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Teenagers have the lowest rate of safety belt use and the highest crash rate compared to other age groups. Past studies on teenagers' belt use have mostly been cross-sectional. The first goals of this study were to examine, at licensure, teenagers' and parents' perceptions of risk of crash/injury for newly licensed teenagers when driving unbelted and teenagers' perceived and parents' intended consequences for safety belt rule violations. In addition, the comparability of these variables to other risky driving behaviors was explored. The second goal was to evaluate the importance of these variables in the prediction of teenagers' belt use during the first year of licensure, relative to other factors related to belt use, including demographics and substance use.More than 2,000 parent-teenager dyads were interviewed by telephone, parents at permit and licensure and teenagers at permit, licensure, and 3, 6, and 12 months after licensure.Approximately a third of the teenagers reported at least once at 3, 6, or 12 months post-licensure not always using their safety belt in the past week. At licensure, participants' perceived risk of safety belt non-use was high and ranked among the behaviors most related to crash/injury for newly licensed teenagers, behind driving under the influence of alcohol or drugs. Parent-imposed consequences for safety belt rule violations were not as highly rated as parent-imposed consequences for driving under the influence of alcohol or drugs. Sequential logistic regression modeled the relationship between safety belt use and perceived risk and consequences of non-use, as well as other prospective predictors assessed at permit and licensure, and driving correlates measured after licensure. Teenagers' extreme perceived risk and parents' intended sure consequences for non-use were significant prospective predictors of regular use during the first year of licensure. Other significant predictors and correlates were race (White), high school grade average of "A," not smoking cigarettes, driving a passenger vehicle, and never receiving a traffic citation or engaging in risky driving behaviors, including driving under the influence of alcohol or drugs and running a red light.While the effect size was small for perceived risk of non-use, it is a modifiable factor and focused intervention contrived to enhance perceived risk could increase teenagers' belt use. Perceived risk is discussed as a target for intervention in relation to the Protection Motivation Theory. This theory appears helpful in guiding future research into the modifiable factors studied here as well as other factors, including perceived rewards and costs associated with non-use.

The first comprehensive Graduated License (GDL) law was implemented in Florida in 1996. Now, most states have implemented one or more GDL provision including: extending the time for which a learners permit must be held prior to licensure; passenger restriction; and night driving restriction. Evidence to support each of these provisions existed prior to 1996 and has been largely confirmed with the evaluation of each new state to implement GDL. Nationally, fatal crash involvements of 16 year-old drivers have decreased 23% (1993-1995 vs. 2003-2005). Greater reductions have been seen for crash involvements at night and with passengers. The single most effective GDL provision appears to be the extension of the learners period when this extension has the effect of delaying the time at which unsupervised driving is permitted.

Problem Safety belt use in the United States, as measured over daylight hours, has risen steadily over recent years reaching 80% in 2004. Yet, using the National Highway Traffic Safety Administration's (NHTSA) Fatality Analysis Reporting System (FARS), safety belt use among fatally injured front seat outboard occupants of passenger vehicles was only between 42% and 46% for the years 1999 to 2003. One possible contributing factor is that safety belt use at night, when crash rates are highest, is lower than during the day. Method A full statewide nighttime belt use observation survey was conducted in 2004. This survey was conducted simultaneously with Connecticut's annual full statewide daytime belt use survey. Night belt use observations of drivers and passengers are possible using newly available near military grade night vision goggles and handheld infrared spotlights. Both day and goggle-assisted night observations were conducted at 100 observation sites in Connecticut. Procedures for day and night observations were as nearly identical as possible. Results The night belt use rate was 6.4 percentage points lower than the day rate (83.0 vs. 76.6). Consistent with belt use among Connecticut fatalities, day versus night differences were greatest in urban areas. There was evidence that day versus night differences were greater before as compared to after a May 2004 belt use enforcement program.

