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This article analyzes the phenomena of the so-called "Special Period in Time of Peace" of the 1990s and the influence that these have had on the economic, social, and political crisis of the Cuban Revolution after the outbreak of Covid-19 and the implementation of economic reforms on the island. Likewise, the optics emerged in publications by the Cuban system are presented, as well as the cultural products that reactively explain the Cuban reality. Finally, we emphasize the importance of the historical discipline to analyzes the Cuban present. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

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The paper represents a conversation with Carlos Tablada, a leading contemporary Cuban economist, philosopher and so-ciologist. The interview reveals the peculiarities of the Cuban revolution at different stages. Tablada provides details of the history of the Popular Socialist Party of Cuba. He reflects about how he began to study the ideological heritage of Che Guevara, highlighting nuances of his communication with the Soviet academics from the Institute of Latin America of the Academy of Sciences of the USSR. Tablada interprets Ernesto Guevara's speech delivered in Algeria in 1965 in a specific way, in the context of trade relations between developing countries and countries of the Socialist Bloc. Tablada also covers his experience of work in the Cuban state enterprise EMPROVA during the implementation of the System of direc-tion and planning of the economy proposed by Humberto Pe-rez. Tablada expresses his own critical assessment of the economic khozraschet that Cuba adopted from the USSR after joining the CMEA (1972) and holding the First Congress of the Communist Party of Cuba (1975). He comments on the grave consequences of the aggressive policy of the United States towards revolutionary Cuba. Tablada also reveals the peculiarities of trade relations between Cuba and the USSR and the actualization of Che Guevara's ideological legacy dur-ing the period of "rectification". At that time, Cuba faced a crisis due to changes in the terms of trade with the COME-CON countries and tried to resist a number of negative socio-economic consequences of the introduction of khozraschet. Tablada comments on the specifics of Cuba's plight after the collapse of the Socialist Bloc. The footnotes to the interview provide comments on Tablada's statements, especially on those that are controversial.

The following paper attempts to show that beyond the differences between the Chilean and Cuban paths to socialism, the real differences between the two models were based on the way of sustaining socialist conquests and not on the path taken to achieve them or the way to seize power. Cubans and Chileans, as defenders of sovereignty, defended their line of action, but assumed the legitimacy of the opposite. Fidel Castro's trip is ultimately presented as the culmination of an effort by both countries to foster consensus and ward off possible mistrust. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

La mala memoria, the autobiography of Heberto Padilla published in 1989, has been studied to date as a source of information on the controversy known as "the Padilla case" of 1971. But the work can also be studied as a testimony of the experience of direct contact of Latin American writers with Soviet socialism. That experience is decisive in the concrete ideological evolution of the Cuban poet. From this perspective, the famous "Padilla case" could be analyzed from the Sovietization of the Cuban revolution, which Heberto Padilla discovered early, nine years before the controversy, and which he explains in detail in La mala memoria. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The history of Maoism in Latin America is not a linear continuum. On the contrary, it is determined by changing situa-tions at the national, regional and global levels. Among the first, we must highlight the conditions in which capitalism developed, the national dynamics of political history and the history of the left. The regional circumstances are related to the impact of the Cuban revolution and in particular of foquismo, the conflict in Central America and the fate of hik-ing in Peru. Finally, the turns of the Cold War also determined substantial differences in the actions of Latin American Maoism. The article intends, precisely, to analyze the existence of stages in the history of this political current and highlight its differences and its manifestation in debates, organizational forms and methods of struggle.

