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[EN] The present article examines foreign direct investment (FDI) in Algeria. The study explores how legal constraints on social capital formation, in conjunction with trade restrictions, condition companies' international investment strategies and the attractiveness and implementation of investments in Algeria. These factors affect the diversification of the economy and the business climate. The empirical analysis was performed using a sample of 62 joint ventures (JV) in Algeria for the period 1990 to 2019. The JVs were established by companies from 14 countries. The analysis was performed using fuzzy-set qualitative comparative analysis (fsQCA). The 49/51 rule, combined with increasing restrictions, has affected two groups of companies differently. The first group consists of companies that the Algerian government considers necessary for the diversification of the economy. This group essentially consists of companies in the manufacturing sector, which have shifted from the commercialization to the assembly of products in Algeria. The second group consists of oil and gas companies, which have not undergone changes in the way they access the Algerian market.

This study re-examines the oil and democracy nexus, which is central to the political resource curse by applying the latest democracy dataset, V-DEM, into the analysis in a sample of 100 Developing Countries, over the period 1935-2014. Our study is a contribution to this taxonomic literature where we improve on previous studies not only by employing a novel democratic data source, but also because we use two definitions of oil wealth which renders our results more robust, besides delineating the sample into small and large oil endowments and looking into the experience of two regions, Latin America and the Middle East. Our analysis highlights nuances in the oil- democracy relationship. First, that there is prima facie evidence for a political resource curse if we do not control for pre-existing institutions that promote democracy. Second, once we decompose the sample into small and large oil endowments, the political resource curse vanishes, and also for Latin America, whilst for oil dependent economies in the Middle East and North Africa it still remains. Third, after controlling for pre-existing institu-tional quality, measured in our

This study re-examines the validity of oil-hinders-democracy hypothesis by comparing the long-term effects of oil abundance and oil dependence democracies individually. Based on five novel measures of democracy from V-DEM dataset, we test this hypothesis on data from 95 developing countries over the period 1932–2014. Our analyses show some nuances in the oil-democracy relationship. First, that oil wealth adversely affects democracy across the full sample. Second, once we ‎classified developing countries into five sub-samples, we consistently ‎find that the influence of oil wealth (abundance/dependence) measures on democracy varies across geographical regions‎ as well as small and large-scale oil endowment countries. Third, we find that institutional quality in the form of rule of law plays a crucial role in altering the oil–democracy link. Overall, we provide ample support for ‘Conditionalist view’. In other words, oil has different effects on democracy in the context of oil abundancy, geographic regions, and institutional aspects. More importantly, it seems that oil abundance does not hinder democracy in each of the five sub-samples and in some instances can even be a blessing. Thus, it is worthy to make a distinction between these two types of oil wealth to better understand the oil-democracy relationship.

For decades, oil-rich countries have been thoroughly discussed in the literature; regarding the heavy dependence on oil revenue for the state’s development, and economic diversification has become one of the main issues of oil-producing countries worldwide, due to the critical situation and different factors and pressures surrounding the global oil market. To achieve the research objectives and to answer the research questions, the paper analyzes the post-oil strategy of the United Arab Emirates and examines its challenges as a country located in a region with abundant oil wealth that has allowed it to become one of the main oil exporters besides other GCC countries. The purpose of this paper is to highlight the initiatives of the United Arab Emirates government to create a good economic environment towards diversification. The paper uses a qualitative methodology by collecting data through in-depth interviews with government officials, experts, and academics in order to collect different views and perspectives concerning this matter. The findings show that the government has a clear vision for diversification which is embodied in the effective laws and policies to enforce the post-oil strategy effectively. The major economic diversification strategies include: investing in research and development, attracting foreign direct investment, developing a petrochemical industry, manufacturing, tourism, aviation, financial services and banking hub, logistical hub, digital economy, and knowledge economy. There are many challenges associated with UAE’s diversification strategy. Economically, there are challenges such as global economic crises, oil price volatility, and exchange rate regime; Geopolitical challenges include regional conflicts and tensions, while cultural and social challenges include: demographic imbalance and low Emirati participation in the private sector. The research concludes with the following policy recommendations: efficient and effective implementa

This thesis aims to explain why some groups experience civil armed conflict over oil whilst others do not. Given the context argued by previous research which asserts that State oil-dependence significantly increases the risk for civil armed conflict onset, I hypothesize that group actors are likely to experience civil armed conflict over oil when they possess strong group organizational capabilities. I argue this because group actors who do not possess the military resources to go to war would rationally not do it considering the relatively low chance of success of resource-less war-waging. While State oil-dependence theoretically provides group actors with reasons and opportunities to fight by generating greed and grievances, greed and grievances alone are not able to provide the fighting capacity needed for a group to initiate civil war over oil. This implies a need for the group actor to be well-organized in order to have the capabilities to go to war over oil. This study employs a structured focused comparison of four empirical cases, and finds that group actors are likely to experience civil armed conflict over oil when they possess high levels of ethnic homogeneity and pre-existing organizational history.