Problem Safety belt use rates among front seat occupants of passenger vehicles are substantially lower at night than during the day despite the fact that night driving is more dangerous. Method Recent advances in night vision equipment now make it possible to enforce belt use laws in darkness. Reading, Pennsylvania conducted a night belt use publicity and enforcement campaign during September 2004 using night vision equipment. Results Front seat occupant belt use at night increased significantly from 50% prior to the campaign to 56% just after the campaign. Daylight belt use also increased though to a lesser extent (56% to 59%). Survey data indicated that motorists had heard about the campaign in newspapers and on television. Belt use increases were not seen during the same time period in a comparison community.

Click It or Ticket is an occupant protection Selective Traffic Enforcement Program (sTEP) combining intensive paid and earned publicity with enforcement during a brief two to four week period. North Carolina demonstrated substantial increases in safety belt use associated with their implementation of the first statewide Click It or Ticket program in 1993. In 2000, Click It or Ticket was implemented in South Carolina. In 2001, Click It or Ticket was implemented across all eight states of the southeast. In 2002, ten states in various parts of the country implemented Click It or Ticket; four states implemented parts of the full Click It or Ticket program; and four states were used as comparisons. Belt use increases were greatest in the full implementation states. Click It or Ticket was implemented nationally in 2003. This paper presents a historical perspective on the implementation and evaluation of Click It or Ticket programs.

On November 13-14, 2003, a symposium on high-visibility safety belt use enforcement in Raleigh, NC: (a) celebrated the 10th anniversary of North Carolina's Click It or Ticket program; (b) documented current knowledge regarding safety belt use; (c) proposed strategies to increase use further; and (d) discussed research to support these strategies.

The Provisional or Intermediate license is the central phase in a comprehensive Graduated Licensing System. Young drivers qualify for a Provisional license by completing their Learners phase, reaching a specified age, and passing a road test. Provisional license holders are allowed to drive unsupervised subject to various restrictions. Typical restrictions include prohibitions against night driving, passengers and alcohol. The goal is to limit teen exposure to risky driving situations during their first few months of licensure, a time when their crash rates are extremely high. States with such restrictions have been shown to have lower teen crash rates than states without. Parents indicate strong support both for Graduated Licensing Systems and for the specific restrictions.

Problem: On January 1, 1997, Connecticut implemented the first phase of graduated licensing requiring 16- and 17-year-olds to hold a learner's permit for 6 months (4 months with driver's education) prior to licensure. The effect of this change was to raise the minimum licensing age in Connecticut by 6 months (or 4 months) during which time a young person could obtain supervised practice driving. Method: Crash rates for 16- to 18-year-olds in Connecticut, before and after the change, were compared with crash rates in nearby counties in New York State. Results: Fatal/injury crash involvements of Connecticut 16-year-old drivers declined by 22% during the first full year following the law change. Declines did not vary significantly between males and females or as a function of the income level of the city/town in which the crash occurred. Fatal/injury crash involvements for 17- and 18-year-olds in Connecticut and 16-, 17-, and 18-year-olds in New York did not change significantly. Discussion: Companion surveys of parents conducted before and after their teen was licensed showed support for the law change and support for additional provisions generally associated with “graduated licensing.” Summary: Delaying teenage licensure in Connecticut, during which time a teen could engage in more practice driving, was associated with a 22% reduction in fatal/injury crash involvements for 16-year-old drivers. Impact on Industry:Crash reduction will be related to a reduction in overall highway loss including medical costs, property damage, and lost work time.

In the mid-1980s, the first formal seat-belt enforcement program in the United States was conducted in Elmira, NY. Front seat-belt use increased from 49% to 80%, and the Elmira program became a model for other such programs. In the spring of 1999, the New York State Police launched a statewide seat-belt enforcement campaign, and the Elmira program was revived as part of this effort. This 3-week program was coordinated by the Chemung County Sheriff's Office, and carried out in cooperation with local police departments as well as the state police. The earlier Elmira program emphasized the health and safety benefits of seat belts and warning periods prior to tickets being issued. The 1999 program featured a strong no-excuses, no-warning enforcement message, 32 belt-use checkpoints, and publicity about the enforcement through a variety of mechanisms, including feedback signs that informed motorists of current belt use rates. Front seat-belt use increased from 69% to 90%. Public opinion surveys indicated the program was well known to Elmira residents, and had the support of 79% of those polled. The 1999 Elmira program demonstrates that high-intensity enforcement programs can increase seat-belt use to very high levels with strong community support.