As Cuban-Soviet relations strengthened throughout the 1960s, Havana sent a significant number of becarios (scholarship holders) to the USSR. This was intended to improve Cuba's technical advancement, but it was also part of a broader attempt to build, through education, what Ernesto 'Che' Guevara coined as 'Cuban New Man'. To ensure the students' adherence to socialism and avoid dissatisfaction with the revolution, Cuban leaders asked the students to organise themselves in colectivos, which assembled all students enrolled in the same Soviet institution. Although these organisations were constantly monitored by a state officials, many Cubans eagerly assumed a leading position within colectivos, guaranteeing the observance of strict discipline and contributing to strengthening the bond between the students and the revolution, ultimately reinforcing Cuban socialism's New Man. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

As Cuban–Soviet relations strengthened throughout the 1960s, Havana sent a significant number of becarios (scholarship holders) to the USSR. This was intended to improve Cuba’s technical advancement, but it was also part of a broader attempt to build, through education, what Ernesto ‘Che’ Guevara coined as ‘Cuban New Man’. To ensure the students’ adherence to socialism and avoid dissatisfaction with the revolution, Cuban leaders asked the students to organise themselves in colectivos, which assembled all students enrolled in the same Soviet institution. Although these organisations were constantly monitored by a state officials, many Cubans eagerly assumed a leading position within colectivos, guaranteeing the observance of strict discipline and contributing to strengthening the bond between the students and the revolution, ultimately reinforcing Cuban socialism’s New Man.

Reinaldo Arenas, a Cuban writer, represents the inquisitorial hell of Castro's Cuba that many homosexuals had to face, turned into dissidents with a perpetual vital and intellectual vicissitudes. For the theorists of the Popular Socialist Party (PSP) homosexuality was the result of bourgeois decadence; thus, those who did not follow the heteronorm were relegated to the condition of subordinate subjects, condemned to a kind of death in life or insilement; being, even, destined to the fields of the UMAP (Military Units of Assistance to the Production) to be «reeducated». This work takes as a case study the figure of Arenas through the representation of him in three audiovisual works, in order to identify and analyze the relationship of the Castro regime with homosexuality. A textual analysis is applied, using the methodological tools of Narrative and Queer Theory, on the documentaries Conducta impropia (Mauvaise conduite, Almendros and Jiménez Leal, 1984) and Seres Extravagantes (Zayas, 2004) and on the film Before Night Falls (Schnabel, 2000), based on the last book by Arenas, autobiographical and posthumous. Reinaldo Arenas is undoubtedly an example of the discrimination against homosexuals in Cuba, of which he was a victim. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

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Objective/Context: This article analyzes several factors that in the first half of the 1960s helped establish the link between Vivian Trías, the outstanding Uruguayan intellectual and politician, who defined himself as a Latin-Americanist and tercerista, and who would get explicitly distant from the communist world and the StB, the Czechoslovak secret service subordinated to the interests of the kgb. Methodology: The analysis is mainly based on sources from the Czechoslovak intelligence archive which are supplemented with texts published by Trías. Originality: Analyzing the specific case of Uruguayan tercerismo, represented by Trías, this research study presents a new look on the challenges brought by the Cuban-Soviet approach within the non-communist Latin-American left. Furthermore, it gives a new value to the role played by the communist secret services in the Latin-American Cold War. Conclusions: While before 1961, terceristas saw in the Soviet Union a way of imperialism, Castro’s declaration on the Marxist-Leninist nature of the Cuban Revolution helped to redefine this view. The Union of Soviet Socialist Republics (ussr) started to be seen by some sectors of the tercerismo, Trías included, as a power that could defend the third world peoples against the US aggression. Although the Soviet-Cuban relationship was marked by great tensions, the Czechoslovaks were an important ally of the Castro government, and the StB operated as a mediator between the Soviets and the ideologically heterogeneous actors, who, in turn, showed some sympathy for the Cuban Revolution. Under these circumstances, the fact that Trías had been recruited by the StB as its agent in 1964 turned out to be a great coincidence of mutual interests aimed at curbing the influence of the US on Latin America.

