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Illiberal governance is on the rise across the globe. At the same time, China and Russia are expanding their investment and political presence in many countries. Most studies link these two trends—the rise of domestic illiberalism and China's and Russia's growing geopolitical influence—often assuming that both Beijing and Moscow are responsible for the spread of autocratic values across the globe. Instead, we find that China and Russia are leveraging existing illiberal trends to expand their global reach. In this article, we analyze media coverage between 2015 and 2022 in Hungary, Türkiye, and Kyrgyzstan of these countries' respective bilateral relations with China and Russia, and we show that countries pursue their own interests by collaborating with China and Russia, often framing external engagement as a positive political and economic development. Our analysis shows that China's foreign messaging is consolidated around a set of ideals, while Russian engagement is mostly driven by anti‐Western sentiments. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of REMIE - Multidisciplinary Journal of Educational Research is the property of Hipatia Press and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

This piece offers an introduction to US foreign policy toward the Iraqi Kurds since the First World War by dividing that policy into seven discernible stages—from Wilson's Fourteen Points to the actions of the Trump administration. In doing so, I query whether the existence of US foreign policy toward the Kurds has been more active and supportive during Democratic Party administrations or Republican Party administrations. Are there any clear indications as to which party has been better for the Iraqi Kurds? Or is US foreign policy toward the Iraqi Kurds unequivocally dependent on regional dynamics and US interests, not on which political party is governing or the values they espouse? The central argument is that American policy toward the Iraqi Kurds has mostly been dependent on changing regional dynamics, particularly on the changing nature of the United States relationships with Iraq, Turkey, Iran, and Syria, and this does not seem to be affected strongly by which US party holds the presidency. Perhaps counter‐intuitively, there is no evidence to suggest the Democrats have been better for the Iraqi Kurds than the Republicans. While some of the most significant setbacks for the Kurds occurred during Republican administrations, their two most essential political achievements were also during Republican administrations. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of SHILAP Revista de Lepidopterologia is the property of Sociedad Hispano-Luso-Americana de Lepidopterologia and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Environmental & Social Management Journal / Revista de Gestão Social e Ambiental is the property of Environmental & Social Management Journal and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Knowledge of the insect microbiota remains largely unexplored. The intestinal microbiome of Marchalina hellenica (Gennadius, 1883) (Hemiptera, Margarodidae) was determined in the current study. This species is the main source of pine honey production. A pool of 100 samples were selected, representing the distribution of M. hellenica in the province of Mugla, Turkey. API Staph tests were used to assess Gram-positive bacteria, while API 20NE and API 20E tests were used to assess Gram-negative bacteria. As a result, 33 Gram-negative and 15 Gram-positive isolates were obtained from samples collected from 44 different locations. Among Gram-positive, 14 out of 15 belonged to Staphylococcus spp. Among Gram-negative, 22 out of 33 belonged to Aeromonas spp. This is the first study intended to determine the intestinal microbiome of M. hellenica. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

On February 24, 2022, Russia launched a special military operation in eastern Ukraine. Several countries and international organizations reacted with messages of condemnation. In this article, was defined as an object of study the official communications of NATO and Turkey during the first three weeks after the beginning of the war on February 23, 2022, starting from the initial question: were there differences in the communication of NATO and Turkey on the invasion of Ukraine and, if so, what factors might have motivated these differences? Content analysis was carried out on 26 press-releases from the Secretary General of NATO and 31 press-releases from the Turkish Government issued between February 24 and March 17, 2022. Significant differences were detected in the use of the most relevant keywords in the results. Turkey's insufficiently critical and assertive language allowed it to maintain the double game, benefiting, on the one hand, from its proximity to Moscow, without neglecting, on the other hand, its position in NATO. On the other hand, NATO displayed its communication in such a way as to underline that this threat to Europe's security shows that the reinforcement of a strong and cohesive defensive alliance continues to be a central aspect of the national defence policies of its member states. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Esboços: Historias em Contextos Globias is the property of Esbocos: historias em contextos globais and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

