse. Upwards of 125,000 Palestinians of varying statuses and situations, call the neighborhood home. This essay explores some of the challenges faced by Kafr 'Aqab residents, through a story of a newlywed couple's search for an apartment to buy. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Colombia is considered a pioneer in inclusive recycling in Latin America and the state-led formalisation policies are considered a referent for the socio-economic inclusion of waste pickers beyond the region. Nevertheless, more than 60,000 waste pickers in Colombia are struggling to remain in place despite these inclusive recycling and formalisation policies. This paper examines the implementation of formalisation policies and their consequences for the population of waste pickers by comparing evidence from two Colombian cities: Bogotá and Cartagena de Indias. The paper draws on extensive qualitative community-based research methodology with waste pickers in both cities guided by an interdisciplinary epistemological position to support Colombian waste pickers' political struggle for recognition from a theoretical reflection. This paper shows how formalisation policies became a mechanism of manifold dispossessions in both cities. This paper categorises three forms of enclosures faced by waste pickers: (a) material and socio-economic; (b) bodily and spatial; and (c) political and organisational. Finally, this paper concludes by urging to consider the situated social, political, and cultural facets of waste pickers' labour to enhance grassroots reflections on how to achieve greater levels of social justice and inclusion. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This essay collages theories (settler colonialism, transnational feminism, Black and Indigenous feminist thought, and critical theory) for the purpose of dialoguing together through land-based Black and Indigenous solidarities. In our dialogue, we invite readers to think about how choosing theories and identifying intentions is a methodology of coalition. We demonstrate how this might materialize in three coalition possibilities: faith communities, neoslavery for dispossession and erasure, and reimagining borders.

The article treats expropriation as the main political risk for international business, which was scientifically conceptualized following the decolonization period and marked by the shift in development strategies of the third world countries. With the end of the third wave of democratization, the fall of the Berlin Wall and the active liberalization of new markets, research interest in political risks, including threats of expropriation of foreign capital, weakened, giving way to mainly economic indicators of the investment climate. In recent years, however, with the increasing geopolitical turbulence and escalating trade and diplomatic conflicts, political factors are being brought into the foreground of country risk profiles.In line with the expert discussions on the return of political risk, this article addresses the issue of the relevance of expropriation threats and reveals their modern nature. It focuses on the development of implicit mechanisms of state dispossessions and their current geographical distribution, which is no longer limited by the emerging markets. Based on the analysis of international arbitration cases, the article proves the modern relevancy and importance of both direct and creeping expropriations. It also stresses the necessity of the adaptation of political risk analysis methodology in accordance with the recent evolution of government takings, marked by the modification of its sources and fundamental political motivations. At the same time, the conducted analysis of scientific research in Russia reveals a noticeable gap in this direction and emphasizes this urgent need for reconsideration of political risk theory in order to bring it in line with current nature of direct and indirect forms of expropriation.

This essay argues that the theories and terminologies deriving from paradigms of "colonial" and "post-colonial" cities marginalize some aspects of the structural violence that Palestinians experience in coastal cities of Palestine within the 1949 Armistice demarcation or Green Line, particularly in Jaffa. These theories often preclude the tracing of power structures and the escalating violence against spaces and society. This results in the literature dealing with the Palestinian city either as a historical space, which often explores Jaffa before the Nakba, or as part of the globalized present without framing it, either historically or politically. Consequently, this essay proposes to use "demolition," a concept that stems from Jaffa's reality, as a prism. It focuses on different forms of demolition through micro-geographical research on three houses in various neighborhoods in Jaffa, each embodying different aspects of "demolition". [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In this article, I track a housing scheme introduced in Hyderabad, India, to redevelop slums (in situ) into two-bedroom apartments. Drawing on ethnographic fieldwork, I argue that existing forms of governance cyclically enact a suspension of poor people's lives and often dispossess the poor of one set of rights in the process of delivering another set. In their own descriptions of these schemes, displaced communities emphatically account for the forms of suffering they repeatedly incur, which are unaccounted for in the records of the state. In their experience, governance is not only arbitrary and labyrinthine, but it also entails necessary experiences of dispossession that ironically accompany schemes for their development. This regime of dispossession that chronically underlies schemes for poverty alleviation is what I call 'cruel governance'. Over time, this mode of development accompanied by dispossession has resulted in cynical realignments of subaltern politics towards the state and its projects. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

