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Why do voters vote for candidates known for corruption allegations? We herein suggest two possible explanations for it. First, the choice context affects voters' risk assessment, since voting for a candidate considers other candidates because aversion to extreme alternatives can change their preferences. Second, the judgment, according to which, candidates' features are relevant, is not impartial because previously defined preferences set the relevant ones. We also seek to assess such judgments from a moral perspective supported by the understanding that individuals presenting utilitarian ethical orientation substantiate their choices of candidates who deliver results for voters. In contrast, individuals accounting for a deontological orientation focus on means and principles. We designed a vignette experiment with 223 respondents who were randomly exposed to two different scenarios in order to assess such elements empirically: two candidates, one newcomer and one experienced candidate whose accounts were disapproved by the court of auditors; three candidates, the two previous candidates and one experienced candidate who was convicted of corruption. Based on the results, the presence of the most corrupt candidate significantly increased the probability of voters voting for the newcomer; thus, the stronger the utilitarian orientation, the greater the likelihood of voters voting for the experienced candidate, mainly when there is a more corrupt candidate in the race. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In this paper, we examine whether mayors' partisan affiliations lead to differences in crime and policing. We use a large new dataset on mayoral elections and three different modern causal inference research designs (a regression discontinuity design centered around close elections and two robust difference-in-differences methods) to determine the causal effect of mayoral partisanship on crime, arrests, and racial differences in arrest patterns in medium and large US cities. We find no evidence that mayoral partisanship affects police employment or expenditures, police force or leadership demographics, overall crime rates, or numbers of arrests. At the same time, we find some suggestive evidence that mayoral partisanship may modestly affect the racial composition of arrests. Overall, the results from our multimethod analyses indicate that local partisan politics has little causal impact on crime and policing. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

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Copyright of Journal of Politics in Latin America is the property of Sage Publications Inc. and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

The municipal elections of 2015 and 2019 transformed local party systems towards multiparty models and decentralized the power historically held by the two major state-based parties. This study presents an unprecedented global view of this process of change in the political configuration of power in the Spanish city councils of provincial capitals and the two autonomous cities. It adopts a broad longitudinal perspective, covering six electoral moments over the last two decades, analyzing a total of 312 mayoral elections cases. The analysis is based on an original database that tracks variations in the number of parties with representation, the types of governments on which the constitution of the mayoral offices is based, and the resulting positions occupied by the different parties. The results indicate that in 2015 and 2019, there was an increase in parties sharing power, with a reduction in majority governments in favor of coalitions and minority governments. In 2023, despite a return to a scenario with fewer parties and an increase in majority governments, it cannot be asserted that the party system has reverted to its pre-Great Recession state, as major parties such as the PP still rely in other political formations to form the governments in many provincial capitals. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Can voters in clientelist countries be swayed by programmatic promises? Results from a structural model and a field experiment disseminating candidate policy platforms in Philippine mayoral elections indicate that they can. Voters who received information about candidate policy promises were more likely to vote for candidates who were closer to their own preferences. Voters who were informed about incumbent candidates' past commitments were more likely to vote for incumbents who fulfilled them. The structural model uncovers mechanisms. Information about campaign promises increases policies' salience relative to other voter concerns; it also affects voter beliefs about candidate quality and candidates' platforms. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The purpose of this article is to present the results of a qualitative study conducted using a questionnaire in February 2023, which aimed to reveal the peculiarities of the legal status of the mayors of Lithuanian municipalities in the presence of two different municipal structure models (the model that was applied from March 2015 to April 1, 2023, and the model that has been applied since April 1, 2023). The idea of conducting this research arose just a few weeks before the regular municipal council and mayoral elections took place on March 5, 2023, a few months before the new Local Self-Government Law came into force on April 1, 2023. This law introduced a new municipal structure model and changed the dominant role of the mayor in Lithuanian municipalities. This research is unique because of the target group chosen for it-only the ten mayors of Lithuanian municipalities who have served in these positions for four or more terms (20 or more years) were consulted. The results of the research show that: the mayors have a good understanding of the specifics of the new municipal structure applied since April 1, 2023; and the mayors are essentially prepared to take on a new role (the role of the municipal executive institution), replacing their previous role (the role of the chairman of the municipal council). However, the fact that the mayor of the municipality, who continues to be the organizer of municipal council meetings (the other role of the mayor of a Lithuanian municipality), will not have the right to vote when the municipal council makes decisions at its meeting is cause for concern. Mayors are also worried about the different interpretations regarding the possibility of transferring part of their powers to vice mayors (political appointees). The results of this research could be useful for improving the legal regulation of the powers of municipal institutions (both municipal councils and municipal mayors, in terms of the scope, composition, transfer and delegation of powers to other municipal entities) and the relations between these institutions. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article presents a dossier on subnational electoral systems in Latin America, highlighting the introduction of a second round of voting for the election of the mayor of Bogotá in Colombia starting in 2023. It is mentioned that changes in subnational political systems have received little attention in the literature and it is unknown how they work and what the reasons and consequences of their reforms are. The importance of better understanding the rules of the game in the election of political authorities at the subnational and multilevel levels is emphasized. The dossier includes studies on electoral systems in countries such as Argentina, Brazil, Uruguay, Peru, and Bolivia, analyzing topics such as candidate selection, abstentionism, minority representation, and women's political participation. It also mentions a document that compiles studies on women's political participation in Latin America, specifically in the Andean region and Chile, addressing topics such as the conditions for access to political participation, electoral reforms, and female representation in local and subnational politics. [Extracted from the article]