Following the triumph of the Cuban Revolution in 1959, many US reporters, including some of the best-known names in American journalism (such as Barbara Walters and Dan Rather), had the opportunity to interview Fidel Castro. All of the resulting interviews, which range from relatively brief exchanges to book-length texts, served as contributions, to one degree or another, to Americans’ perception of Fidel Castro and, more generally, to Americans’ conception of the Cuban political system and US-Cuba relations. Given the high caliber of many of the journalists who interviewed Fidel, one would naturally assume that said contributions consist, by and large, of well-informed, unbiased, enlightening interviews with the leader of the Cuban Revolution. But is that what we really find in these interviews?A careful analysis of interviews with Fidel Castro by major US journalists reveals that well-informed, unbiased, enlightening interviews are in fact the exception, rather than the rule. Indeed, most of these journalists’ interviews with Castro—such as those of Lisa Howard (1963); Barbara Walters (1977); Robert MacNeil (1985); Maria Shriver (1988); and Tom Brokaw (1995)—follow a surprisingly similar script: the interviewer focuses on alleged human rights abuses in Cuba; treats Cuba’s political institutions and practices with skepticism; insists on knowing what concessions Cuba is prepared to make to the United States; implicitly criticizes Cuba’s foreign policy and—prior to 1990—Cuba’s relationship with the Soviet Union; neglects to consider the validity of Cuba’s complaints about US policy; and, in general, suggests that the US government’s aggressive attitude toward Cuba is justified in light of the policies pursued by Castro. As a result, in interviewing Fidel many prominent and influential American journalists did little more than justify and perpetuate the attitudes and policies toward Cuba of successive US governments—something that becomes quite apparent when one contrasts these journalists’ endeavors with the major interviews conducted by well-known journalists from other nations who also had the chance to converse with Castro. In sum, far from enhancing the American public’s understanding of Revolutionary Cuba, many high-profile US journalists actually reinforced some of the very misconceptions, distortions and elements of misinformation that have long constituted an important barrier to a healthier relationship between the United States and its Caribbean neighbor.

While the Eisenhower administration had observed the utmost discretion regarding the atrocities committed by the dictatorship of Fulgencio Batista in Cuba, it instead voiced its criticism when the new power led by President Manuel Urrutia decided to apply revolutionary justice during the first weeks of 1959 against those who were guilty of “blood” crimes. Washington's position triggered the first diplomatic crisis with Havana, which recalled the White House’s support for the military regime and called into question the sincerity of these accusations. The United States’ objective was different: to discredit the new Cuban authorities.

In May 1959, the revolutionary government promulgated the Agrarian Reform Law. Due to the massive presence of US investments in the Cuban economy, this measure affected the interests of the multinationals, which owned the best land on the island. At the prospect of losing nearly $800 million in assets in the country, Washington expressed reservations about the reform and demanded compensation terms that Cuba could not respond to because of its economic situation. Beyond material loss, the Eisenhower administration was especially concerned about the impact of such a measure in Latin America and around the world, where governments facing similar realities might be tempted to follow the same path.

While the Eisenhower administration had observed the utmost discretion regarding the atrocities committed by the dictatorship of Fulgencio Batista in Cuba, it instead voiced its criticism when the new power led by President Manuel Urrutia decided to apply revolutionary justice during the first weeks of 1959 against those who were guilty of blood crimes. Washington's position triggered the first diplomatic crisis with Havana, which recalled the White House’s support for the military regime and called into question the sincerity of these accusations. The United States’ objective was different: to discredit the new Cuban authorities.

The triumph of Fidel Castro's guerrilla was an event that had an enormous impact across the globe. Franco's Spain was by no means unaffected by its consequences, especially its university students, who saw it as a decisive reference in the opening of new frameworks for political and ideological reflection. Therefore, the aim of this article is to analyse the influence of the Cuban Revolution on the Spanish student milieu during the early 1960s. To that end, we will first look at the channels through which that event was received and then focus on university publications as sites of expression of the meanings given by both the Falangist students and the new leftist anti-Franco militancy. Therefore, we can affirm the decisive role played by the Cuban example in the reworking and updating of both sectors' programmes for political transformation. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The implementation of state atheism continued throughout the 1980s. Despite this fact, this period is commonly recognized as a moment of dialogue between the Catholic Church and the socialist State until its second half. From then on, the religious institution went on the offensive, believing that the island regime was following the same path of decline that Eastern Europe was going through. In this second part of this article, we deal with this decade with special attention to the Cuban National Ecclesial Meeting (ENEC), which we understand to be the most important event in Catholicism. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In this first part we deal with the introduction to the topic and the 1970s. This decade is commonly understood as a period of reunion between the revolution and the Catholic Church after the turbulent first decade of the revolution. We end this part with the study of Monseñor Francisco Oves as a way of saying that this reunion had well-defined limits. Cuban socialism had not abandoned its Enlightenment heritage and insular Catholicism maintained matrices of Christianity common to the pre-conciliar period. The two parts of this article explores the relationship between the Cuban revolutionary government and the Catholic Church during the 1970s and 1980s. It encompasses the period between the 1960s and 1990s, characterized by the utopian romanticism of olive-clad guerrillas in the first instance, and the severe economic crisis known as the "Special Period" due to the collapse of the Soviet Union in the 1990s in the second. We investigate the modes, understandings, and mutual meanings regarding this topic, which appears to be central in the politics of the past two centuries, maintaining its relevance in contemporary times, namely: revolution and religion; left-wing and religion; state and religion; and state and churches. In addition to the pertinent bibliography on the subject, we conducted research in Cuban state and ecclesiastical archives in Cuba. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

