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In response to the rise of various fringe movements in recent years, from anti-vaxxers to QAnon, there has been increased public and scholarly attention to misinformation and conspiracy theories and the online communities that produce them. However, efforts at understanding the radicalisation process largely focus on those who go on to commit violent crimes. This article draws on three waves of research exploring the experiences of individuals currently or formerly involved in fringe communities, including the different stages of investment they progressed through, and ultimately, what made people leave. We propose a pathway model for understanding contemporary online radicalisation, including potential interventions that could be safely made at each stage. Insight into the experience of being immersed in these communities is essential for engaging with these people empathetically, and therefore preventing both the emergence of violent terrorists and protecting vulnerable people from being drawn into these communities. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

It is well known that North Korea uses political propaganda to elicit popular support, and this article focuses on how primary and secondary schools play an essential role in conveying the regime's messages. The article asks how this process shapes North Koreans' perceptions towards citizenship and how their perceptions of 'democracy' differ from those in other parts of the world. School education, I argue, socialises North Koreans and shapes their everyday political attitudes and citizenship perceptions. This study examines 32 North Korean Socialist Moral textbooks and identifies four core regime messages embedded in these texts: Personality Cult education in relation to the Kims, promoting socialism, fostering nationalism, and cultivating communitarianism and collectivism. I propose that these regime messages positively and negatively affect perceptions of democratic citizenship. Messages that promote communitarianism can encourage North Koreans to engage in democratic politics, but messages about political leadership, nationalism, and collectivism can hamper North Koreans' understanding of democracy and their capacity to develop democratic norms. This study has implications for research into how North Korean defectors are integrated into democratic South Korea, suggesting that these defectors' longstanding exposure to authoritarian education in North Korea will necessarily influence how they conceive of democracy. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In popular management literature corporations are sometimes loosely compared to cults. The comparison is a severe allegation as it implies the transgression of subordinate employees' integrity. This paper explores to what extent such comparisons with cults are warranted as well as the implications this has for the practice of corporate culture management. On grounds of the author's unique, first-hand experience in both corporate and cultic environments a retrospective autoethnographic (RAE) approach was chosen to further explore the supposed resemblance. The comparison is structured along Lifton's eight criteria of thought reform and reveals that although akin to cults in all aspects corporations also fundamentally differ due to the infeasibility, at least for now, of controlling the corporate environment in totalist fashion. This might explain why so many attempts to change corporate cultures fail as these initiatives are based on the anachronistic idea that culture change can be "implemented" by somehow "inculcating" employees with "company values." A sanitized form of brainwashing that fails in the corporate environment. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The story of Hungary can also serve as a warning for other nation-states on the European continent, as the years from 1989 to 1991 were a time of liberation for all the people of Eastern Europe who suffered from totalitarian political systems and ideological indoctrination. As the Bible teaches and Hannah Arendt warns, liberation is not yet liberty. The institutions of liberty have to be constituted, and people need to learn how to make them work while breathing spirit into them. Tyrannies always collapse, but whether Hungarians can escape with enough means for a new start remains to be seen. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In Children, Religion and the Ethics of Influence , John Tillson argues that initiating children into religion is morally wrong. His argument overlaps and intersects at various points with my own argument against confessional religious education in schools. In this brief reply I consider two notable differences between our arguments. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In Children, Religion and the Ethics of Influence , John Tillson sets out a clear and convincing case for the view that children ought not to be initiated into religious faith by their parents or others with the relevant 'extra-parental responsibilities'. However, by predicating his thesis on an understanding of illegitimate religious influence that largely equates initiation into faith with the inculcation of a distinctive type of propositional content, I contend that Tillson misses some of the potential harms such initiation may engender. Here I briefly explain why this is a problem before suggesting three ways he might respond to the criticism. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

La interaction, creation, and dissemination of digital content on the internet generates a certain anguish in those who believed to control information in their environments, especially when they think about the amount of information available in this new digital society. It is a form of voluntary servitude that limits the freedom of cyber humanity, because according to Étienne de la Boétie, societies allow a single man, who governs, to control people's lives. Therefore, all the data available on the internet could establish an unprecedented propagandistic process with the sole purpose of indoctrination and tyranny. These forms of manipulation are nothing more than the inversion of social necessity. Unfortunately, in current times, these mechanisms are based on fake news, cancel culture, and other strategies of psychopolitics that are equally based on obedience messages. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

