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Copyright of Studia Iuridica Lublinensia is the property of Maria Curie-Sklodowska University in Lublin and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Comparative Economic Research is the property of Wydawnictwo Uniwersytetu Lodzkiego and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

SPILLOVER EFFECT OF THE CHINESE FDI IN ANGOLA AND ZAMBIA In recent years, Chinese foreign direct investment (FDI) in Africa has attracted interest from both academia and the wider political world. Some postulate that Chinese companies – unlike Western corporations – have greater potential to initiate and carry out the structural transformation of the continent. Some researchers even indicate that thanks to the inflow of Chinese FDI, Africa may become “the next factory of the world”. The aim of this article is to analyse external effects (also called spillover effects) related to Chinese FDI in Africa using the examples of Angola and Zambia. According to the current state of knowledge, spillover effects are the most desirable effects of FDI in the host country, because the related increase in the productivity of local enterprises is key to the occurrence of structural transformation in local economies. The subject of the analysis presented in this article are three aspects (determinants) of spillover effects: (i) the potential of Chinese FDI to generate spillover effects, (ii) the absorptive capacity of local companies and (iii) local institutional settings favouring the occurrence of spillover effects. The findings indicate that due to the existence of weak and few linkages between foreign investors and local firms, spillover effects occur rarely and are relatively small. They are also not sufficient to initiate the transfer of valuable knowledge and technology. The presented research results were based on over 150 in-depth interviews and two rounds of surveys conducted among Chinese investors, Angolan and Zambian companies and representatives of local authorities.

In recent years, Chinese foreign direct investment (FDI) in Africa has attracted interest from both academia and the wider political world. Some postulate that Chinese companies – unlike Western corporations – have greater potential to initiate and carry out the structural transformation of the continent. Some researchers even indicate that thanks to the inflow of Chinese FDI, Africa may become “the next factory of the world”. The aim of this article is to analyse external effects (also called spillover effects) related to Chinese FDI in Africa using the examples of Angola and Zambia. According to the current state of knowledge, spillover effects are the most desirable effects of FDI in the host country, because the related increase in the productivity of local enterprises is key to the occurrence of structural transformation in local economies. The subject of the analysis presented in this article are three aspects (determinants) of spillover effects: (i) the potential of Chinese FDI to generate spillover effects, (ii) the absorptive capacity of local companies and (iii) local institutional settings favouring the occurrence of spillover effects. The findings indicate that due to the existence of weak and few linkages between foreign investors and local firms, spillover effects occur rarely and are relatively small. They are also not sufficient to initiate the transfer of valuable knowledge and technology. The presented research results were based on over 150 in-depth interviews and two rounds of surveys conducted among Chinese investors, Angolan and Zambian companies and representatives of local authorities. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Perspectives on Culture / Perspektywy Kultury is the property of Jesuit University Ignatianum in Krakow and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

NEW CONTEXTS IN THE POLICY OF POLAND, THE CZECH REPUBLIC AND LITHUANIA TOWARDS TAIWAN FOLLOWING RUSSIA’S AGGRESSION AGAINST UKRAINE The article presents the actions of Poland, Lithuania and the Czech Republic towards Taiwan in the context of Russian aggression against Ukraine over the course of last year. Although each of these countries supports the subjectivity of Taiwan in the face of the political escalation of China’s activities, their reaction is varied, especially with regard to further relations with the People’s Republic of China. At the same time, each of the countries recognizes the importance of developing relations with Taiwan in the face of US policy, as well as the continued involvement in supporting Ukraine or strengthening NATO’s eastern flank. Therefore, no significant changes should be expected in these countries’ approach to Taiwan, although Lithuania and the Czech Republic will be among the strongest promoters of, for example, a greater involvement of the EU in relations with Taiwan.

THE TAIWANESE-CHINESE FACTOR IN FRANCE’S STRATEGY AND POLICY TOWARDS THE INDO-PACIFIC The aim of this article is to provide a synthetic overview of France’s involvement into the Indo-Pacific region, in the context of the protection of important national interests related to the possession of overseas territories. This article analyses impact of the French-Chinese bilateral cooperation on relations with Taiwan. The author points out that France has recognized the government of the PRC as the only representative of China since 1964 and does not maintain diplomatic relations with Taiwan, emphasizing that this is a permanent position, initiated by General de Gaulle, and cooperation between Paris and Taipei is developed in accordance with the “one China policy.” The second aspect of the analysis of France’s policy and strategy towards the Indo-Pacific region was embedded in the broader framework of political, economic relations and military alliances with Asian countries as an element of promoting a multipolar order and stopping Chinese expansionism in the Indo-Pacific area and strengthening its own geopolitical position against the background of China’s rivalry with United States.