An interview with Aurelio Alonso, a Cuban public intellectual member of the group that founded the Pensamiento Crítico magazine published on the Island between 1967 and 1971, is presented. by the Communist Party of Cuba once constituted as the party of the revolution in 1965. The main topic of the interview is the origin and trajectory of the group, the controversies in which Alonso was involved and the interpretations regarding the closure of the publication. The questions and answers that articulated the conversation in Havana in March 2020 are preceded by a short biography of the interviewee, a contextualization of the experience, and a reference to the mentioned magazine. The footers inform about relevant events, characters or institutions that will allow the reader to follow the trajectory of thought and politics in Cuba. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article analyzes the conception of the Cuban historian Sergio Aguirre regarding the formation of the Cuban nation, based on his essays compiled in the work Eco de Caminos (1974). In addition, it is problematized around the historiographical method from which the author starts to record the different moments of said process. The strong ideological component of Aguirre's work in general and of his conception of the national in particular is demonstrated; and this is the basis of its value and originality. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

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This article examines the literary representation of dissident sexual and gender subjectivities in revolutionary Cuba in Marcial Gala’s novel Llámenme Casandra (2019). Grounded in queer, gender, and cultural studies, it analyzes how gender fluidity challenges the state apparatus of social control that punishes any infringement of the “new man” model. It also reflects on the stigmatization of gender transgressions and its impact on the articulation of transgender subjectivities devoid of agency.

Objective/Context: This article analyzes several factors that in the first half of the 1960s helped establish the link between Vivian Trías, the outstanding Uruguayan intellectual and politician, who defined himself as a Latin-Americanist and tercerista, and who would get explicitly distant from the communist world and the StB, the Czechoslovak secret service subordinated to the interests of the kgb. Methodology: The analysis is mainly based on sources from the Czechoslovak intelligence archive which are supplemented with texts published by Trías. Originality: Analyzing the specific case of Uruguayan tercerismo, represented by Trías, this research study presents a new look on the challenges brought by the Cuban-Soviet approach within the non-communist Latin-American left. Furthermore, it gives a new value to the role played by the communist secret services in the Latin-American Cold War. Conclusions: While before 1961, terceristas saw in the Soviet Union a way of imperialism, Castro’s declaration on the Marxist-Leninist nature of the Cuban Revolution helped to redefine this view. The Union of Soviet Socialist Republics (ussr) started to be seen by some sectors of the tercerismo, Trías included, as a power that could defend the third world peoples against the US aggression. Although the Soviet-Cuban relationship was marked by great tensions, the Czechoslovaks were an important ally of the Castro government, and the StB operated as a mediator between the Soviets and the ideologically heterogeneous actors, who, in turn, showed some sympathy for the Cuban Revolution. Under these circumstances, the fact that Trías had been recruited by the StB as its agent in 1964 turned out to be a great coincidence of mutual interests aimed at curbing the influence of the US on Latin America. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