Sixteen and 17 year-olds were surveyed at motor-vehicle offices in Tennessee after qualifying for their first driver's license. When the survey was conducted during October and November 1995, neither a learner's permit nor completion of a driver education course was required to obtain a license at age 16 or 17. The survey was repeated during December and January 1996–97, approximately one year after a requirement to hold a learner's permit for 90 days or complete a driver education course was implemented. Results from the 1991 drivers (ages 16 and 17) surveyed indicated Tennessee's licensing law change was associated with approximately 100 additional miles and 8 additional hours of practice driving prior to licensure for the typical 16 or 17 year-old, most often while supervised by a parent or guardian. Results are discussed in relation to the prelicense practice driving requirements of graduated licensing systems.

Effective July 1, 1993, Louisiana added a provision to its driver licensing law that requires 15-year-olds to complete 36 hours of driver education before they obtain driver’s licenses. The subsequent crash experience of 15-year-olds in Louisiana was compared with that of 15-year-olds in Mississippi, which at the time of this study licensed at age 15; and experience in north Florida, which licenses at age 16. The effect of the new requirement was a 33% reduction in the number of licenses issued to 15-year-olds during the first full year following the law change. The fatal and injury crash involvements of Louisiana 15-year-old drivers declined by as much as 20% annually in the two years following the law change. Involvement rates of older teenagers in Louisiana as well as Florida and Mississippi remained unchanged or increased during the same time period. Louisiana’s night driving restrictions—applicable to drivers younger than age 17 and shown to be effective in previous research—were even more effective after the law change. Fatal and injury crash involvements during the restricted hours for 15- and 16-year-olds were, respectively, 51% and 27% lower than estimated involvements if the night driving restriction had not been in effect. The results of this study provide additional evidence that elements of graduated licensing systems, such as delaying the age of full licensure and night driving restrictions, are effective in reducing the very high rate of teenage involvements in serious motor-vehicle crashes.

High school students in four states were surveyed every six months from their freshmen through senior years. Delaware students could obtain learner’s permits beginning at age 15 years and 10 months and licenses at age 16. Connecticut and New York students could begin learning driving and become licensed at age 16, but New Jersey students could not get their licenses until age 17. Comparisons among states indicated the age at which teenagers first drive on public roads, obtain learner’s permits, and obtain licenses is younger for Delaware students compared with students living in the other states. Comparisons within states indicated students with higher grade point averages and living with both parents, of whom at least one was college educated, were more likely to become licensed at younger ages. The importance of these intrastate personal and family variables was greatest in Connecticut, which allowed a home study option for teaching young people to drive. Implications of these findings for graduated licensing systems, currently being considered by several states, are discussed.

Several states enacted elements of graduated licensing systems in 1996. Connecticut introduced a six-month required learner’s permit period. Florida enacted a six-month learner’s period plus a night driving curfew for 16- and 17-year-olds. Parents of 15-year-olds in these states were surveyed to determine their views concerning the new requirements. Parents of graduating seniors in Connecticut and three other northeastern states also were surveyed. Results indicate that, in all six populations, support for graduated licensing was strong. Parents of 15-year-olds in Connecticut and Florida endorsed their new licensing systems, even though there was recognition that they and their children would be inconvenienced to some extent, and many wanted even tougher licensing provisions. Eighty-two percent of Connecticut parents of 15-year-olds thought there should be a night driving curfew for initial license holders, a provision that had been considered but was rejected.