Copyright of Revista Pós Ciências Sociais (REPOCS) is the property of Revista Pos Ciencias Sociais (REPOCS) and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

We examine how Italian municipalities manage COVID-19 communication on their official Facebook pages. For this purpose, we apply an automatic topic modeling procedure on a sample of 76,139 posts published on the official Facebook pages of 103 Italian provincial capital municipalities from 1 March 2020 to 26 March 2021 of the COVID-19 pandemic period. We identify two topics related to COVID-19 consisting of restrictive measures and support measures. Using regression models with municipality and year-week fixed effects, we find that the prevalence of the topic on COVID-19 restrictive measures negatively affects the tone of the communication, computed through a sentiment analysis procedure, and it is negatively associated with the number of COVID-19 positive cases in the municipal area. In contrast, the prevalence of the topic on COVID-19 support measures positively affects the tone of the communication and it is positively associated with the number of positive cases. These associations are moderated by ideology, age, and political incentives of incumbent mayors. These results may reveal a strategic communication of municipalities to induce positive perceptions about the performance of municipal incumbents in responding to the pandemic and, therefore, enhance political consensus among voters. Finally, these findings may have practical implications for public regulators, public managers, and other followers of local governments on social media. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The mainstream literature on global cities tends to explain the internationalization of cities almost exclusively from the perspective of recent developments in global capitalism, developments that have put cities at the heart of an increasingly globalized, financialized, and deregulated world economy. The internationalization of these so-called global cities is seen as a response to, and is conditioned by, external, and mainly economic, exigencies. Research on the foreign relations of city governments has followed in this tradition, with a predominant focus on the global drivers and manifestations, as well as the systemic implications of this phenomenon. Little academic attention has been given to the domestic contexts within which city governments develop and exercise their international agency. This paper is inspired by the emergence of alternative accounts in the global cities literature, which have underscored the importance of the domestic context in making sense of the contemporary internationalization of cities, to analyze the domestic sources of the City of Johannesburg's foreign relations from 2011 to 2016. While acknowledging Johannesburg's global cities ambition as a major driver of the city government's international relations during this period, we identify and analyze a set of local and national factors that equally inspired and conditioned the city's foreign engagements. These include the huge socio-economic and spatial divide that continues to define the city, the influence of the ruling African National Congress (ANC) and its doctrine of progressive internationalism, as well as the then mayor's internationalist outlook and domestic political ambitions. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

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Purpose: The article aims to present evidence of the role of the mayors in the territorial amalgamation process, focusing on their relationship with voters and other stakeholders and on the transformation processes experienced by local governments. Given their status as the highest-ranking officials enjoying voters' and deputies' support, mayors play an essential role in either implementing or, on the contrary, impeding local government reforms. As they have the power, knowledge, and expertise to influence the implementation of local government reforms, it becomes essential to evaluate their role. Design: The article examines the role of mayors in local government reforms, particularly in the context of the recent territorial amalgamation reforms in Latvia. Through a literature review and analysis of results from the recent amalgamation, the article explores the complex relationships that mayors have with other stakeholders and the transformation processes within their respective local governments. Findings: The study highlights the importance of mayors in providing effective leadership during reform initiatives and the potential implications for their reputation and electoral outcomes. The results show that mayors primarily use media, public consultations, public letters, and even the possibility of resignation to influence the territorial amalgamation process. Academic contribution to the field: While there has been research on territorial amalgamation, the role of the mayor is often overlooked, especially in a top-down initiated process where, despite its features, the mayor still possesses the tools to shape the course of the territorial amalgamation process. The article presents the reform experience in Latvia as a small state. Value: This research provides valuable insights into the role of mayors in the territorial amalgamation process in Latvia and its implications for local government reform. The findings contribute to the existing literature by comprehensively analysing the mayor's influence on the reform agenda and implementation strategies. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Przegląd Socjologii Jakościowej is the property of Redakcja Przegladu Socjologii Jakosciowej and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

