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Theorizations of gender and race in Latin America have led to wide-ranging views concerning women and men in subaltern groups, whether indigenous or Afro-descendant, rural or urban. Views are similarly wide-ranging when theorizing turns to the implications of tourism development for subaltern peoples in the region. Just as it is customary to emphasize the historically subordinate status of women and racial minorities in Latin America, so too it is customary to show that tourism in the neoliberal era has particularly harsh consequences for these marginalized social sectors. At a time of indigenous mobilization, increasing migration, and urbanization, we must recognize the complex and often surprising ways in which gender, race, and tourism intertwine. Ethnographic cases from Andean Peru and Chiapas, Mexico, suggest that indigenous women play more or less prominent roles in tourism depending on several factors, with women who are active in the wider society holding more substantial positions in community-based cultural tourism.Las teorizaciones de género y raza en América Latina han conducido a una gran gama de perspectivas en lo que concierne a las mujeres y los hombres en grupos subalternos, sean estos indígenas o afro-descendientes, rurales or urbanos. Tal como es costumbre enfatizar el papel subordinado de la mujer y el indígena en América Latina, también es costumbre demostrar que el turismo en la era del neoliberalismo tiene consecuencias duras para estos sectores marginados. En un tiempo de movilización indígena, aumento en la migración, y urbanización, tenemos que reconocer las maneras complejas y a menudo sorprendentes en que el género, la raza, y el turismo se entrelacen. Casos etnográficos del Perú Andino y Chiapas, México, sugieren que las mujeres indígenas toman un papel mas o menos prominente en el turismo dependiendo de varios factores, con las mujeres mas activas en la sociedad en general consiguiendo posiciones mas substanciales en el turismo cultural basado en la comunidad.

Latin American countries have historically been young societies, with children and young adults making up a substantial portion of their popula tions. In the colonial and postindependence eras, the high percentage of children and youth commanded interest from government reformers, military regimes, and social welfare organizations as a potential source of political and social unrest (see Kuznesof, 2005, and contributors to Hecht, 2002). In recent years, the proportion that is under age 25, which we broadly term "youth," hovers at just over half of the population both regionally and in nearly every nation (CEPAL/ECLAC, 2007: 26). Youth movements, including the student protests of the 1960s and 1970s, have played critical roles in the shaping of modern history in the region. Sometimes such protests have had tragic ends, as in the case of the 1968 Tlatelolco massacre in Mexico City. Military regimes in Argentina, Brazil, and Chile from the 1960s through the 1980s specifically targeted young women and men?whether or not they were actually involved in political activism?for persecution and disappearance. A generation of youthful participants in the region's political culture was devastated in these nations. In other cases, as among the Sandinistas in Nicaragua and the Zapatistas in Chiapas, Mexico, young men and women were key players in more successful revolutionary uprisings and efforts toward democratic trans formation. The involvement of Latin American youth has had a profound influence on the tenor and demands of political and cultural movements in the region in recent times.

In the post-Sandinista period, Nicaragua has adjusted to the new terms of a neoliberal economy by turning to tourism development as a leading industry. As the nation is refashioned as a safe and desirable tourist destination, efforts have been made to conceal evidence of the recent revolutionary past that might discourage visitors from traveling to the country. Nevertheless, there are indications that selected images and memories of revolution are making a reappearance and may prove marketable for tourism. This article argues that the twin projects of neoliberalism and nationalism may be served by this seemingly contradictory process. The Nicaraguan case offers an example of how the past figures in the remaking of postrevolutionary nations for tourism in the era of globalization.

This review essay considers recent work on sexuality and modernity, broadly conceived. Examining two studies from China and two from parts of Latin America, I suggest that fruitful research and writing is focusing on regions that are undergoing economic transitions marked by growing private sectors and market reform as a consequence of globalization. In these areas one finds both economic and sexual “opening up” to change, with diverse cultural and political implications at the local and the national levels.

In June 2000, I returned to spend several weeks in Nicaragua after two years away and found the capital city of Managua transformed by the rebuilding of an urban center, with new government buildings, immense traffic circles and plazas, and hotels and commercial establishments in abundance. My first day back, I ventured into one of two major shopping malls and discovered that the movie Boys Don't Cry (Muchachos no lloran, with subtitles) was playing at a multiplex cinema. In a city where a couple of years before the only movie theatres were exceptionally seedy and offered X-rated porn, I was curious to see what reception this film would have in the Nicaraguan setting soon after its release to wide acclaim in the United States. The audience at the matinee was small and fairly middle class-not surprising in a nation where the two-dollar ticket price was beyond the means of the majority-but it seemed to appreciate the movie's powerful story of sexual-identity transgression and its consequences in the American Midwest.' When it comes to sex and sexuality, some stories are told whereas others remain untold. Histories of sexuality everywhere are subject to revision and debate when local, national, or transnational conditions prompt caution on the one hand or allow more open discussion of sexual difference and transgression on the other.2 Periods of social transformation may present opportunities for personal or national reflection on the politics of gender and sexuality, or they may push such reflection to the margins in the name of settling larger historical accounts. But what happens when personal or local desires are supported by

Mema's House, Mexico City: On Transvestites, Queens, and Machos. Annick Prieur. Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1998. xv. 293 pp., figures, bibliography, index.

In recent years the Peruvian government has faced two related and pressing problems: rising food prices and a proliferation of urban marketers and street vendors. The government's solution is to blame the latter for the inflation. This paper suggests that while it has served middle class interests to hold small marketers?among whom a majority are poor women?responsible for soaring food costs, closer examination shows that both high prices and the growth of petty commerce are responses to more fundamental economic problems of dependent capitalism in Peru. The Peruvian case may be understood in the more general context of the situation confronting many third world countries in which economic underdevelopment is accompanied by an expanding informal sector. Of course, there is much that can be said for the irrationality of the present marketing system in Peru?where 99 per cent of retail activity is in the hands of small, independent2 sellers (Esculies Larrabure et al. 1977:181)?and we may imagine a situation in which economic planning might result in far smoother distribution. Certainly, many marketers would be delighted to leave their market stalls and places in the streets were there employment alternatives open to them. But to expect the state in its present form to accomplish successful reform of the system through curtailing petty trade overlooks certain critical factors. First, it ignores the role ofthe Peruvian government itself in generating and perpetuating the current economic crisis and it never considers the broader international implications for Peru's food prices. Second, this view neglects some important features of the work of marketers within the present structure of underdevelop? ment in Peru; e.g., their capacity to keep down prices, their productive contribution to the process of bringing goods to consumers, and their selfsufficiency, which acts to offset the level of unemployment. If small-scale marketers provide essential services in Peru, and if petty commerce offers employment?however marginal?to members of society who might otherwise be unemployed, why then has the Peruvian government taken actions that appear to jeopardize the livelihood of marketers? Following some brief background to the current economic crisis in Peru, I discuss the relationship of small marketers to food prices, counterposing the government policy position with my own view. Developments in 1977 in the provincial city of Huaraz are then presented to illustrate how national policy directives from Lima resulted in tightening control of commerce at the local level. Finally, how national efforts to curtail marketing activity have become an important aspect of repressive government action is considered.