All reported crashes—property damage, nonfatal injury, and fatal—estimated for 1993 in the National Highway Traffic Safety Administration's General Estimates System were examined for 16-year-old drivers. Results were compared to the crash involvements of other teenagers, older drivers, and fatal injury crash involvements as tabulated by the Fatal Accident Reporting System. Sixteen-year-olds were more likely than other teenagers and older drivers to be involved in single-vehicle crashes, and to be in crashes between 6 p.m. and 11:59 p.m. They were also more likely to have been charged with a moving violation and to have been culpable for the crash. Sixteen-year-old drivers in crashes, compared with other teenage drivers, were proportionately more likely to be female and to be accompanied by other teenage passengers. These differences among 16-year-olds, other teenagers, and older drivers are also found when only fatal crashes are considered. Characteristics of the crashes of 16-year-olds can be used as a guide in establishing licensing policies for initial license holders.

Fatal crash involvements of 15-year-old drivers were tabulated for the period 1989 through 1993 for 33 states that issue learner's permits to 15-year-olds, but do not grant regular licenses until age 16. Most 15-year-old drivers involved in fatal crashes either did not hold a learner's permit (57%) or were operating in violation of the terms of their permit at the time of the crash (16%). Compared with 16-year-olds, the fatal crashes of 15-year-olds were more often single-vehicle crashes, late at night, with many passengers in their vehicle, and involved driver factors, such as speeding and failure to drive in the proper lane. Illegal drivers--those without permit or license, and those with permits but unsupervised--were more likely than those driving legally to be culpable and to be in single-vehicle crashes. There were relatively few fatal crash involvements for 15-year-old learner's permit holders engaged in supervised practice driving as permitted by state law. Analysis of these few, and characteristically different, events suggests that learning drivers should limit driving on high speed roads and avoid driving with occupants other than the driver and supervisor.

This article has been retracted: please see Elsevier Policy on Article Withdrawal ( http://www.elsevier.com/locate/withdrawalpolicy ). This reprinted article has been retracted at the request of the Publisher. The online version of this reprint has been withdrawn as it was a redundant duplicate of the original article. The original can be found via http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/S0022-4375(96)00041-2 . The Publisher apologizes for any inconvenience this may cause.

Some states allow an officer to stop a vehicle for an observed belt law violation alone (primary). Most require that the initial stop be made for some other violation before a belt law citation can be issued (secondary). On January 1, 1993, California became the first state to implement an uninterrupted change from secondary to primary belt law enforcement. In six study communities, the percentage of drivers observed wearing seat belts increased from 58% prior to the law change to 76% soon thereafter. Drivers surveyed at DMV offices indicated that they had knowledge of the new law and were more likely to wear their belts now than in the past.

Fatal crashes were tabulated for 6-hour periods around sunrise and sunset, from 13 weeks before the fall change to standard time until 9 weeks after the spring change to daylight saving time. Fatal-crash occurrence was related to changes in daylight, whether these changes occurred abruptly with the fall and spring time changes or gradually with the changing seasons of the year. During daylight saving time, which shifts an hour of daylight to the busier evening traffic hours, there were fewer fatal crashes. An estimated 901 fewer fatal crashes (727 involving pedestrians, 174 involving vehicle occupants) might have occurred if daylight saving time had been retained year-round from 1987 through 1991.

This study evaluates an enforcement program targeted at licensed retail sellers of alcohol. The program was a sting or decoy operation in which underage police cadets attempted to purchase packaged beer at randomly selected grocery, convenience, liquor, and drug stores in Denver, Colorado. Stores that sold alcohol to the underage purchasers were subject to fines and beverage license suspensions. During baseline, cadets purchased beer 59% of the time. The purchase rates for successive waves of enforcement conducted over the next 10 months were 32%, 26%, and 26%.

An evaluation of an integrated enforcement program designed to reduce alcohol-impaired driving and increase seat belt use in Binghamton, NY, was conducted. The program's emphasis is on the publicized use of sobriety and seat belt use checkpoints, passive alcohol sensors, and seat belt law enforcement. A study of the program's first two years shows that a relative overall reduction of about 39% in the number of drivers who had been drinking and were stopped at police checkpoints was sustained from Fall 1988 to Fall 1990; evidence was also found of significantly fewer injury-producing crashes and significantly fewer late-night crashes during months when checkpoints were held. Drivers with high blood alcohol concentrations were relatively unaffected by the program. Seat belt use rose, especially at night. Results suggest that checkpoints may have to be both constant and visible features of enforcement for their benefits to be lasting.