With the rise of authoritarian politics across the globe, echoes of a fascist past are with us once again signaling a looming and dangerous threat to education and democracy. This essay argues that is it crucial to engage fascism both as a language of white supremacy and a politics of disconnection. If fascism is to be addressed both politically and educationally, it is crucial to address its underlying political, educational, and economic elements comprehensively as part of a broad politics. Any viable mode of resistance to fascism in its upgraded forms must not only make education central to politics but also analyze the problems it produces and its root causes in their interconnections and as part of a wider totality of power and exclusion. Fascism is normalized in a capitalist order when its diverse economic, political and social problems appear fragmented, disconnected, and are treated in isolation. This essay argues against this form of normalization and critiques the relationship between fascism and capitalism and its politics of diversion by examining how a number of crucial issues are often wrongly dealt with in isolation. It concludes by demonstrating how a politics that is comprehensive and interrelated provides a language to rethink how fascism can be made visible and resisted. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper explores how Hernando de Talavera (1428–1507), the first bishop of Granada, used the cast sculptures of the Virgin commissioned by Queen Isabella the Castile (1451–1504), for the parishes of the Albayzín, the Morisco quarter, as an essential tool for his missionary activity among Granada’s native Islamic population. It enquires how Talavera granted these Marian cast sculptures a central role in the Albayzin’s liturgical celebration, mediating their interpretation by devotional texts, such as his Marian liturgical works or his translation and commentary of the Vita Christi of the Franciscan Francesc Eiximenis (1327–1409), through which he wished to present these images as representations of an ‘Islamicate’ vision of Mary, as an enlightened prophetess who would function as the ideal preacher to instruct the newly converted Morisco population in the principles of their new faith. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Abstract This paper examines teachers’ understandings of affective indoctrination in a conflict-affected society, focusing on how teachers’ political orientations are entangled with these understandings. The exploration is conducted through a qualitative study of Greek-Cypriot primary and secondary school teachers who are identified as either conservative or progressive. The findings highlight that regardless of political orientation, teachers interpret the term indoctrination through a negative lens. However, teachers of progressive orientation view affective indoctrination as a part of everyday educational practices, whereas teachers of conservative orientation understand affective indoctrination as an exceptional case. The paper discusses the implications for teaching and teacher education. The relevance of teachers’ political orientation makes it all the more necessary that teachers and teacher educators delve deeper into the political and pedagogical implications of the entanglement between political orientations and understandings of affective indoctrination in schools. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The Salzburg Symposium I deals with the question of whether arguing with each other is an indispensable practice of education. The author notes that people have always argued with each other, but it was only in the pedagogical modern era that arguing in education began to be explicitly addressed. In the past, obedience was considered important, so arguing did not play a role in education. It was only with Jean-Jacques Rousseau that arguing was seen as a legitimate practice of education. The author examines various examples from Rousseau's work "Emile or On Education" in which arguing is portrayed as an educational practice. The text is about the importance of arguing in religious education and upbringing. The author argues that arguing should not only take place between different religions, but also between religion, ethics, politics, philosophy, and science. He emphasizes the necessity for children and young people to develop the ability to argue with believers as atheists and with atheists as believers. The text also refers to the pedagogical approaches of Rousseau and Herbart, who emphasized arguing as part of education and promoted the development of independent and ethically-moral judgment. The text deals with the considerations of Herbart and Schleiermacher regarding the importance of arguing in education. Herbart distinguishes various systems such as the justice system, the administrative system, and the cultural system. He emphasizes the importance of arguing in education, but without allowing criticism of the existing social order. Schleiermacher goes a step further and emphasizes the necessity of public arguing to enable changes in society. He also emphasizes the importance of moral disapproval and cooperation in problem-solving. Wilhelm von Humboldt also emphasizes the importance of arguing in civil society. The text discusses the conflict between civil society and the absolutist state. This conflict is not yet resolved in democratic and republican constitutions and must be continued. Civil society is a social space in which people argue about the common good and form opinions. The political in this space is not identical to state politics. Humboldt demands that the constitution of the state be examined in the education of people in order to achieve true improvements. It is emphasized that certain tasks and responsibilities cannot be organized purely in civil society, as this could lead to civil war and terrorism. The Beutelsbach Consensus emphasizes controversy and the prohibition of indoctrination in political education and has been extended to other areas of education. However, it is pointed out that arguing in education must be guided by criteria in order to avoid falling into an indifferent practice of arguing. The text argues that arguing should not be excluded from public education and upbringing. It is emphasized that reasonable differences of opinion should be controversially discussed in education, even if they are not enshrined in a country's constitution. The authors argue that the interpretation and further development of the constitution should not only be left to politics, but must also be discussed in civil society. It is emphasized that arguing in education should not only be a technique, but must be coordinated with other pedagogical forms of action. The authors argue that arguing in education contributes to self-government, broadening horizons, and consultation on the good. The text deals with the importance of arguing in education and advocates for it. [Extracted from the article]