While some world regions have seen women opposition leaders with no ties to political families rise to national leadership, in East Asia, women opposition leaders who ascend to national executive positions have been largely limited to the wives, daughters, or sisters of prominent male politicians. Locally, however, there have been some broadening and diversification of women who seek and win executive office through oppositional politics. Given the small number of women opposition leaders who have gained leadership positions in the government, this article develops an interpretive study of the relationship between becoming "critical actors" and doing "critical acts" as women opposition leaders. Using four illustrative cases of women who have pursued executive power through oppositional politics, this article questions whether and how the variation in women's pathways affects their exercise of power in Indonesia and South Korea, two young though consolidating democracies in East Asia. Drawing on the biographies and policies of two presidents (Megawati Soekarnoputri and Park Geun-hye) and two mayors (Tri Rismaharini and Kim Soo-young) it shows that local women opposition leaders use their executive leadership to initiate and implement public policies, unlike their national counterparts whose pathways and performance are intertwined with family background. By doing so, the article sheds light on the complex nexus between political pathways and performance of women opposition leaders. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This study examines the effect of social media use on voter turnout. Given that different social media platforms provide different types of content and people use different social media platforms for different purposes, this study argues that there exist differentiated relationships between different types of social media and voter turnout. Using an original panel data set for the 2018 Taipei mayoral election in Taiwan, this study evaluates how five different types of social media—Facebook, LINE, YouTube, Instagram, and PTT—influence voter participation. The empirical results show that people with frequent use of Facebook and PTT are more likely to vote, whereas the frequent use of YouTube and Instagram decreases voter turnout. Furthermore, the use of LINE has no influence on voter participation. Overall, this study reveals that different types of social media exert heterogeneous effects on voter turnout and suggests that when it comes to the influence of social media on voter turnout, we should pay attention to not only the frequency of social media use but also the purpose of social media use. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper examines how a Chicago-based alternative medium covered the 2019 Chicago's mayoral race. The study uses critical discourse analysis and the theory of Black feminism to argue for the need to examine the multiple identities of Black women and how such identities determine their representation in socio-cultural and political spaces. The findings from this study show that agency is a major part of media coverage and that the identities of Black women are better represented when the women are portrayed as agents in their own stories. These findings provide an alternative narrative to the discourse of Black womanhood which has been racialized and perverted. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

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Copyright of Voces de la Educacion is the property of Voces de la Educacion and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

This study argues that economic vulnerability causes citizens to participate in clientelism, a phenomenon with various pernicious consequences. To examine how reduced vulnerability affects citizens' participation in clientelism, we employ two exogenous shocks to vulnerability. First, we designed a randomized control trial to reduce household vulnerability: our development intervention constructed residential water cisterns in drought-prone areas of Brazil. Second, we exploit rainfall shocks. We find that reducing vulnerability significantly decreases requests for private goods from politicians, especially among citizens likely to be in clientelist relationships. Moreover, reducing vulnerability decreases votes for incumbent mayors, who typically have more resources for clientelism. (JEL D72, H41, I38, O12, O17, Q54) [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In the American context, the mayor is weak by design, as Progressive Era reforms almost entirely eliminated the mayor's office in favour of a council and city manager system (Schragger 2005). A change only in the mayor's office led to a significant policy shift in Burnaby, with the rights of renters being recognized in ways not implemented by Council under the former mayor. Keywords: Burnaby; Canadian mayor; housing policy; suburban gentrification; purpose-built rental housing; fonction de maire; politique en matière de logement; embourgeoisement suburbain; logement locatif EN Burnaby Canadian mayor housing policy suburban gentrification purpose-built rental housing FR fonction de maire politique en matière de logement embourgeoisement suburbain logement locatif 581 594 14 09/12/22 20220901 NES 220901 Key Messages The city of Burnaby introduced a significant change in its approach to renter displacement in gentrifying Metrotown following the 2018 electoral loss of the five-term incumbent mayor. In particular, Burnaby's long-serving mayor, Derek Corrigan (hereafter Corrigan) lost the 2018 election, while all seven of his incumbent Councillors won re-election. In a strong mayor system, the mayor holds some executive power, whereas in a weak mayor system the office is largely ceremonial with executive power invested in the city manager. [Extracted from the article]