Introduction Because crash rates are highly elevated during the first months of licensure, it is advisable for parents to limit teen driving so that teens can gain independent driving experience under less dangerous driving conditions. This report describes the effect of the Checkpoints Program on parent limits on novice teen driving through six months post-licensure. Methods Nearly one-quarter of all Connecticut teens who obtained a learner's permit over a 9-month period were recruited, providing a final sample of 3,743 who obtained licenses within the next 16 months. Families were randomized to the intervention or comparison condition. Intervention families received by mail a series of persuasive communications related to high-risk teen driving and a parent-teen driving agreement, while on the same schedule comparison families received standard information on driver safety. Results Families who participated in the Checkpoints Program reported significantly greater limits on teen driving at licensure, 3-months, and 6-months post-licensure. However, there were no differences in reported risky driving behavior, violations, or crashes. Conclusion This is the first statewide study testing the efficacy of the Checkpoints Program. The results indicate that it is possible to foster modest increases in parental restrictions on teen driving limits during the first six months of licensure using passive persuasive communications, but that the levels of restriction obtained were not sufficient to protect against violations and crashes.

Objectives. We describe intervention effects on parent limits on novice teenage driving. Methods. We recruited parents and their 16-year-old children (n = 469) with learner’s permits and randomized them from August 2000 to March 2003. Intervention families received persuasive newsletters related to high-risk teenage driving and a parent‐teenager driving agreement; comparison families received standard information on driver safety. We conducted interviews when the adolescents obtained a learner’s permit, upon licensure, and at 3, 6, and 12 months postlicensure. Results. Intervention parents and teenagers reported stricter limits on teen driving compared with the comparison group at 12 months, with direct effects through 3 months and indirect effects through 12 months postlicensure. Conclusions. A simple behavioral intervention was efficacious in increasing parental restriction of high-risk teen driving conditions among newly licensed drivers. (Am J Public Health. 2005;95:447‐452. doi: 10.2105/AJPH.2003.023127)

High school students were surveyed every 6 months from their freshman through senior years concerning licensing, driving, and transportation to and from their various activities. Students in Delaware (learner's permit can be issued at age 15 years, 10 months; driver's license at age 16) were compared with students in Connecticut and New York (permit at age 16; license at age 16) and in New Jersey (license at age 17). During the junior year, most Delaware students, some New York and Connecticut students, and few New Jersey students were licensed. However, even during the junior year, students in the respective states did not differ significantly with respect to time spent at activities such as a paying job, homework, watching television, dating, parties, being with friends, talking on the phone, or participating in sports or school activities. Graduated licensing systems can delay full-privilege teenage licensure and reduce teenage crash rates. These systems also can increase the number of times parents and others must drive. However, the present study's results indicate that licensing delays of as much as 1 year have minimal effects on the nondriving activities of high school students.

Compared with older drivers, and even older teens, greater percentages of 16-year-old drivers in fatal crashes were involved in single-vehicle crashes, were responsible for their crashes, were cited for speeding, had high vehicle occupancy (especially other teenagers), and were female. Sixteen-year-olds were less likely than older drivers to have been drinking. In addition, their crashes occurred at different times than those of older drivers, crashes between 10:00 p.m. and 11:59 p.m. on Fridays and Saturdays being especially likely. Information about the characteristics of the crashes of 16-year-olds is important because this is the age at which most states currently allow teenagers to get an unrestricted driver's license. It is also the age at which restrictions on beginning licenses are being considered in some states. The results of this study suggest that restrictions on teenage passengers, and night-driving curfews with pre-midnight starting times--two provisions used in New Zealand's graduated licensing system--would be appropriate in attempts to reduce crashes of beginning 16-year-old drivers, who have the highest fatal crash rate of any single teen age.