Many scholars note that since the early 1990s, the CCP has been invoking Chinese nationalism to rescue the party's declining ideological legitimacy. Probing China's political indoctrination (thought work), this article makes two contributions to such conventional consensus. First, empirically it argues that the rise of nationalism in the 1990s was not altogether new. Instead, from the early 1980s, the CCP had been switching to "patriotism." Second, this article argues that the communist regime's transition to nationalism was hesitant. It was an interactive process whereby multiple layers of the society and elite, confused alike, worked together to explore whether and how to embrace nationalism. The nation‐building also bore the imprint of the revolutionary and state‐socialist past. This article suggests that though the nation‐state has become the dominant political format of the world, as a pattern it fuses with a society's traditions, preconditions, and internal struggles. Such fusions made nation‐building in the non‐Western world unseparated from quasi‐national legacies such as revolution and socialism and could yield consequences other than capitalism and democracy. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Based on a nine-city cell phone survey in 2019, this paper systematically examines which groups showed stronger support for armed unification with Taiwan and what factors and mechanisms might contribute to their support. The bivariate analysis shows the politically, economically, and socially privileged groups and those with stronger national pride and more understanding of Taiwan were more pro-armed unification, while residents of the two coastal cities, Xiamen and Guangzhou, were less supportive. Further analysis indicates education and unfavorable view of the Taiwanese government were the two most powerful factors contributing to the support. Possible contributing mechanisms might include both top-down mechanisms, such as political indoctrination and propaganda, and bottom-up ones, such as the respondents' interest and identity considerations influenced by their city's proximity to Taiwan. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Despite the scientific consensus, climate change continues to be socially and politically controversial. Consequently, teachers may worry about accusations of political indoctrination if they teach climate change in their classrooms. Research shows that many teachers are using the 'teaching the controversy' approach to teach climate change, essentially allowing students to make up their own mind about climate change. Drawing on some philosophical literature about indoctrination and controversial issues, we argue that such an approach is inappropriate and, given the escalating crisis that is climate change, potentially dangerous. Instead, we propose integrating three well-established educational practices, Philosophy for Children, place-responsive pedagogies, and Critical Indigenous Pedagogy, to help teachers and students critically examine climate change controversy while still meeting the key goals of climate change education. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In this paper we take as our starting point Greta Thunberg's message to an audience of adults at a recent climate change summit: 'This is all wrong. I shouldn't be up here. I should be back in school on the other side of the ocean. Yet you all come to us young people for hope. How dare you!' We take Thunberg at her word and endeavour to investigate what is wrong and how it might be wrong. Through this investigation we consider how education may be implicated in the problem to which Thunberg alludes: a problem about both climate change and intergenerational change. We draw upon Hannah Arendt's seminal work, 'A Crisis in Education', to consider how an ecological crisis coincides with an educational crisis symptomatic of an inversion of the traditional adult and child relationship in which education serves to introduce the young to the world – a public world, which is distinct from the ecological world. Arendt's position on education, we argue, reveals concerns that movements like School Strike for Climate expose young people prematurely to the risks of indoctrination that attend adult, public life, and hinders their renewal of the world. Science too may add to these risks. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Abstract With the rise of authoritarian politics across the globe, echoes of a fascist past are with us once again signaling a looming and dangerous threat to education and democracy. This essay argues that is it crucial to engage fascism both as a language of white supremacy and a politics of disconnection. If fascism is to be addressed both politically and educationally, it is crucial to address its underlying political, educational, and economic elements comprehensively as part of a broad politics. Any viable mode of resistance to fascism in its upgraded forms must not only make education central to politics but also analyze the problems it produces and its root causes in their interconnections and as part of a wider totality of power and exclusion. Fascism is normalized in a capitalist order when its diverse economic, political and social problems appear fragmented, disconnected, and are treated in isolation. This essay argues against this form of normalization and critiques the relationship between fascism and capitalism and its politics of diversion by examining how a number of crucial issues are often wrongly dealt with in isolation. It concludes by demonstrating how a politics that is comprehensive and interrelated provides a language to rethink how fascism can be made visible and resisted. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In this article, the author examines some arguments for and against formal moral education. Regarding the arguments in favour of formal moral education, this examination focuses on two arguments: the 'sociological argument' -or the argument about the social benefits of moral education-, and the 'naturalistic argument'. As for the arguments against formal moral education, the analysis also focuses on two arguments: the 'argument about indoctrination', as well as the 'argument about academic priorities'. These two arguments against formal moral education will finally be rebutted to conclude that today formal moral education has more powerful reasons to be defended and promoted than to be relegated or rejected. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Objectives: In the 1920s, so‐called prophylactoria were established in the USSR. In these institutions, sex workers with sexually transmitted diseases (STDs) were treated. After the end of World War II, care homes for patients with STDs were established in the Soviet Occupation Zone of Germany (SOZ). These institutions were also intended to treat people suffering from STDs. This article compares these two types of medical institutions. Methods: Sources from the State Archive of the Russian Federation in Moscow, the German Federal Archives in Berlin and the City Archive Zwickau were used. The analysed sources were evaluated by using the historical‐critical method. Results: The prophylactoria were novel institutions that combined education and medical treatment of people with STDs. Similar strategies were followed in the care homes for STD patients. In both institutions, the sick persons had to follow a regular daily routine and work every day. The political indoctrination served to educate 'socialist personalities'. Nevertheless, various differences can be found between the facilities: the length of stay was different. The women in Soviet prophylactoria were cared for there for up to 2 years. However, the standard duration of stay in the care homes for STD patients was 3–6 months. Conclusions: The prophylactoria had a long‐term programme not only to treat sick women but also to reeducate them. The aim was to enlighten and integrate them into the new Soviet society. The care homes for STD patients had a short‐term programme of combating venereal diseases. Their main goal was to treat patients with STDs as quickly as possible, while education was an additional measure. Whether both institutions were successful in educating and treating these patients can hardly be assessed from today's perspective. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper offers an overview of the education law from 1760 s to late 1930s and then well-structured analysis of the legal framework for elementary and upper elementary (main) schools from 1938 to 1945, which is characterized by a focus on extensive secondary legislation, which is frequently not even of the Czech origin. The paper intends to illustrate the transformation of the school system from the era of the interwar democratic state through a local variation of fascism into a Nazi-occupied territory where education was mainly intended to serve the indoctrination of children and youth. The author of the paper combines the available laws and regulations with other sources to provide a comprehensive overview of this part of the Czech education system, which has so far been rather neglected in the academic world. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The recent quincentennial of the Mexica forces' defeat at the hands of a Spanish-led coalition invites us to reflect on the changes in the region's acoustic ecology, the layers of sound that reverberated across geographic spaces. Expressions of sound allow us to consider the actions of past actors in relation to their physical surroundings, the stimulation of the senses, and patterns of religious conversion that guided social behavior. Vocal sounds produced by people of various ethnic and racial backgrounds formed part of this aural environment, and they carried meaning that has often escaped the attention of scholars. An analysis of routines of indoctrination centered on vocal modulations reveals that authorities hierarchized different forms of sounds, from singing and praying—which they encouraged—to screams and muffled noises such as murmur and chatter—which they attempted to silence. These routines took shape during daily masses, theater presentations, civic and religious rituals, confession, and, in some cases, formal training. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The concept of indoctrination is typically used to characterize the actions of individual educators. However, it has become increasingly common for citizens to raise concerns about the indoctrinatory effects of institutions such as schools and universities. Are such worries fundamentally misconceived, or might some state of affairs obtain under which it can be rightly said that an educational institution is engaged in indoctrination? In this paper Christopher Martin outlines what the concept of institutional indoctrination could mean. He then uses Jürgen Habermas's discourse theory in order to develop a specific conception of institutional indoctrination: an educational institution indoctrinates when it exercises its authority in order to support the deliberative norm that some belief P ought to be exempt from tests of or challenges to its truth or rightness just because it is belief P. Martin argues that this norm undermines conditions of symmetrical and inclusive public discourse essential to the development of knowledge and understanding among free and equal citizens. That is, institutional indoctrination involves a closing of the public mind. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Economic development fails to greatly increase demand for liberal democracy in China. Is China an exception to modernization theory? If so, why? This paper studies these questions by analysing five waves of Asian Barometer Survey data from 2002 to 2019. We have three major findings. First, the shift of political values exhibits an inverted U-shaped curve with the mid-2010s as its turning point. Second, the better educated and more media exposed turned conservative much faster than the rest after the mid-2010s. Third, to trace the mechanism of this unusual reversal and divergence, we resort to a Difference-In-Differences model, taking political indoctrination, measured by media exposure and education, as treatment and the post-2013 era as treatment time, finding that political indoctrination significantly explains political cultural backsliding. Our findings enrich modernization theory by identifying the "interceptive" power of the state between economic development and cultural shifts. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article contributes to the growing literature on Walter Benjamin as an educational philosopher. In particular, it reassesses the claim made by prominent Benjaminian scholars that education can be defined as a form of awakening. To further develop this central educational claim, the article turns to Benjamin's early essay "Outline of the Psychophysical Problem" and in particular, its emphasis on the existential categories of nearness and distance in relation to corporeal substance (Körper) and collective body (Leib). Subsequently, Benjamin's reflections on various educational practices are evaluated in terms of how well they balance nearness and distance to produce the ethical, political, epistemological, and embodied dimensions of freedom. The dialectic that emerges between nearness and distance can become a powerful interpretive lens for understanding Benjamin's criticisms of instruction and indoctrination while also giving new insight into his embrace of proletarian children's theater and epic theater as preferred educational practices. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Acceptance of totalitarian ideology as the life program of a citizen of a totalitarian society is the most important task of political and ideological upbringing and education. Indoctrination in totalitarian unipartyism (Czechoslovakia in the years 1948–1989) represents the highest degree of penetration, mobilization and monopoly control of the party over the entire life experience of citizens. Despite the fact that the cognitive and other dispositions of pupils with mental disabilities are characterized by considerable uncritical thinking and significant deficiencies in understanding and understanding the pragmatic meaning of the read text, even syllabaries and reading books for special schools conveyed a specific level of indoctrination. The sense of safety and security was redeemed by a sense of debt and gratitude for the offered place in society and the obligation to repay the social system with work, loyalty and devotion. A very fundamental role was played by the teacher’s spoken word, which was guided by methodological manuals. The first words read are the first pieces in the puzzle of the life beliefs of a conscious citizen of a state with a totalitarian regime. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Religion in education in South Africa and the Netherlands: A comparative study. The aim of this article is the reconstruction and comparison of the historical evolution of the place and role of religion in education in South Africa and in the Netherlands. The article commences with an overview of the historical evolution of the place and role of religion in education, up to the present, and a discussion of the dissatisfaction and objections which could be and which have been levelled against the current situation. The Netherlands has followed a more accommodating policy and practice regarding religious beliefs and diversity than the international norm. While South Africa can learn much from the Dutch approach to the problem of religion in education, this approach has also been challenged in recent times. In both systems, controversy about the accommodation of religion in education has given rise to tension between the notions of freedom, tolerance and accommodation, on the one hand, and the acknowledgement of human rights and the need for social cohesion on the other. Other considerations to be taken into account in this regard are the downsides of providing a partisan, confessional type of education that could hinder learners in maintaining themselves in the outside world. The trend in modern society is towards individualised belief systems, not collective ones. And the warning to be heeded is that the line between education and indoctrination is thin. The current Dutch model, despite the problems that it currently encounters, could provide direction in respect of all these issues. Contribution: The article concludes with an educational-philosophical perspective regarding the question as to how educationists and educators could guide learners to a state where they can independently decide about their personal religious orientation, given the fact that they are now living in a time when relativism prevails, also in terms of religion and faith. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Under West Virginia State Board of Education v. Barnette, states lack the authority to compel any student to recite the Pledge of Allegiance. Twenty-one of the forty-six state Pledge statutes comply with Barnette. But twenty-two state Pledge statutes can be read to violate Barnette by relying on compulsion. Consistent with Barnette, states may foster patriotism among students through the teaching "of all our history and in the structure and organization of government, including the guaranties of civil liberty, which tend to inspire patriotism and love of country." Justice Jackson described this process of education and reflection as the "slow and easily neglected route to aroused loyalties." Instead of engaging in appropriate education and reflection, states rely on rote recitation of the Pledge to indoctrinate their students. The Barnette protection from compulsion necessarily includes protection from the viewpoint discrimination inherent in retribution for the decision to not recite the Pledge. But some states engage in petty tyrannies to punish students for the decision to not recite. Courts and state legislatures should remove compulsion, indoctrination, and retribution from the Pledge statutes. Rather than seeking to coerce loyalty, state legislators should get about the infinitely more difficult business of earning the respect and allegiance of each rising generation of citizens. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The purpose of this essay is to revisit the notion of indoctrination in education by providing a summary of the field and highlighting the role of affects and emotions in the aftermath of the 'affective turn'. It is argued that affective indoctrination—defined as the emotional coercion or manipulation that, arguably, any form of education might use in order to be effective—is likely to invoke harm in students, intentionally or unintentionally. Hence, it is suggested that education theorists and educators in general need not only to acknowledge affective indoctrination as a possible component of all education, but also to explore and take measures how to minimize the extent to which indoctrinal teaching may be facilitated through cultivating certain affects and emotions. Theorizing affective indoctrination can offer new insights into how and why educators and students adopt or resist particular political beliefs (e.g. democracy or fascism). [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article is a historical commentary on Herodotus' account of the funerals of the Spartan kings. It is an attempt on the author's part to explain why for centuries the royal funerary ritual continued unchanged despite its being too lavish for ascetic Sparta. The study focuses on the socio-economic composition of the funeral attendees. In the author's opinion, the participation of representatives of the lower classes - the helots and perioikoi - in the ceremony facilitated the evolvement of elites from both categories of the Spartan subordinate population. The funeral ceremony performed an important ideological and propaganda function serving as a unifying factor for all the social classes and indoctrinating the masses with the belief in the eternal and immutable nature of the royal authority and, by extension, of the Spartan state. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

... 'Humanity' is an apparatus that could be used ideologically (Schmitt 1963, 55). This study analyses the ideological practices of the state/power -including panoptic surveillance and organic integrity practices- in the discipline of human geography through the lenses of curriculum, scientific freedom, and autonomy. Human geographers have long analysed the sociospatial traits of societies using scientific perspectives. However, in many socioeconomically less-developed countries like Turkey, human geography and other social sciences, portray social issues through the meticulously designed ideological expectations of powers, rather than universal scientific criteria. This ideological structure damages the scientific development of human geography and hinders students' abilities to practice coexistence with other groups by instilling a dependent consciousness. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

America's traditional public schools are facing challenges that may ultimately lead to their extinction. From their beginnings, some criticized them for being secular schools when much of the country was religious and wary of government. Today, the Internet has amplified conservative voices, swaying public opinion against government‐run schools, and citizens' opinions of them are extremely divided. School choice options have increased for homeschooling and private schools, and public charter enrollment has exploded, all competing with and siphoning funds from traditional public schools often accused of indoctrinating students in liberal ideology. These developments, spurred by the COVID‐19 pandemic and culture wars, damage traditional public schools and hurt literacy goals. Funding reductions mean fewer resources for struggling readers and difficulties retaining small class sizes in early grades that would contribute immensely to literacy development. Teachers are deeply dissatisfied, and states report difficulty in hiring qualified teachers for language arts and reading. Students' literacy development suffers. It is only when we better understand how literacy instruction and students' literacy achievements in traditional public schools are affected by efforts to dismantle these schools that we can begin to advocate for policies and constructive solutions for rebuilding them so they will serve all children well. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper provides an autoethnographic accounting and analysis of my own mystical experiences, called connection experiences in this paper. This account, which is structured around a description of my early experiences, attempts to weave together psychological, sociological, historical, and methodological themes into a coherent contribution that advances our understanding of connection experience. The paper includes an explication of the four stages of the research project that developed as a consequence of these experiences as well as an examination of the processes, tools (i.e., MediWiki), and emotional, psychological, professional, and scholarly challenges of collecting and analyzing the autoethnographic data of mystical experiences. The denouement of the paper is the presentation of a conceptual schema aimed at overcoming nomenclature confusion and providing a basis for description, analysis, and discussion of connection and connection experiences. The utility of the schema is demonstrated when it is used to provide a clear overview of my own connection experiences, and the connection experiences of others. In order to facilitate critical discussion of the conceptual framework, a glossary of terms developed and presented in this paper is provided at the end. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Curriculum, as an expression of legitimate knowledge, should be seen as something political rather than technical, that is, as the result of complex power relations and struggles among identifiable stakeholder groups. In Shanghai, curricular reform, which traditionally assumes the crucial task of cultivating responsible citizens, has sought to situate education as an instrument of ideological indoctrination, at least to some extent. However, due to economic and social changes, such as those related to globalisation and modern ideals of educational development, curricular reform has undergone remarkable ideological changes that have given rise to paradoxes between policy and practice. This article explores the evolution of curricular policy and the ways in which it emerges in a paradoxical relationship to practice by analysing the relationship between curricular knowledge and power in Shanghai. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The Jornal Portugues: Revista Mensal de Actualidades was a newsreel produced between 1938 and 1951 for the SPN/SNI, the main organ of propaganda of the Portuguese Estado Novo (1933-1974). It therefore offers a privileged view into the relationship between the cinematographic field and the dictatorship of Antonio de Oliveira Salazar (1889-1970), in its first years. Propaganda has, unsurprisingly, been the preferred angle of analysis, encouraging most scholars to treat these films as a vehicle of ideological indoctrination. The article argues that this approach relies (often unwittingly) on an outmoded concept of 'mass communication' that downplays the cinematic specificities of these films in two ways: by foregrounding government-led 'hard topics' to the detriment of 'soft topics', and by reducing onscreen images of the public to instances of political manipulation. I suggest, as an alternative, that we understand these topics and images within a 'cinema of attractions' framework, which acknowledges the central role the audience plays in the cinematic apparatus. In the absence of empirical work on these films' reception, this kind of theoretical intervention enables us to recover the figure of the public in newsreels, and gain a better grasp of the Jornal Portugues as a filmic, rather than a journalistic, genre. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The indoctrination debates have been a key feature of the philosophy of education over the past 50 years. While it is generally acknowledged that the pejorative associations of indoctrination only emerged over the last 100 years, those normative associations are widely taken to be an essential part of the concept itself as are the positive connotations of education. I explore some of the problems of assuming that the term must refer to something negative and the essentialism that this implies. The attempt to 'transvaluate' indoctrination results in the claim that the concept is virtually indistinguishable from education. Drawing on Ivan Snook's Indoctrination and Education, I examine several candidates for indoctrination to show that the pejorative label is not a good fit. I argue that much of what is framed as indoctrination turns out to be either impossible–implausible or necessary–inevitable; the fact that there is scarcely a gap between these extremes should give us pause to wonder about this term and its relation to education: By providing a term for those influences of which we generally disapprove, does the concept of indoctrination act as a way for educationalists to uphold and protect the normative view of education (that education must aim for something intrinsically worthwhile)? Eds.: This paper forms part of a Special Issue entitled 'Beyond Virtue and Vice: Education for a Darker Age' in which the editors invited authors to engage in exercises of 'transvaluation'. Certain apparently settled educational concepts (from agency and fulfilment to alienation and ignorance) can be reinterpreted and transvaluated (in a Nietzschean vein) such that virtues become vices, and vices, virtues. The editors encouraged authors to employ polemics and some occasional exaggeration to reimagine educational values that are all too readily accepted within contemporary educational discourses. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article reports that the social organization of indoctrination and propaganda is a well-known and yet a very little understood phenomenon. It is a commonplace to note that political systems have embedded into their structures distinctive organizational arrangements whose function is to propagate, nionitor, enforce, and manage the ideological views that have a central role iii both defining and supporting those systems.

Inferring the diffusion mechanisms in complex networks is of outstanding interest since it enables better prediction and control over information dissemination, rumors, innovation, and even infectious outbreaks. Designing strategies for influence maximization in real-world networks is an ongoing scientific challenge. Current approaches commonly imply an optimal selection of spreaders used to diffuse and indoctrinate neighboring peers, often overlooking realistic limitations of time, space, and budget. Thus, finding trade-offs between a minimal number of influential nodes and maximizing opinion coverage is a relevant scientific problem. Therefore, we study the relationship between specific parameters that influence the effectiveness of opinion diffusion, such as the underlying topology, the number of active spreaders, the periodicity of spreader activity, and the injection strategy. We introduce an original benchmarking methodology by integrating time and cost into an augmented linear threshold model and measure indoctrination expense as a trade-off between the cost of maintaining spreaders' active and real-time opinion coverage. Simulations show that indoctrination expense increases polynomially with the number of spreaders and linearly with the activity periodicity. In addition, keeping spreaders continuously active instead of periodically activating them can increase expenses by 69–84% in our simulation scenarios. Lastly, we outline a set of general rules for cost-effective opinion injection strategies. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The present article aims to carry out an analysis of the images that compose the reading book Goiás Coração do Brasil (1934) and to understand how these images lead the reading public to build patriotic visualities. For this, considerations were made about the use of books and images as historical sources and we also discussed the historical and cultural aspects of the reading book in question. For the analysis of the images we applied semiotic methodology articulated with a historical approach. Through this analysis, we came to the conclusion that the articulation between text and images in the bookwas designed to conduce an indoctrination of a nationalist view of exaltation to the state of Goiás. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Political leaders use different tactics to ensure widespread compliance with state policies and to minimize resistance. Scholarship tends to treat different tactics individually, suggesting fundamental dissimilarities in underpinning logic and goals. We introduce political control as a concept that unifies these different tactics within a single framework and demonstrate the analytical utility of considering seemingly disparate strategies in conversation rather than in isolation. We synthesize a growing recent literature on political control, including innovative approaches to repression as well as studies of indoctrination, distribution, and infiltration. We argue that tactics of political control can be understood to vary along two primary dimensions: the level of violence and the materiality of state actions. We highlight recent inquiry into the downstream effects of political control. We conclude with a call for more research on political control that considers combinations of different tactics, across regime types, in a world where tolerance of violent repression is diminishing. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article emerges from a stream of scholarship demonstrating the inadequacy of broad arguments favouring 'neutrality' as an alternative to 'directive normative instruction' in the early childhood classroom. We advance a moral educational framing of the tension between neutrality and normativity in education: specifically, we argue that irreplaceably valuable moral aims of public education are jeopardized when a sense of disquiet regarding indoctrination operates unchecked. After detailing several ways in which moral education is entangled with civic and/or political education specific to a conceptualization of educationally desirable 'traits of reasonableness', we locate civic educational goals as a subcategory of moral education. In light of seemingly intensified calls for neutrality and/or the omission of specific topics and perspectives in the U.S. schools, this article draws upon Hand's work on moral education, to recenter and strengthen existing arguments against anti-indoctrination-based defences of 'neutrality' in education. Finally, we detail a meaningful divergence from Hand's moral guidelines; we argue that increased engagement with opaque moral dilemmas may be of substantial benefit, stimulating valuable experiences of critical reflection for young children in their roles as today's and tomorrow's moral, civic, and political actors. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Liberal studies (LS) textbooks used in Hong Kong public secondary schools have incurred controversy regarding perceived biased contents; however, what appears uncertain are what techniques the textbooks used to incite hostility towards the mainland of China and encourage students to participate in violent acts in Hong Kong. The present study used Michel Foucault's order of discourse theory, particularly the "division and rejection" framework regarding the power of discourse to analyze five popular LS textbooks. The findings reveal that the textbooks depict a division between the fabricated irrational image of the mainland and the rational image of Hong Kong. Specifically, the textbooks paint Chinese patriotism as irrational while encouraging the student readers to reject their Chinese identity. The textbooks also create a division between altruistic and capable civilians and passive, silent ones, with the morality of the former being connected to violence and radicalism. In this way, the textbooks produce a discourse of hostility towards the mainland and the people in the mainland while encouraging violence. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This research article aims to focus on Hanif's narrative in the novel, A Case of Exploding Mangoes (2008) to analyze how the manipulation and politicization of religious ideology began in a totalitarian regime. Set in the time period of 1970s and onwards in the totalitarian regime in Pakistan, the research contends to analyze in depth through the micro-narratives in the novel that how the exploitation of religion as an ideology began under a dictatorial regime. As a way forward, it will also bring out the deradicalization efforts in order to resist against the totalitarian absolute power. Deradicalization of the radicalized, extremist and politicized ideological apparatuses to "prevent society from indoctrination" as well as to "enrich the knowledge of understanding comparisons" regarding what is right and what is wrong, or good vs. bad etc. (Rezan & Naupal, 2019, p.68) is one of the major aims of this research. Moreover, it intends to study in detail through Gramsci's concept of Hegemony as well as Hannah Arendt's political lens provided through The Origins of Totalitarianism (1973) that how and why the totalitarian regime uses terror, violence, extremism and power politics to establish its hegemonic rule. Arendt's political philosophy on the totalitarian's exploitation of people as well as social structures for its hegemonic rule and authority is an extensive study that will also be connected to Gramsci's concept of Hegemony; in which he exposes the absolute power holders' (mis)use of ideology in order to maintain their hegemonic rule. The use of terror and violence in a totalitarian regime is not only a means of power but it also leads towards the creation of social binaries like, power vs. powerlessness, dominance vs. subjugation, voice vs. voiceless etc. By employing both Arendt's and Gramsci's concepts on the totalitarian evils the research will establish a critical backing of the arguments in the context of Zia's totalitarian evils as portrayed in Hanif's narrative. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The School without Party Movement is a topic that became the object of our research in 2018, when it gained great repercussion in the field of education, by both: those who defended the proposal and those who rejected it. In this paper, we present reflections based on the study carried out that year that aimed to know the trajectory of basic education teachers and the way they dealt with the issues raised by this Movement. To this end, narrative interviews were carried out with five teachers. In these interviews, teachers talked about their professional trajectory, as well as analyzed the School without Party Movement. The study also aimed to understand the trajectory of this Movement and its arguments. The determination of the Movement that "the teacher will respect the right of parents to have their children receive a moral education that is in accordance with their own convictions" raises questions about how to deal with the diversity of convictions and conceptions that may coexist in a classroom. As the research listened to the teachers, characters directly involved in this proposal, we gathered data that contributed to broaden the ways of understanding this movement, from the teachers' point of view. Based on Paulo Freire's studies, we discuss the meanings of neutrality and the meaning of moral education implicit in the proposal, as well as analyze the risks of fanaticism and sectarianism that this Movement can entail. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper aims to examine the way in which the Spanish school textbooks used during the Franco dictatorship, strongly impregnated with Catholic doctrine, contributed to the construction of a feminine identity centred around marriage and motherhood. It is historical-educational research that analyses two primary sources: the Encyclical Humanae Vitae by Pope Paul VI and the Álvarez Encyclopedia: Professional Initiation. The results reveal the existence of a hidden political-social curriculum whose main purpose was to legitimise a system of domination over the female gender. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]