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A democratic regime is assumed to implement freedom and equality as the two critical and most important values. The question we intend to address here is: how and why has the actual implementation of freedom and equality been changing in the 1990–2020 period? Researching this topic, we cannot ignore the impact of the Great Recession since 2008. Thus, in this comparative research, we analyse France, Germany, Italy, Poland, Spain, and the United Kingdom to detect the changes. As expected, the six largest European democracies have been differently affected by the crisis, as they also had different background factors. We address an additional question: what is the impact of the European Union on the two democratic values? Accordingly, we analyse economic inequality, social inequality, and ethnic inequality with the related changing trends and explanations. We also detect and analyse the trend of freedoms, and especially personal dignity, civil rights, and political rights. Thus, the relative decline of equalities and freedoms in the six countries emerge in the different complex facets. We also explore the demand for equalities and freedoms by citizens and the political commitments of party leaders. The other issues we address include how and why, respectively, equalities and freedoms are affected by domestic aspects and the role of external factors, especially the European Union. By connecting equalities and freedoms and drawing the lines of entire research, we show how there are three different paths in the future of democracy: balanced democracy, protest democracy, and unaccountable democracy.

In questo contributo, gli Autori inquadrano prima da un punto di vista teorico il valore del dissenso all’interno della teoria democratica; passano poi ad indagare quali siano gli effetti benefici del pluralismo e del conflitto inter-istituzionale e intra-istituzionale, soffermandosi poi ad indagare sulle dinamiche di conflitto che coinvolgono l’istituzione giudiziaria (rispetto ad altre istituzioni) e su quelle che si verificano all’interno di questa istituzione. Il contributo si chiude rilevando un apparente paradosso: il dissenso – pur espletando un’importante funzione di autocorrezione e auto-mutamento all’interno del regime democratico – rischia, ove esasperati i momenti di conflittualità, di comportare dei costi sul piano della stessa legittimazione delle istituzioni (e sulla fiducia che, in esse, i cittadini ripongono, come forse avvenuto nel caso del calo di fiducia nella magistratura).

When analysing transitions towards democracy during the last three decades of the 20th century and the first decade of the 21st century, it is readily apparent that the variety of empirical processes is so wide that achieving meaningful theoretical results is extremely difficult, as the existing literature on the topic shows explicitly. This paper addresses the key theoretical questions that need to be dealt with by the empirical analysis of the transitional process. Are there key, recurring actors and factors that we should take into account when analysing all cases in depth? Why is a focus on installation (not only on transition) salient? Are there recurring patterns of successful transitions? Are there key recurring mechanisms that critically explain successful transitions? And are there obstacles that make it impossible to achieve a successful transition and doom such a process to failure? On the basis of existing knowledge in the subfield, an attempt is made to reply to these questions, and in this way to single out the main theoretical results achieved in the field.

Una democracia de calidad constituye un régimen ampliamente legitimado y estable con instituciones confiables, que además satisface completamente a sus ciudadanos. El presente artículo introduce las pautas para analizar la calidad de la democracia y proporciona un marco teórico propicio que incluye de manera detallada las dimensiones y sub-dimensiones de la democracia. A quality democracy is a legitimate and stable regime with widely trusted institutions, which also fully satisfies its citizens. This article introduces the guidelines to analyze the quality of democracy and provides an appropriate theoretical framework that includes in detail the dimensions and sub-dimensions of democracy.

Esta es una versión revisada de la lectura abierta dada por el autor el año 2004, en la conferencia de la sociedad italiana de Ciencia política en Padua. En la primera sección se discute la principal definición de democracia y calidad democrática, como estado de derecho, accountability electoral, accountability interins titucional, responsiveness, libertad y equidad/solidaridad. En la segunda parte surge una pregunta clave: si nosotros quisiéramos explicar la calidad de la democracia, ¿cuán relevantes son las tradiciones políticas previas? también son sugeridos otros factores explicativos que complementan el rol de los legados autoritarios, proponiendo pequeñas hipótesis clave. En la última sección se analiza el impacto del legado autoritario sobre la calidad de las democracias contemporáneas en países del sur de Europa como Portugal, España e Italia y el Cono Sur de Latinoamérica tal como Chile, Argentina, Uruguay y Brasil This is the revised draft ofthe opening lecture given by the author atthe 2004 Conference of Italian Society of Political Science in Padua. Inthe first sectionthe main definitions of democracy and democratic qualities rule of law, electoral accountability, inter-ins titutional accountability, responsiveness, freedom and equality/solidarity are discussed. Inthe second a key ques tion is addressed: if we would liketo explainthe qualities of a democracy how much arethe previous politicaltraditions ofthe country relevant? Other explanatory factors, which complementthe role of an authoritarian legacy, are also sugges ted and a few key hypotheses are proposed.the final section does not provide any comprehensive explanation, but analyses ofthe impact of authoritarian legacy in a few countries of Southern Europe, such as Portugal, Spain, and Italy (but not Greece where it is not relevant) and inthe Southern Cone as Chile, Argentina, Uruguay, Brazil, wherethe quality of contemporary democracies is ques tioned