A study was conducted in which young males, under the legal alcohol purchase age of 21, attempted to purchase beer at grocery stores and other retail outlets. Underage purchases were attempted at a sample of stores in Washington, D.C.; Westchester County, New York: and Albany and Schenectady counties, New York. Beer was sold to the underage purchasers at 97 percent of the Washington, D.C. stores, 80 percent of the Westchester County stores, and 44 percent of the Albany and Schenectady stores, despite the fact that such sales are illegal. Beer was more likely to be sold to the underage purchasers at smaller neighborhood stores in urban areas. Sales were least likely in Albany, which experienced recent police enforcement of the alcohol purchase age laws. Vigorous enforcement of the minimum purchase age laws is needed to reverse the current national trend toward more alcohol-related highway fatalities among youth.

Fatigue and long driving hours have been implicated as risk factors in truck crashes. Under federal regulations, commercial drivers are permitted to drive no more than 10 hours before having an 8-hour break and cannot work more than 70 hours over an 8-day period. Several studies have suggested that violations of these rules are common. A survey of long haul tractor-trailer drivers was conducted to estimate what proportion of drivers report that they regularly violate the hours-of-service rules and to identify the drivers most likely to commit hours-of-service violations. During December 1990 through April 1991, a total of 1,249 drivers were interviewed at truck safety inspection stations, truck stops, and agricultural inspection stations in Connecticut, Florida, Oklahoma, and Oregon. In each state, interviews were conducted during varying periods of the day over the course of seven days at inspection stations. Overall, 89 percent of eligible drivers asked for interviews participated in the survey. According to self-reports, almost three-fourths of the respondents violate hours-of-service rules. About two-thirds of the drivers reported that they routinely drive or work more than the weekly maximum. A primary impetus for violating rules appears to be economic factors, including tight delivery schedules and low payment rates. Many other driver, job, and vehicle characteristics were significantly associated with being an hours-of-service violator. The high prevalence of hours-of-service violations among tractor-trailer drivers is a problem in need of urgent attention. Potential measures to reduce the prevalence of rules violations include more enforcement directed toward carriers, wider use of electronic recorders, and increasing the number of rest areas.

A pedestrian safety education film titled And Keep on Looking and aimed at children ages 9 to 12 was evaluated in several cities. The results showed an increase in safe street crossing knowledge among 9- to 12-year-old Connecticut children who viewed the film, and some improvement in safe street crossing behavior among 9- to 12-year-old Seattle, Washington, children. Crash reduction was assessed in a 2-year, citywide field test conducted in Milwaukee. The field test indicated a crash reduction of more than 20% for 9- to 12-year-old children in Milwaukee compared with children in areas surrounding Milwaukee and children in comparison cities.

The article describes an experimental study which attempted to increase children's awareness of proper safety behavior as well as to increase actual safe behavior in the use of playground equipment. Results indicated that modest to substantial gains were made in both knowledge and behavior, and that among the alternative consumer education programs, the strategy that was most successful was the use of the greatest amount of information with the youngest children.

The objectives of this study were to develop, produce, and field-test public information and education messages to reduce midblock dart and dash accidents among child pedestrians. An in-class film, poster, and six television spots were produced in which children were told to stop at the curb or outside edge of a parked car and look left-right-left for oncoming vehicles before crossing the street. These materials were distributed to schools, movie theaters, and television stations, city-wide, in Los Angeles, Columbus (Ohio), and Milwaukee. Survey results showed that children saw the materials and improved their safe street crossing knowledge. Behavioral observations showed that children crossed more safely. All three cities showed statistically significant pre versus post reductions in child accidents. Across the three cities, midblock darts and dashes by children 14 and younger dropped 21 %, and midblock darts and dashes involving 4-, 5-, and 6-year-olds dropped 31 %.

A field experiment was conducted to determine the extent of conspicuity enhancement provided pedestrians and bicyclists at night by various commercially available retroreflective materials and lights. The conspicuous materials were designed to be worn or carried by the pedestrians and bicyclists. Detection and recognition distances for the various experimental and baseline conditions were determined using subjects driving instrumented vehicles over a predetermined route on a realistic closed-course roadway system. Field experimenters were used to model the conspicuity-enhancing materials employing natural motion associated with walking and bicycling. Comparisons of the detection and recognition distances suggested that pedestrians and bicyclists can greatly enhance their conspicuity to drivers at night by wearing certain types of apparel and by using devices that are currently available in the marketplace. Nevertheless, it was concluded that nighttime pedestrian and bicyclist activity is inherently dangerous, even with these devices, and should be avoided.