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Though rural Protestant missionaries stationed in Cuba routinely reproduced Anglo-American epistemologies and values, often in the service of US corporations, they also worked alongside their parishioners to challenge state and economic violence, as well as break the cyclical nature of Cuban poverty. Shared struggle with Cubans against Fulgencio Batista's dictatorship proved transformative for many rural missionaries who, in the late 1950s, developed a revolutionary consciousness born through transnational solidarity. Missionaries challenged the dominant narrative coming from the US government and foreign corporations, as the Revolution pursued an increasingly anti-imperial and anti-capitalist agenda after Batista entered exile. While corporate executives and government officials from North America and Europe feared the new government, rural missionaries, often funded by these same corporations, defended the structural changes taking place after 1959. Through oral history and archival research, this article exposes how Cuban Protestants proved particularly influential in shaping the lens by which foreign missionaries came to understand, appreciate, and ultimately support the Cuban Revolution. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In the Cuban cinema of the last decades appear continuously some spaces were carriers of revolutionary teleology in the recent past. These are old "schools in the countryside", peasant villages founded in the heat of the revolu tionary epic, and sugar and nuclear plants. In this article, based on the works El proyecto (Alonso, 2017), Despertando a Quan Tri (Pérez, 2005) and Melaza (Lechuga, 2012), it's analyzed the way these spaces, which can be called residual, carry significant matter that shows the exhaustion of the teleological temporality of the Cuban Revolution. As a residue, the way in which a type of temporality marked by dead time unfolds in these spaces is studied in this article. This time, where living in dead time, as shown by the materials analized, implies a distance from all action and events, from history and narratives. This article concludes by specifying how, through a "writing between the lines" that also challenges the instituted language, these materials challenge the official narratives with which the History of the nation, of absolute State dominance, is told. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

From new political history, this paper analyzes Salvador Allende's reception of the Cuban revolutionary process between 1953 and 1964. About this, until the triumph of the Cuban revolution this process did not occupy a relevant place in the continental political references of the socialist leader. The foregoing changed rapidly after the revolutionary triumph, carrying out an intense process of reaffirmation and deepening of his main definitions regarding the character of the Chilean revolution. In this way, through the analysis of his parliamentary speeches, party documentation, magazines and militant memoirs, it is possible to point out that the Cuban Revolution became an important experience and input for Salvador Allende during the process of formulating his strategic project. On the one hand, to ratify its commitment to the peaceful path and on the other, to develop central elements of its national-popular programmatic proposal with a view to socialism. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

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This article presents a gender analysis of power and culture in post-revolutionary Cuba, using Bohemia magazine as a source. It argues that despite the relative paucity of historical research on the subject, gender was integral to the identity, legitimacy and popularity of the Cuban Revolution. This article examines Bohemia as a communicatory tool and a site of dissemination and contestation to demonstrate how the Cuban Revolution both endorsed and criticised the cultural ideals it inherited. Bohemia elucidates a dynamic between grassroots enthusiasm, institutional mobilisation and popular disenchantment, whereby gender discourse functioned to encourage and regulate behaviour. The article first focuses on the construction of national identity through historical narratives in Bohemia, exploring the uses of José Martí and Mariana Grajales to create an ambiguous discourse framing behaviour, both domestically and internationally. It then shifts to the discursive construction of the individual Cuban woman, analysing the multiple contentious identities that existed in this post-revolutionary cultural framework, using this incongruity to evidence fundamental shortcomings in the revolution's approach. The final section bridges the national and the individual to understand how these discursive frameworks were used to encourage female participation in the workplace, in political organisations and social campaigns. This analysis also highlights that the central dissonance within the revolutionary project's cultural framework prevented the realisation of gender equality. This article therefore argues that a gender analysis is integral to understanding the nature, legitimacy and longevity of the Cuban Revolution on both a national and international level. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The Second Declaration of Havana ratified on February 4, 1962 is the most important document of the socialistic stage of the Cuban Revolution. The historical analysis of this document is essential to appreciate all the peculiarity of the socialism formation in Cuba and to understand the origin of the principles of the revolutionary internationalism during the Cuban Revolution. However, investigations, which are dedicated to specifically this issue, does not present in the Russian historiography. The aim of this work is to clarify the role of the Second Declaration of Havana in the process of the socialistic ideology formation in Cuba under specific historical conditions of the first half of the 20th century and also to estimate the impact of the foreign policy of USA and VIII Consultative Meeting of Foreign Ministers of the Organization of American States (OAS), which took place in January 1962, onto the radicalization of the Cuban Revolution.