The topic of this dissertation is the democratic deficit of the European Union and the normative and empirical assessment of the likelihood that the existing forms of institutionalized transnational civic engagement would act as the point of anchoring democratic practices at the EU level. If the democratic deficit reflects the apparent lack of legitimacy and accountability of EU institutions and a lack of influence of its citizens, the question the project attempts to answer is why the existing democratic innovations within the EU constitutional framework fail to attract political allegiance and mobilization necessary for a functioning EU democracy? The thesis attempts to bridge the gap between normative political theory and more empirical and policy oriented approaches to the issue of EU democratic deficit. In a theoretical sense, this research covers a broad spectrum of topics within political theory and the theory of political culture. Parting ways with most of the current literature on the subject, which usually ends with institutional prescriptions derived from descriptions that rely on the nation-state as the benchmark for the prospects of democratisation of the EU, the project seeks to analyse the democratic innovations that the Lisbon treaty introduced within a more comprehensive framework of transnational deliberative democracy - demoicracy. The underlying idea behind the project is to apply, for the first time and with necessary modifications, the basic notions of the founders of the discipline of Political Culture, Almond and Verba, to the EU. That means to draw on their seminal work, ‘The Civic Culture: Political Attitudes and Democracy in Five Nations’, and hypothesize that further democratization of EU decision-making requires a 'civic political culture'. By definition, it presupposes the dominance of 'participative' over 'subject' and 'parochial' dimensions of orientation towards the political system. After extensive theoretical and methodological considerations, following a brief investigation into political culture in the EU, the empirical focus shifts to the European Citizens’ Initiative and the framings around the struggle for its reform in order to draw findings on which types of political cultures the European Commission has fostered. The principle aim of the research is to investigate if and how the democratic legitimacy of the EU can be enhanced by a shift from a parochial and subject to a more participation-enhancing dynamics., Doctorat en Sciences politiques et sociales, info:eu-repo/semantics/nonPublished

This thesis aims to address the following key question: “What affects immigrants to acquire capital and how is it generated?” This can be addressed by the following: (1) identifying micro-level determinants of immigrant language acquisition and integration; (2) assessing macro-level effects and micro-macro joint effects on immigrant language acquisition; and (3) reassessing the overall empirical findings based on theoretically derived micro-macro interactive mechanisms in the integration process. The research literature concerned with the determinants of immigrant/second language acquisition is reviewed to bring classic theories and models from economics and psychology together and initiate the construction of an economic-psychological modeling frame for immigrant language acquisition. Based on the modeling frame, an empirically testable model of immigrant language acquisition is formulated to identify the determinants of destination language proficiency. Furthermore, conceptually locating immigrants’ integration outcomes as the consequences of their language acquisition in a theoretical modeling framework, a model of immigrant integration is devised with three sub-models: (1) a model of immigrant economic integration; (2) a model of immigrant citizenship acquisition; and (3) a model of immigrant political integration. The models are tested using OLS regression and data from the Multicultural Democracy and Immigrants’ Social Capital in Europe: Participation, Organisational Networks, and Public Policies at the Local Level (LOCALMULTIDEM). Analysis results suggest that the economic model is robust in predicting immigrant language acquisition and integration outcomes. Educational attainment is found to be the most critical and consistent predictor of outcomes across cities and empirical models. Although the psychological model has relatively weak power in explaining the variation in language proficiency, the presumed mediating effect via attitudinal factors is detected in some cases. However, such mediation effect is barely identified in the sub-models of immigrant integration with an exception of political integration. Destination language proficiency is found to be the most consistent mediator that positively influences all of the integration outcomes. In the concluding chapters, further analyses and (re)interpretations are conducted as an overarching summary of the multivariate regression analyses to examine the role of institutions and propose a micro-macro integrative model that could suggest options for institutional design and directions for future research., Doctorat en Sciences politiques et sociales, info:eu-repo/semantics/nonPublished

This thesis discusses how ideas, as domestic factors, have decided the formation of China’smultilateralist foreign policy. It tries to provide an profound understanding of China's foreignpolicy development with the theoretical tools provided by discursive institutionalism andhistorical institutionalism.Three empirical cases are studied: the case of WTO, the case of ASEAN+3 and the case ofShanghai Cooperation Organization (SCO). These three cases have represented China'sinvolvement of multilateral institutions at different time and level.The findings show that China has gradually turned to an active participants of multilateralinstitutions, and it is trying to constructing a new type of multilateralism: competitivemultilateralism. Whether it can be compatible with existing institutions is an open question., Doctorat en Sciences politiques et sociales, info:eu-repo/semantics/nonPublished