Right-Turn-on-Red (RTOR), in its “Western” version allows motorists to turn right on a red signal after stopping and yielding, unless specifically prohibited by a sign. The objective of this study was to determine the effect of Western RTOR on pedestrian and bicycle accidents in selected jurisdictions adopting the rule in the mid-1970s. The results showed significant increases in pedestrian and bicyclist accidents involving right-turning vehicles at signalized locations following the introduction of Western RTOR. These increases were: 40 % for pedestrians and 82 % for bicycles in New York State; 107 % for pedestrians and 72 % for bicycles in Wisconsin; 57 % for pedestrians and 80 % for bicycles in Ohio; and 82 % for pedestrians in New Orleans. Analysis of police accident reports suggested that drivers stopped for a red light are looking left for a gap in traffic and do not see pedestrians and bicyclists coming from their right. Countermeasure research and development was recommended to deal with this well defined problem which involves between 1 % and 3 % of all pedestrian and bicycle accidents.

This study examined the general and specific deterrent effects of Wisconsin's 1982 law mandating 3- to 6-month license suspensions for first-time convicted drinking drivers. General deterrence (stopping drinking and driving among the general public) was studied statewide by examining latenight, single-vehicle, injury crashes involving male drivers before and after the law. The results showed a substantial reduction in these presumably alcohol-related events. Specific deterrence (stopping repeat drinking and driving among those convicted) was studied by comparing subsequent convictions and crashes for first-time convicted drivers before and after the 1982 law. The results showed that those drivers convicted under the mandatory suspension law had fewer subsequent convictions and crashes. It was concluded that 100% mandatory license suspension is an effective legal sanction against drinking and driving.

Each trial consisted of dichotomous (high and low frequency) tones started in a random sequence which changed to a patterned sequence. S pressed a switch when he recognized that the sequence was patterned and pressed it again when he could describe the pattern. Rate of presentation was varied. Descriptions were verbalized or tapped. The data showed that descriptions were begun with the longest run of identical tones at the slow rate (1 tone/sec) and ended with the longest run at the fast rate (4 tones/sec). This effect was greater with verbalized than with tapped descriptions. At the medium rate (2 tones/sec), descriptions began with the longest run for patterns of nine tones or more and ended with the longest run for patterns of eight tones or less. Pattern recognition occurred substantially sooner than pattern description. The difference in time between these two responses remained constant across rate, while the difference in number of tones increased with rate. The results are discussed in terms of mode of processing, level of processing, and short-term storage.

The relationship of driver licensure rate differences to 16 year old lifestyles was assessed by surveying 15 and 16 year olds in New York, Michigan, and New Jersey. Michigan 16 year olds reported the highest rates of licensure (56 per cent), whereas New York (14 per cent licensed) and New Jersey (2 per cent licensed) had much lower rates. Teenagers in Michigan reported greater decreases in use of bicycles and reliance on parents and relatives for transportation but, for the most part, the differences in 16 year old licensure and mobility were not reflected in lifestyle differences.

Ss listened to and then described continually repeating sequences of nine tones presented at the rate of three tones/second. Each tone was either 275 Hz (high) or 250 Hz (low). The major independent variable was starting pattern (where E began the continually repeating sequence). The major dependent variable was S’s description. The results showed that the “better” the starting pattern, the more often it was accepted and used as the description. “Better” starting patterns were also learned more quickly.