Al triunfar la revolución cubana es claro que no solo debe enfrentarse a los cambios económicos y sociales a realizar. Debe enfrentarse también a la transformación de los sujetos sociales, que son quienes hacen viable el cambio en última instancia. Para ello deben cambiar las formas de la conciencia social y dentro de ellas un papel determinante lo jugará la moral. Esta deberá enfocarse hacia la sociedad que se quería construir, el comunismo. Cuáles fueron los principales medios de los que se valió la Revolución cubana para el proceso de divulgación de la moral comunista como parte de la construcción del ideal social, así como las principales características de la moral comunista difundida durante las tres primeras décadas de la revolución, será el principal punto a tratar en este artículo. When the Cuban revolution triumphs, it is clear that it must not only face the economic and social changes to be made. It must also face the transformation of social subjects, who are the ones who ultimately make change viable. For this, the forms of social conscience must change and within them a determining role will be played by morality. This should focus on the society that was wanted to build, communism. The main means used by the Cuban Revolution for the process of spreading communist morality as part of the construction of the social ideal, as well as the main characteristics of the communist morality spread during the first three decades of the revolution, will be discussed in this article.

This article presents a gender analysis of power and culture in post-revolutionary Cuba, using Bohemia magazine as a source. It argues that despite the relative paucity of historical research on the subject, gender was integral to the identity, legitimacy and popularity of the Cuban Revolution. This article examines Bohemia as a communicatory tool and a site of dissemination and contestation to demonstrate how the Cuban Revolution both endorsed and criticised the cultural ideals it inherited. Bohemia elucidates a dynamic between grassroots enthusiasm, institutional mobilisation and popular disenchantment, whereby gender discourse functioned to encourage and regulate behaviour. The article first focuses on the construction of national identity through historical narratives in Bohemia, exploring the uses of José Martí and Mariana Grajales to create an ambiguous discourse framing behaviour, both domestically and internationally. It then shifts to the discursive construction of the individual Cuban woman, analysing the multiple contentious identities that existed in this post-revolutionary cultural framework, using this incongruity to evidence fundamental shortcomings in the revolution’s approach. The final section bridges the national and the individual to understand how these discursive frameworks were used to encourage female participation in the workplace, in political organisations and social campaigns. This analysis also highlights that the central dissonance within the revolutionary project’s cultural framework prevented the realisation of gender equality. This article therefore argues that a gender analysis is integral to understanding the nature, legitimacy and longevity of the Cuban Revolution on both a national and international level.

Fidel Castro, the revolutionary leader of Cuba, gave a speech on the fourth anniversary of the Cuban Revolution, mainly focus- ing on how to solidify the pueblo cubano under the revolutionary flag against the U.S. intervention. This paper aims to examine the Cuban revolution stand on the view from four years after Castro has died, to prove that what Castro has mentioned during his Fourth Anniversary Speech has been accomplished, as well as compare the revolutionary movements of its neighbours like Grenada, to see why Cuba could be the only successful example of socialism in the Western Hemisphere. The paper will focus on the social changes during the post-revolution Cuba based on the scholar research of Louis A. Pérez and John Walton’s comparison article between Grenada and Cuba.

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The Cuban Revolution constitute probably the most influential event in the contemporary history of Latin America due to its scope and significance. Even today, the echoes of that historical event are projected greatly in the present and the numerous of unanswered questions that still generate turn into extraordinary field to this study. In the present article we want to explore the potentialities what the oral history can offer us to reach that objective. In order to dive into this issue we shall focus in the life stories of some person who had direct experience or taken part in political and social happen in Cuba, from fifties decade to the present in a different scenes. The rescue of their voices allows us to approach the "lived experience" of the Revolution and helps us to know the very meaning of that historical process. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]