SOMALILAND AND TAIWAN – THE COOPERATION OF UNRECOGNIZED COUNTRIES IN THE SHADOW OF THE GEOPOLITICAL GAME OF SUPERPOWERS IN THE HORN OF AFRICA Separated by thousands of kilometers and very different cultures, histories, and economies, Taiwan and Somaliland appear to have little in common. Like Taiwan, Somaliland was created in the aftermath of a civil war. The consequences of those conflicts continue to shape the political status of both countries. Since the declaration of independence from Somalia in 1991, Hargeisa, like Taipei, has been trying to secure its existence, because both states cannot count on international recognition, and their independence is contested by the states from which they seceded. Despite being forced to exist on the periphery of the international community, both de facto states still try to be active participants in global affairs. Relations between unrecognized states are also an element of the game between the main players in this region, the US and China. Washington, concerned about Beijing’s political and economic expansion in the Horn of Africa, is trying to limit it, and one of the elements of this policy is indirect support for the strategically located Somaliland through its ally from Taipei.

RECONSTRUCTING THE US STRATEGY TOWARDS TAIWAN DURING THE PRESIDENCY OF JOSEPH BIDEN Adopting the model of neoclassical realism and elements of the American-centric nationalist paradigm, the paper examines both systemic factors stemming from the Sino-American power rivalry and internal ones referring to the populist traditions of American foreign policy. The main goal of America regarding Taiwan was to use its relationship with the island in its policy of containment of China by emphasizing Taiwan’s right to decide its future and preventing China from taking over the island by force. Along with deepening bilateral cooperation, the administration used multilateral mechanisms to promote the concept of peace and security across the Taiwan Strait as an essential element of the global order, which increased the number of countries interested in maintaining the status quo. Russia’s aggression against Ukraine heightened concerns about the possibility of PRC’s attack on Taiwan, prompting the Biden administration to intensify pressure on Taipei to accelerate military reform. However, the accentuation of closer relations between Washington and Taipei was interpreted by China as a provocative crossing of more “red lines,” leading to an intensification of repressive measures against Taiwan and the consolidation of bellicose rhetoric directed against both Washington and Taipei.

Background. The Back School program has been recommended in many countries around the world for patients with low back pain (LBP) to help improve self-efficacy to enhance their prognosis. However, few studies have reported on the application of the Back School in East Asia, including China. This study aimed to explore the Back School's effect on Chinese adults with chronic LBP based on four areas: posture, knowledge of LBP, physical activity and body performance. Material and methods. There were 10 participants in the intervention group and 11 in the control group. Baseline data was collected prior to the intervention, including upper body physical examination, core and lower limb muscle examination, Roland-Morris Disability Questionnaire, LBP Knowledge Questionnaire and Global Physical Activity Questionnaire. Physical indicators and questionnaires were retaken after the 8-week Back School intervention. The differences between the two groups were compared before and after the intervention. Results. There was a statistically significant increase in McGill trunk flexion test results and knowledge of LBP (especially basic knowledge and treatment sections) in the intervention group. Conclusions. The Back School-based intervention model has a positive impact on muscle performance in the core area and knowledge acquisition of LBP in Chinese patients with chronic LBP. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Res Historica is the property of Maria Curie-Sklodowska University in Lublin and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