Le point de départ de cette thèse est le constat d’un paradoxe: malgré l’adhésion à l'UE, considérée comme la conclusion de la consolidation démocratique pour les pays de l’Europe centrale et orientale, ces dernières années on a assisté à plusieurs cas de gouvernements de "mauvaise" qualité démocratique caractérisés par corruption et conflits d'intérêt, tendances vers l'abus et la concentration du pouvoir dans les mains de l'exécutif, inefficacité décisionnelle, etc.Par conséquent, l'hypothèse centrale est que, en reprenant les avertissements d’O'Donnell (1996), dans de nombreux pays de la région le système démocratique est moins consolidé que ce qu'il parait, et que l'adhésion à l'UE, bien qu'il y a eu un impact positif sur les systèmes démocratiques de ces pays, n'a pas éliminé le risque d'une possible “érosion démocratique” (Schedler, 1998).La principale question de recherche de la thèse est donc la suivante: quelle a été l'impact réel de l'Union européenne sur la qualité démocratique des gouvernements des pays de l'Europe centrale et orientale? Répondre à cette question nous permet d'intégrer les conclusions des diverses littératures:-la littérature sur la qualité démocratique, parce que dans cette recherche on aborde la question de la qualité démocratique de gouvernement d'une manière originale, en adoptant une approche dynamique sur les interactions entre les acteurs et entre interne/externe et une méthodologie qualitative qui permet d'intégrer les études sur la qualité démocratique “institution-centered” basés sur des indicateurs quantitatifs.-la littérature sur l'européanisation, car cette thèse permet de revoir les conclusions concernant l'impact réel de l'UE avant, pendant et après l'élargissement, en soulignant ses mécanismes formels et informels d'influence.-la littérature sur la gouvernance et la démocratie dans l'Union européenne, car on aborde la question de la qualité de la démocratie des gouvernements nationaux, des conséquences de l'érosion possible de la démocratie dans un Etat membre, et du rôle de l'UE par rapport à ces phénomènes et des conséquences sur toute la gouvernance européenne.Pour répondre à la question de recherche, en premier lieu on a besoin d’adopter un nouveau approche à la qualité des gouvernements, en mettant au centre de l’analyse le lien avec la qualité démocratique, et non plus seulement les aspect économiques de la “good governance”. Pour cette raison dans la thèse on propose une définition originale de quality of government basée sur les travaux sur la qualité de la démocratie. Cette définition s’articule dans quatre dimensions, qu’on appelle: accountability, impartiality, effectiveness et responsiveness. Deuxièmement, il est nécessaire d'identifier les mécanismes d'influence de l'UE sur les démocraties nationales, soit matériels soit idéals. Troisièmement, on examinera les gouvernements des trois États dans une comparaison au même temps cross-time et cross-country: Pologne, Slovaquie et Bulgarie, pour le timing et la diversité dans leur rapprochement à l'UE, ainsi que pour certaines différences dans les variables contextuelles telles que le développement économique, l'histoire et la culture politique, les institutions, la réalité socio-économique.Grâce à l'analyse empirique, enfin, cette thèse vise à 1) faire un bilan critique de la qualité démocratique des différents gouvernements 2) identifier les variables nationales qui affectent la qualité du gouvernement 3) mettre en évidence les connexions entre les différentes dimensions de la qualité du gouvernement 4) identifier la configuration des variables nationales qui peuvent augmenter les chances d'avoir un gouvernement de qualité 5) identifier et évaluer l'influence indirecte (sur les variables nationales) et directe (sur les dimensions de la qualité du gouvernement) de l'Union européenne 6 ) identifier les mesures que l'UE peut mettre en place pour améliorer les chances d'avoir un gouvernement démocratique de qualité, Doctorat en Sciences politiques et sociales, info:eu-repo/semantics/nonPublished

What is a security dilemma? What are the consequences of security dilemmas in international politics?

In its broadest sense, diplomacy refers to the conduct of human affairs by peaceful means, employing techniques of persuasion and negotiation. In the more specific sphere of international politics, through the utilisation of such techniques, it has come to be regarded as one of the key processes characterising the international system and a defining institution of the system of sovereign states - often referred to as the “Westphalian” system after the 1684 Peace of Westphalia. Its usage, however, embraces some important distinctions. First, at the state level, it has frequently been used (particularly in studies of diplomatic history) as a synonym for foreign policy – as in “Russian”, “German” and “Japanese” diplomacy (foreign policy). More commonly, however, it is used to refer to one means by which such policies are implemented. Second, viewed as an institution of the international system, a distinction can be made between diplomacy as a set of processes and as a set of structures through which these processes are conducted. Debates about the continuing utility of diplomacy in contemporary international politics frequently reflect confusion between these meanings. In the course of the following discussion, the origins of diplomacy are outlined together with differing analytical approaches to its nature and significance as a feature of international politics. The changing nature of diplomatic processes is then discussed followed by an examination of the evolution of the structures through which diplomacy has been conducted at both the state and international levels.