For decades researchers have explored the link between the Big Five personality traits and job performance, conducting studies across various contexts and sectors. The study seeks to test the link between the Big Five dimensions of personality and job performance in Türkiye, for which an integration of 38 studies involving 18,021 participants was performed. By using psychometric meta-analysis, the study compares and evaluates the similarities and differences among the Türkiye studies and the broader literature on this topic. Additionally, this study is among the first to address the moderating effect of evaluators and sectors on the relationship between Big Five personality traits and job performance dimensions. The findings suggest that there are differences between the Turkish studies and the existing literature, which could be explained by cultural differences and social norms specific to collectivist countries like Türkiye. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Saúde e Sociedade is the property of Universidade de Sao Paulo, Faculdade de Saude Publica and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Resumo Apesar do crescente interesse pela dimensão da religiosidade na área da saúde, muçulmanos têm sido negligenciados pelo campo psi. Por um lado, profissionais pouco conhecem essa religião e seus seguidores; por outro, a população muçulmana cresce tanto pelas reversões quanto por imigração/refúgio, e adentra nas clínicas psicológicas. Para suprir tal descompasso, este artigo tem como objetivo apresentar pontos de atenção a serem considerados quando se trata da saúde mental de mulheres muçulmanas e das especificidades do cuidado direcionado a elas. Para tanto, tomou-se como disparador a série turca 8 em Istambul, que expõe os meandros de um atendimento psicológico a uma mulher muçulmana que usa hijab, o véu islâmico. A análise do corpus fez emergir três eixos reflexivos, que apontam: (1) a necessidade de psicoeducação da comunidade muçulmana diante das tensões e dos estigmas cristalizados; (2) o etnocentrismo e a islamofobia como obstáculos ao processo psicoterapêutico; e (3) a importância da escuta sensível para uma prática psicológica aberta à diversidade cultural-religiosa. Este estudo, em confluência com pesquisas etnográficas conduzidas em campo islâmico brasileiro, permite destacar possibilidades, desafios e aspectos éticos da relação entre religião e cuidado em saúde mental.

Resumo Este artigo explica o repentino interesse da Turquia em implementar políticas de vinculação da diáspora durante o período em que Erdoğan ocupou o cargo de primeiro-ministro do país (2003-2014). Argumenta-se que a evolução dessas políticas foi resultado de uma combinação de fatores domésticos, transnacionais e internacionais: internamente, a ascensão do AKP ao poder resultou em reformas econômicas e políticas e na promoção de uma nova identidade nacional baseada no neo-otomanismo e no nacionalismo sunita-muçulmano. Transnacionalmente, a crescente influência socioeconômica e política das comunidades turcas nos países de abrigo instou a Turquia a reconsiderar a eficácia de sua diáspora como fonte de influência no exterior, bem como um eleitorado em eleições nacionais. Acontecimentos internacionais também moldaram a nova agenda diaspórica do país, como o aumento do poder de barganha vis-à-vis a UE desde o início dos anos 2000 e o aumento da islamofobia no pós-11 de setembro.

This document is a compilation of various articles and studies related to population aging and its spatial distribution in different regions and countries. The articles explore topics such as the challenges and perspectives of global population aging, the demographic transformations in China, India, and Indonesia, the spatial and temporal analysis of older adult population trends in Perth, the aging population in Turkey, and the regional appraisal of aging in Russia, among others. The studies utilize methods such as cluster analysis, spatial autocorrelation, and spatial-temporal modeling to understand the patterns and trends of population aging in different regions. The given document provides a comprehensive list of references and citations from various sources related to the topic of population aging and its spatial aspects. The sources cover a range of geographical regions, including Turkey, China, Spain, Italy, and the United States, among others. The references include studies on the demographic trends, spatial variations, and driving forces of population aging in different countries. The document also includes references to research on internal migration patterns, socio-economic development, and the impact of population aging on various regions. [Extracted from the article]

Recent years have seen a growing scholarly interest in the electoral participation of Turkish citizens living abroad. Despite an existing body of literature on the Turkish diaspora, which is predominantly Eurocentric in nature, there has been a noticeable lack of consistent research into the voting behavior of Turkish expatriates residing in the Gulf Cooperation Council (GCC) states with regard to their participation in home country elections. In this article, I delve into the voting patterns of Turkish expatriates living in the GCC states, with a specific focus on their political interests, party preferences, and ideological-religious perspectives within the context of Turkish-Gulf relations. Unlike Turkish expatriates in European states, who have tended to support conservative-nationalist parties, Turkish citizens residing in the conservative GCC states exhibited a preference for left wing-oriented parties in elections held between 2014 and 2018. However, there has been a subtle shift in this trend in the 2023 presidential and parliamentary elections, with some Turkish expatriates in the GCC states leaning toward the ruling alliance. What might be the potential factors influencing this change in voting behavior among certain Turks in the GCC states? I argue that the drivers behind this shift may be related to both the demographic profile of Turks residing in the GCC states as well as the impact of the Turkish foreign policy towards the broader Middle East, particularly concerning the GCC states. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