Rising oil prices and the Fukushima nuclear accident have brought back to the fore an old debate about the supply of energy, in this paper we think the best solution is to diversify energy sources, promoting alternative energy sources to oil and overall energy efficiency. We have studied the energetic structure of eight Latin American countries (Chile, Venezuela, Spain, Portugal, Mexico, Brazil, Argentina and Colombia) and we have compared them, mentioning the most important features of each., La subida de los precios del petróleo y el accidente nuclear de Fukushima han sacado de nuevo a la palestra un viejo debate acerca del aumento del abastecimiento de energía; en el presente artículo apoyamos que la mejor solución es la diversificación de las fuentes de energía, promoviendo las fuentes alternativas de energía al petróleo y en general las eficiencia energética. A modo comparativo estudiamos la estructura enérgica de ocho países latinoamericanos (Chile, Venezuela, España, Portugal, México, Brasil, Argentina y Colombia) mencionando las características más importantes de cada uno de ellos.p>, La hausse des prix du pétrole et du Fukushima accident nucléaire ont ramené au premier plan un vieux débat sur la fourniture d’énergie, dans cet article Nous pensons que la meilleure solution consiste à diversifier les sources d’énergie, la promotion de sources d’énergie alternatives au pétrole et au rendement énergétique global. Nous avons étudié la structure énergétique de huit pays d’Amérique latine (Chili, Venezuela, Espagne, Portugal, Mexique, Brésil, Argentine et Colombie) et nous les avons comparés, en mentionnant les caractéristiques les plus importantes de chacun.

Between now and 2025 the world's major economies will likely still depend to a large degree on traditional energy sources. Oil and liquefied natural gas (LNG) are the two with inherent naval significance, as they must be transported by sea to the extent that domestic supplies or overland pipelines are insufficient. Indeed, maritime transport is almost always significantly cheaper than any overland alternatives. Private-sector analysts have produced detailed forecasts of supply and demand for these two critical commodities. But no researchers have yet produced a detailed study of the strategic and naval implications of Chinese energy access. The market focus of energy intelligence firms and the lack of security and technical information informing journalists in the energy field have so far precluded analysis of the issue. The National Intelligence Council's Global Trends 2025 report "projects a still-preeminent U.S. joined by fast developing powers, notably India and China, atop a multipolar international system" that "will be subject to an increased likelihood of conflict over scarce resources"-one of them being energy. This article assesses the relative dependence of China (as a consumer) on seaborne oil flows between now and 2025. China is now the world's second-largest oil user. It now imports half of its crude oil. Seaborne imports, which overland pipelines will not reduce, constitute more than 80 percent of this total. China's oil security concerns will help shape its military and policy priorities fundamentally, with significant implications for the U.S. Navy in coming years. Chinese security analysts and policy makers worry about their nation's "excessive" reliance on seaborne oil shipments. For the present, it underscores a question of fundamental importance concerning China's strategic orientation: To what extent will China seek to transform itself from a continental to a continental-maritime power?, Published in Naval War College Review, v63 n2 p89-112, Spring 2010. The original document contains color images. All DTIC reproductions will be in black and white.

In 2007, on a net basis, the United States imported 58 percent of the oil it consumed. This monograph critically evaluates commonly suggested links between these oil imports and U.S. national security. The major risks to the United States posed by its reliance on foreign oil are the economic costs of a major disruption in global oil supplies. On the other hand, the study found no evidence that oil exporters have been able to use embargoes or threats of embargoes to achieve key political and foreign policy goals. Oil revenues are irrelevant for terrorist groups' ability to launch attacks. The study also assesses the economic, political, and military costs and benefits of potential policies to alleviate challenges to U.S. national security linked to imported oil. Of these measures, the adoption of the following energy policies by the U.S. Government would most effectively reduce the costs to U.S. national security of importing oil: (1) Support well-functioning oil markets and refrain from imposing price controls or rationing during times of severe disruptions in supply; (2) Initiate a high-level review of prohibitions on exploring and developing new oil fields in restricted areas to provide policy makers and stakeholders with up-to-date and unbiased information on both economic benefits and environmental risks from relaxing those restrictions; (3) Ensure that licensing and permitting procedures and environmental standards for developing and producing oil and oil substitutes are clear, efficient, balanced in addressing both costs and benefits, and transparent; (4) Impose an excise tax on oil to increase fuel economy and soften growth in demand for oil; and (5) Provide more U.S. Government funding for research on improving the efficiency with which the U.S. economy uses oil and competing forms of energy., ISBN 978-0-8330-4700-7

Billionaire T. Boone Pickens began a media campaign in July, 2008 to convince the American public and U.S. Congress that the nation should embark on a plan to displace one-third of its oil imports with wind energy within ten years. The plan calls for wind turbines to generate 20 percent of the nation's electricity. This new wind energy will free natural gas, currently used in electricity generation, to replace 47 percent of the oil currently used in the transportation sector. Key to his plan, Pickens wants Congressional support in the form of an extension of the wind Production Tax Credit, legislation to support new electrical transmission lines, and the replacement of the government vehicle fleet with new natural gas vehicles. Although much has been made of Pickens' personal motivations for his plan, the project will exclusively focus on whether his plan is feasible and whether the government should support it.