The election for Rio de Janeiro's city hall in 2020 was marked by atypical circumstances, such as the Covid-19 pandemic and the previous rise of an extreme right political government. Besides this global scenario, the political situation in Rio was passing through terrible scandals of corruption, which resulted in the prison of his ex-governors. In recent years, the policy was adapted to social media platforms, especially Twitter, which is currently the main communication way used to cover the information sought by society and the resources for social interaction and integration (GOMES, 2021). As a result, political actors gained new obligations, strategies and risks in their interactions with society. Thus, we investigated the messages on Twitter about two candidates, Eduardo Paes and Marcelo Crivella, during the 2020 mayoral election of Rio de Janeiro. This study reveal the strategies adopted by the candidates. Our results turned out that Paes' profile was more engaged and dialogic on Twitter. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The website of any governmental institution is the main channel through which digital public services, both informational and transactional, are offered. This became even more relevant during pandemic times, when face-to-face interaction was severely curtailed in most European countries. This happened in Romania also, and our aim with this research (repeated once every two years from now on) is to evaluate the quality of the websites offered by Romanian city halls in large and medium-sized cities. Most of the services offered by the government to citizens and companies are, in Romania, provided at the local level by city halls. Access to these services can be helped or hampered by the site ergonomics, loading speed or its overall quality. We are also trying to ascertain if other factors (the amount of collected taxes, the size of the city, the political party of the mayor, etc.) has any influence on the quality of the official site. Any such correlations could inform the necessary decisions that aim to improve the websites and, ultimately, the success of digital public services (both transactional and informational) that use it as a delivery channel. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The purpose of this article is to show the use of fear and misinformation in electoral campaigns, by the press and the political groups associated with it; in particular, in the presidential election of 1930, which started a year early and resulted in the victory of candidate Enrique Olaya Herrera, who was supported by the Liberal Party. This campaign was special in many aspects: 1) one month before the election, the participation of a new candidate was confirmed; 2) the desperation and the failed attempts to unite the two factions existing within the conservative party; 3) the candidates' visits to the main cities; 4) the use of new means of transport, public squares full of people and the press publishing pieces about the campaign at telegraph speed. For the above, this article emphasizes the use of fake news by politicians and journalists, who, taking advantage of the distances and rumours, created fake content to harm the image of their rivals and thus, win the election. Content published in El Deber newspaper will be identified and classified into three categories: false connection, imposter content and invented content. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

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We study how political turnover in mayoral elections in Brazil affects public service provision by local governments. Exploiting a regression discontinuity design for close elections, we find that municipalities with a new party in office experience upheavals in the municipal bureaucracy: new personnel are appointed across multiple service sectors, and at both managerial and non-managerial levels. In education, the increase in the replacement rate of personnel in schools controlled by the municipal government is accompanied by test scores that are 0.05–0.08 standard deviations lower. In contrast, turnover of the mayor's party does not impact local (non-municipal) schools. These findings suggest that political turnover can adversely affect the quality of public services when the bureaucracy is not shielded from the political process. (JEL D72, D73, H75, H76, J45, O17) [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Since 2010, the need to professionalize the mayor's profile has been debated in Colombia, a proposal that arises based on the low performance levels of many municipal administrations. However, during the development of this research it was possible to demonstrate that there is no direct relationship between the levels of professionalization of local mayors and their overall performance; additionally, it was shown that there are a number attributes that are decisive in the performance of a municipal mayor. Therefore, from a mixed research, carried out during 2017 and 2018, the level of performance was evaluated from a longitudinal series, based on information available on former mayors of the Colombian capitals for the last three constitutional periods (2007-2015), which made it possible to find the factors with the greatest impact on their performance, which allowed guiding an institutional adjustment, after three decades of having adopted in Colombia the popular election of mayors. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

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Copyright of Pedagogía y Saberes is the property of Universidad Pedaggica Nacional and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

We document a strong political cycle in bank credit and industry outcomes in Turkey. In line with theories of tactical redistribution, state-owned banks systematically adjust their lending around local elections compared with private banks in the same province based on electoral competition and political alignment of incumbent mayors. This effect only exists in corporate lending and creates credit constraints for firms in opposition areas, which suffer drops in assets, employment and sales but not firm entry. Financial resources and factors of production are misallocated as more efficient provinces and industries suffer the greatest constraints, reducing aggregate productivity. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article describes the recruitment process of Buenos Aires province mayors during the last military dictatorship in Argentina. The profile of the 406 mayors that ruled over 125 towns in the province between March 24 1976 and December 10 1983 is empirically analyzed. This research led to the creation of an original database, which draws from a variety of sources ("Boletin Oficial Provincial", classified documents, local and national press, interviews). The inquiry led to the following findings: i) this political elite had distinctive features, linked to the wider political and repressive goals of the dictatorship; ii) In a first period a majority of military mayors were appointed in towns considered as a "priority" for repression( densely populated, industrial, seat of important educational institutions or military facilities); iii) the profile of most of these officials was similar to that of other contemporary elites: male, professional, engaged in occupations typical of local public figures and with party affiliations characteristic of "compatible civilian leadership"; iv) the stability of their political careers was favored by traits such as a civilian background, landownership, previous experience in provincial civil service and prior political experience; and v) although the creation of a new ruling class was among the primary goals of the dictatorship, only a few of the Buenos Aires province mayors were able to secure their political survival upon the return of democratic rule. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]