A status quo has been structured in Mexico that prioritizes the commercial value of water over its socio-environmental value. Sonora is a typical case of the transfer of a common good to the private sphere. The communities historically linked to the two major affluents in the region, the Río Yaqui and the Río Sonora, have experienced this trend firsthand. There, as in the rest of Mexico, a water market has emerged that has led to de facto privatization benefiting the bourgeoisie. En México se ha estructurado un status quo que prioriza el valor comercial del agua sobre su socioambiental. Sonora es un caso típico de transferencia de un bien común a la esfera privada. Las comunidades históricamente vinculadas a los dos principales afluentes de la región, el Río Yaqui y el Río Sonora, han experimentado esta tendencia de primera mano. Allí, como en otras partes de México, ha surgido un mercado del agua que ha llevado a una privatización de facto que beneficia a la burguesía. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Ethnographic field interviews collected in three municipalities of Oaxaca explain how the Mexican state's response to the Chiapas earthquake facilitated capital accumulation while intensifying indigenous-campesino grievances against megaprojects and resource extraction. State policies in Oaxaca's Isthmus of Tehuantepec during the fall of 2017 reinforced social inequality by way of three key mechanisms: neglect, dispossession, and pacification. Making sense of the way state institutions exercised power during this disaster benefits from combining a critical perspective on global capitalism with long-standing frameworks of cultural genocide and internal colonialism. Las entrevistas de campo etnográficas recogidas en tres municipios de Oaxaca nos muestran cómo la respuesta del Estado mexicano al terremoto de Chiapas facilitó la acumulación de capital al mismo tiempo que intensificó las quejas de campesinos indígenas contra los megaproyectos y la extracción de recursos. Las políticas estatales en el istmo de Tehuantepec en Oaxaca durante el otoño de 2017 reforzaron la desigualdad social a través de tres mecanismos clave: abandono, despojo y pacificación. Para poder dar sentido a la forma en que las instituciones estatales ejercieron el poder durante este desastre es importante combinar una perspectiva crítica sobre el capitalismo global y marcos teóricos de larga data en torno al genocidio cultural y el colonialismo interno. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Three multibillionaire-owned consortia in Mexico—Carlos Slim Helu's Minera Frisco, Germán Larrea's Grupo México, and Alberto Baillères's Industrias Peñoles—have played a leading role in the process of accumulation through dispossession by perpetrating violence against indigenous and peasant communities in the form of the expulsion of thousands of people from their land, attacks on their security, health and ways of life, environmental depredation, fraud, criminalization, and murder. Examination of media reports of the most recent socio-environmental conflicts and corporate documents reveals the tension between profit accumulation through dispossession and territorial depredation in mining and various forms of resistance. Los consorcios multimillonarios mexicanos—Minera Frisco de Carlos Slim Helu, Grupo México de Germán Larrea e Industrias Peñoles de Alberto Baillères—han desempeñado un papel protagónico en el proceso de acumulación a través del despojo efectuado a través de la perpetración de actos de violencia contra las comunidades indígenas y campesinas. Esto se ha manifestado en la expulsión de miles de personas de sus tierras, ataques a su seguridad, salud y formas de vida, así como depredación ambiental, fraude, criminalización y asesinato. Un análisis de los informes hechos por los medios de comunicación en torno a los conflictos socioambientales más recientes así como de documentos corporativos revela la tensión existente entre la acumulación de ganancias a través del despojo y la depredación territorial en el rubro de la minería, al igual que diversas formas de resistencia. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article examines the conflict dynamics among the pastoralists in the eastern Rift Valley in Ethiopia. It focuses on the Ituu–Karrayuu pastoralists' conflict encounters with their neighbours, the Afar and Argobba. The article aims to provide a deeper understanding of the changing patterns of the relation of conflict and land use in the territories shared by these groups and how it is influenced by boundary-making within Ethiopia in the early 1990s. It draws on fieldwork conducted in the Fantallee district in the Oromiya region from March to June 2020. The source of data for this article relies on qualitative methodology and data collected through interviews, focus group discussion, observation and document analysis. The data obtained through recording and note-taking were categorised and organised into relevant themes and analysed thematically. The findings reveal that the current pastoralist conflicts in the study area have become more rather than less dynamic and intense. Unlike the recent works on conflicts across the country, we argue that most of the conflicts occurring among the pastoral communities of the eastern Rift Valley are not driven by the policy of ethnic federalism alone. Instead, our research shows the changing nature of pastoralist conflicts is a consequence of multi-layered causes/actors and evolving state policies—in short, a consequence of a wider political and economic context. The study suggests the need for placing the pastoral issues within the broader political and economic contexts to address the tensions across the rangeland economy. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The trauma that resulted from the construction of large hydroelectric dams in the Amazon is marked by major social and environmental restructuring, plunder, and impacts, on Indigenous Lands, Conservation Units, and residents on the outskirts of cities, or through the country roads. In general, the effects caused by the Belo Monte HPP gain prominence and production, and one of them composes the objective of this article: to analyze the impacts on the fishing territory. Having as the methodological path the bibliographic review, field, and relative work with the fishermen of the Fishing Colony Z-57. It appears that the installation of the plant ended up deleteriously altering the systemic and cultural relations, under which the fishing territory is expressed. Compromising it, translating into low fishing stocks in the communities; a decrease of up to 70% in fisheries production, and, consequently, an increase in pain and economic costs for carrying out the activity. It was evident that the legal frameworks and the licensing instruments, all the judicialization resulting from these infrastructure projects, and the struggle imposed on their installation, were not capable of safeguarding the interests of society - fishermen, specifically - in the face of the despoliation effect of the construction of the hydroelectric dam on the fishing territory.

In this paper, it is explored the impact of militarized and punitive methods of drug control on indigenous and peasant communities engaged in the cultivation of poppies in Guerrero (Mexico), within a context of neoliberal agrarian counter-reform and state repression, operating through a multi-level range of power brokers. Through the lens of ethnography and mixed methodology, it is examined the dynamics and changing characteristics of the commodity chain of heroin, from field production to consumption and money laundering, and it is analysed the different logics of dispossession involved, as well as the rationales of normative discourses in producing communities and their survival strategies. The framework of analysis behind is drawn from studies regarding the anthropology of the state, the anthropology of the «illicit», and of capitalism, and critical development studies.