This paper addresses the issues of measurement of Russia's dependence on oil and gas as well its attempts for diversification with shift toward a technology-centered economy. It further develops the Russia's input-output system to provide a better understanding of these issues. First, it clarifies the extent of the GDP of the mining (oil and gas) sector in Russia by modifying the original supply and use tables. Second, it provides an analysis of the diversification attempts through development of light automobiles by extending the supply and use tables. Third, it presents an attempt of multi-sectoral growth accounting based on our estimations of capital stock, focusing on the capital and TFP (Total Factor Productivity) contributions to growth.

This white paper addresses the issue of energy supply challenges for the Department of defense (DoD) in the context of greater national energy issues, and it proposes a strategy that DoD might consider to hedge against future energy supply and cost uncertainties, while helping to drive the market development of select energy alternatives for the nation as a whole. The first part of the work is a brief assessment of the energy (oil) challenges facing the United States and DoD. The assessment aims to distinguish genuine problems from issues that are either not new or are outright red herrings. The authors argue that commonly cited goals of DoD energy security -- independence from the Middle East and assured fuel access -- miss the point. Oil from the Middle East accounts for less than 20% of total U.S. imports, but the Middle East, because of its large global market share, effectively sets prices for all oil, regardless of its origination. Instead, DoD faces two different but urgent concerns over its fuel supply costs: the overhead logistics costs associated with fuel use and exposure to unpredictable price swings. Improving the fuel efficiency of fleet vehicles, thus lowering demand for fuel, will reduce the logistics burden. Developing alternative fuel sources, among other strategies, may contribute to price stability. The second part of the work outlines a proposal for mitigating DoD's exposure to oil price instability, which affects DoD's ability to budget and plan. Moreover, development of an alternative fuel supply would represent a long-term investment for which DoD has a unique need, on account of the long lead times required for development and acquisition of weapons systems that themselves have long lifetimes., IDA Central Research Project C-2101. The original document contains color images.

The United States, its industries, livelihood, and economy depend on oil. The United States is the world's largest consumer of oil, with daily usage of approximately 20 million barrels. Approximately 12.6 million barrels of oil per day is imported from foreign sources. Dependence on foreign oil leaves the American lifestyle, its freedoms, and its economy extremely vulnerable to risk, and exposed to factors outside the United States' immediate control. Foreign political or military action, acts of terrorism abroad, and the world's growing and competing demands for limited oil supplies are factors that could affect America's energy security. Additionally, acts of terrorism on American soil directed at its vast petroleum distribution infrastructure could have a devastating impact on transportation and industry, bringing the nation and economy to a virtual stand still. These factors place the United States in a precarious position. As a new world order continues to take shape, oil remains a strategic commodity, critical to national strategies and international politics. Is the U.S. government promoting technology advances to find effective, efficient, and affordable solutions to fossil fuels? The author intends to explore vulnerabilities associated with the United States' dependence on foreign oil and reveal if the nation has an effective strategy to reduce its dependence on foreign oil., USAWC Strategy Research Project.

America's economy, American's very way of life, has become dependent on foreign oil. America can reverse its oil dependency over generations, but in terms of days, weeks, or even months, the nation is perilously dependent on the free flow of oil and the energy oil produces. It is reasonable to suggest that America should have a plan to deal with a man-made (9/11) or natural (Katrina) disruption to America's oil needs. Hurricane Katrina suggests that America does not have an emergency energy plan to deal with short-term energy disruption. This paper's focus is America's need for a plan to deal with short-term energy disruption, a proposed plan, and how that plan could be used as a Flexible Deterrent Option., USAWC Strategy Research Project.

This thesis is an examination of Japan's response to the oil crisis of 1973. Intermediate measures to cope with rising prices and restrictions on supplies of oil and petroleum products were marginally effective, but inadequate as bases for long term policies. It will be shown that Japan has available to it five major areas of alternative petroleum sources. The conclusion emerges that no other area except the Middle East has sufficient available supplies to meet Japan's needs. The next section undertakes an estimate of alternate sources of energy which might become available to Japan as oil substitutes. Again, the conclusion is inescapable that Japan will remain dependent on Mideast supplies for the foreseeable future and will therefore be constrained to make such modifications and improvements in economic and diplomatic procedures as to obtain maximum benefit at least cost to meet her economic and security needs. (Author)