A questionnaire survey of high school students in seven states was conducted in 1983 to determine teenagers' access to cars and their amount and type of driving. Considerable illegal driving was reported by unlicensed drivers, both those with learners permits and those without. Licensed drivers have ready access to cars with the majority owning one. In each area surveyed, more than one-third of the license holders reported that they usually drive to school; in Orange County, California, and rural Colorado, nearly two-thirds do so. One-third of male licensed drivers and 14% of the females said they drove more than 70 miles per hour once a week or more. One-quarter of male licensed drivers and 11% of the females said they drove after drinking once a week or more. More than 40% of males and females who had held licenses for at least two years reported having had one or more crashes. Earning lower average high school grades was associated with car ownership, high weekly mileage, speeding, driving after drinking, and having traffic tickets and crashes.

Substantial reductions in motor vehicle injuries can be achieved by raising the minimum licensing age or instituting night driving curfews for beginning drivers. A questionnaire survey of public high school students' views on restricting teenage driving was conducted in the following states: California, Colorado, Louisiana, Michigan, Mississippi, New Jersey, and New York. The results indicated the following: (a) Slightly less than half felt there should be some restrictions on teenage driving. (b) The majority thought that restrictions on teenage drivers that did not apply to all drivers were bad, and slightly more favored a seat belt use law for all drivers rather than one applying to teenagers only. (c) In general, high school students preferred the age that they could obtain licenses in their own states as the minimum age for obtaining licenses, whether that age was 15, 16, or 17. (d) Teenagers in states with night driving curfews were more likely to favor curfew laws, but more than half of those in states without curfews expressed some support for such laws.

Shoulder belt use among late night bar patrons in southeastern New York was observed during May–July of 1985, approximately six months after the effective date of New York's mandatory seat belt use law. About 25 percent of the drivers observed entering and leaving bar parking lots were wearing shoulder belts compared with 36 percent of other drivers observed at nearby locations during the same night hours; during daylight hours at the nearby locations, 43 percent of drivers wore shoulder belts. The lower belt use by bar patrons was apparently not attributable to impaired judgment caused by alcohol consumption because belt use was similar when entering and leaving the bar. Bar patrons were more likely than other drivers to have driving records with crashes and/or convictions. Their failure to comply with seat belt use law to the same extent as populations with lower crash risks reduces the law's potential effectiveness. It is possible that special seat belt law enforcement efforts during night hours could increase the belt use of this high crash-risk population and, at the same time, provide an opportunity for police to screen for alcohol impairment.

Subjects observed and then described continuously repeated twoelement temporal patterns (one of two alternative elements per event) and their component one-element patterns (one element or its nonoccurrence per event). Descriptions could begin at any event in a pattern, since there are as many possible descriptions as events in continuous patterns. Descriptions of one-element patterns revealed two organizing principles: preference for longest gap at the end, or longest run of positive events at the beginning. Variability of pattern organization was low when in a particular pattern these two principles were compatible or when the principles were incompatible but with the gap principle stronger, and increased when the two principles were incompatible and equally strong or the run principle was stronger. The descriptions of two-element patterns showed that one element emerged as 'figure' and the organizing principles for that element determined the perceived organization for the two-element pattern. It was concluded that variability and difficulty of two-element perceptual organization is a function both of figure-ground relations between the two elements and of compatibility of one-element organizing principles. A temporal pattern is a continuously repeating sequence of events. In a two-element pattern a single event is the occurrence of one of two alternative elements in a given unit of time. In a one-element pattern, an event consists of the occurrence or nonoccurrence of a single element. A two-element pattern may be thought of as the interlocking of two one-element patterns, since any two-element pattern can be decomposed into two unique one-element patterns. To illustrate, the two-element pattern XXXOXOO . . . contains XXX'X" ... and "'O'OO .. . as its unique one-element patterns, with the (') indicating the nonoccurrence of an element in the given unit of time. There are as many different possible organizations for a temporal pattern as there are events in the pattern. For example, the twoelement pattern XXO . . . can be organized XXO, XOX, or OXX. Each of these organizations, when repeated continuously, produces patterns which are indistinguishable from each other except in terms Received for publication November 17, 1969. This study was supported by Grant MH-14229 from the National Institute of Mental Health to Yale University. The authors are indebted to Mr. Nigel Cox for help in instrumentation.