China has evolved into an important provider of resources for developing countries, encompassing capital, know-how and expertise. China has also actively worked to strengthen diplomatic ties with developing regions since the early 2000s. Against this backdrop, the governments in many developing countries have moved to incorporate China as a significant factor in their geopolitical and geoeconomic considerations. Under the rule of the Justice and Development Party (Adalet ve Kalkınma Partisi, AKP), Turkey has also sought to foster relations with China, particularly since the early 2010s. This pursuit has been further triggered by Ankara's strained relations with the United States and the European Union. Turkish political leadership envisions China as a potentially crucial partner that could enhance the country's autonomy in relation to the West. While this expectation has not entirely materialized so far, there is an ongoing debate regarding the extent to which China can potentially be a transformative actor in Turkey's position within the international order. This paper contributes to this debate by locating Turkey-China engagement within a broader context of China's power and influence in the developing world. The paper suggests that the potential for Turkey's cooperation with China is likely to remain relatively limited for the foreseeable future. This is not only due to Turkey's deeply rooted ties with the West, but also because of the nature of China's global power, which is more partial and not as deep as commonly assumed. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Relations between Türkiye and Iraq have gone through different stages between 2003 and 2023. The objective of our article is to analyze the constants and evolution of the relationship between the two neighbors from the Turkish perspective. We try to explain how economic aspects and border security issues are at the heart of Turkish diplomacy. Since the AKP and its leader Recep Tayyip Erdoğan came to power, the Turkish vision and strategy in the Middle East, and in Iraq in particular, have passed through different moments which depended on the regional context or the Turkish domestic context - a complex bilateral relationship that depends on several factors. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article aims to analyze the Turkish foreign policy towards the African continent in the 21st century. With the end of the Cold War and the world order centered on a bipolar logic, Turkey has had greater autonomy to manage its international relations, maintaining a more active foreign policy by expanding its economic, diplomatic, and security affairs beyond the West. In this context, under the leadership of the Justice and Development Party (AKP), the African continent has come to occupy an increasingly prominent place in Turkish foreign relations. Thus, since the early 2000s, there has been a substantial increase in Turkey's presence on the continent, characterized, among other aspects, by the intensification of bilateral trade flows, the expansion of the diplomatic network on the continent, its participation in the mediation of conflicts and the offer of humanitarian assistance to African actors. In this context, and based on the literature on Middle Powers and Regional Powers, this paper discusses the intensification of Turkey's ties with African countries since the beginning of the 21st century, comprehending it as part of a broader international projection strategy. To this end, the study adopts a hermeneutic approach, relying on the literature review on Turkish-African relations and the analysis, supported by quantitative data, of the developments of these relations in the political, economic, and security axes throughout the period in question. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Türkiye has projected itself as a middle power through a rapprochement with the Global South since the early 2000s, when it embarked on a multifaceted foreign policy and developed relations not only with Europe, but also with the rest of the world, identifying Latin America as one of its priorities. From this point, Bogotá-Ankara's relations show an evolution in the external actions of both nations, and after more than a decade of deepening political, economic and cultural relations, it is pertinent to examine the level of rapprochement achieved. The purpose of the article is to observe how the nations that are part of the Global South have stimuli for new approaches that account for the strengthening of relations in the periphery. The hypothesis is that Ankara and Bogotá, taking advantage of a structure that is moving towards multipolarity, have projected themselves as emerging economies based on fundamental internal changes. Foreign policy does not always obey a planned strategy, but rather responds to external motivations and internal changes, as has been the case with the Colombian-Turkish rapprochement. The text is divided into three parts. First, it compares their trajectories in globalisation, particularly since 2010; second, it analyses the evolution of trade relations to examine their impact on the deepening of the political link; and finally, it puts into perspective the present and future challenges of a budding partnership. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

With decline of the unipolar system and US hegemony, Turkey, just like other middle powers and the great world powers, has been seeking a repositioning in the emerging multipolar order and claimed by a new international system. The orientation and nature of this quest has been strongly influenced by the prominent figure of Recep Tayyip Erdoğan, the leader of Islamist AKP party that has ruled Turkey for most of the 21st century. This long period has produced big social, political, economic and cultural changes in Turkey, which have also had an impact on its foreign policy. In the last twenty years, Turkey has modified its strategy of international insertion, both from the theoretical-doctrinal point of view as well as from the available resources and objectives. While it has not officially established a Grand Strategy, however, based on the recent actions by the Turkish government and analytical literature, it is possible to identify its main components. One of them is its intended reach at different levels: national, regional (with the determination of new areas of influence) and global, resorting to a mixture of elements of soft and hard power, with greater relevance of force in the last stage, due to circumstances considered as threats by Turkey. In any case, speaking of a grand strategy, it is necessary to try first to delimit this concept in general and identify its characteristics for Turkey in particular, as well as its challenges and main limitations, at the 100th anniversary of the Republic. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]