The aim of this article is to provide a synthetic overview of France’s involvement into the Indo-Pacific region, in the context of the protection of important national interests related to the possession of overseas territories. This article analyses impact of the French-Chinese bilateral cooperation on relations with Taiwan. The author points out that France has recognized the government of the PRC as the only representative of China since 1964 and does not maintain diplomatic relations with Taiwan, emphasizing that this is a permanent position, initiated by General de Gaulle, and cooperation between Paris and Taipei is developed in accordance with the “one China policy.” The second aspect of the analysis of France’s policy and strategy towards the Indo-Pacific region was embedded in the broader framework of political, economic relations and military alliances with Asian countries as an element of promoting a multipolar order and stopping Chinese expansionism in the Indo-Pacific area and strengthening its own geopolitical position against the background of China’s rivalry with United States. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Separated by thousands of kilometers and very different cultures, histories, and economies, Taiwan and Somaliland appear to have little in common. Like Taiwan, Somaliland was created in the aftermath of a civil war. The consequences of those conflicts continue to shape the political status of both countries. Since the declaration of independence from Somalia in 1991, Hargeisa, like Taipei, has been trying to secure its existence, because both states cannot count on international recognition, and their independence is contested by the states from which they seceded. Despite being forced to exist on the periphery of the international community, both de facto states still try to be active participants in global affairs. Relations between unrecognized states are also an element of the game between the main players in this region, the US and China. Washington, concerned about Beijing’s political and economic expansion in the Horn of Africa, is trying to limit it, and one of the elements of this policy is indirect support for the strategically located Somaliland through its ally from Taipei. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article presents the actions of Poland, Lithuania and the Czech Republic towards Taiwan in the context of Russian aggression against Ukraine over the course of last year. Although each of these countries supports the subjectivity of Taiwan in the face of the political escalation of China’s activities, their reaction is varied, especially with regard to further relations with the People’s Republic of China. At the same time, each of the countries recognizes the importance of developing relations with Taiwan in the face of US policy, as well as the continued involvement in supporting Ukraine or strengthening NATO’s eastern flank. Therefore, no significant changes should be expected in these countries’ approach to Taiwan, although Lithuania and the Czech Republic will be among the strongest promoters of, for example, a greater involvement of the EU in relations with Taiwan. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Adopting the model of neoclassical realism and elements of the American-centric nationalist paradigm, the paper examines both systemic factors stemming from the Sino-American power rivalry and internal ones referring to the populist traditions of American foreign policy. The main goal of America regarding Taiwan was to use its relationship with the island in its policy of containment of China by emphasizing Taiwan’s right to decide its future and preventing China from taking over the island by force. Along with deepening bilateral cooperation, the administration used multilateral mechanisms to promote the concept of peace and security across the Taiwan Strait as an essential element of the global order, which increased the number of countries interested in maintaining the status quo. Russia’s aggression against Ukraine heightened concerns about the possibility of PRC’s attack on Taiwan, prompting the Biden administration to intensify pressure on Taipei to accelerate military reform. However, the accentuation of closer relations between Washington and Taipei was interpreted by China as a provocative crossing of more “red lines,” leading to an intensification of repressive measures against Taiwan and the consolidation of bellicose rhetoric directed against both Washington and Taipei. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Athenaeum: Polskie Studia Politologiczne is the property of Faculty of Political Science & Security Studies Nicolaus Copernicus University and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Athenaeum: Polskie Studia Politologiczne is the property of Faculty of Political Science & Security Studies Nicolaus Copernicus University and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Colloquia Humanistica is the property of Polish Academy of Sciences, Institute of Slavic Studies and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Political Science Review / Przegląd Politologiczny is the property of Faculty of Political Science & Journalism, Adam Mickiewicz University and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Contemporary Economy / Wspolczesna Gospodarka is the property of University of Gdansk, Seaborne Trade & Maritime Transport Institute and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Yearbook of European Integration / Rocznik Integracji Europejskiej is the property of Faculty of Political Science & Journalism, Adam Mickiewicz University and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Athenaeum: Polskie Studia Politologiczne is the property of Faculty of Political Science & Security Studies Nicolaus Copernicus University and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Political Science Review / Przegląd Politologiczny is the property of Faculty of Political Science & Journalism, Adam Mickiewicz University and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Athenaeum: Polskie Studia Politologiczne is the property of Faculty of Political Science & Security Studies Nicolaus Copernicus University and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Tematem artykułu jest obraz Chin i chińskiego komunizmu w polskiej literaturze fantastycznej dwudziestolecia międzywojennego oraz Polskiej Rzeczpospolitej Ludowej. Analizy obejmują zarówno powieści katastroficzne poświęcone problematyce „żółtego zagrożenia” (Witkiewicz, Nienasycenie; Barszczewski, Czandu), jak i socrealistyczne powieści fantastycznonaukowe (Lem, Astronauci; Obłok Magellana), w których tematyzacji lub problematyzacji poddane zostały: chiński komunizm, ekspansja cywilizacyjna oraz polityczna i militarna Chin czy wreszcie internacjonalistyczna, multikulturowa utopia komunistyczna z udziałem Chin/Chińczyków. Osią problemową szkicu jest analiza diagnoz społecznych oraz technologicznych i cywilizacyjnych prognoz wpisanych w literaturę fantastycznonaukową, a także próba dekonstrukcji stereotypu chińskiego/azjatyckiego komunisty jako figury politycznego dyskursu wpisanego w spór między kolonialnym resentymentem Europejczyków a modernizacyjnym potencjałem komunizmu w XX wieku.

Copyright of Annals of the Polish Association of Agricultural & Agribusiness Economists is the property of Polish Association of Agricultural & Agribusiness Economists and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Historia i Polityka is the property of Nicolaus Copernicus University in Torun and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Studia Warmińskie is the property of University of Warmia & Mazury in Olsztyn and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Economic & Regional Studies/Studia Ekonomiczne i Regionalne is the property of Sciendo and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Comparative Economic Research is the property of Wydawnictwo Uniwersytetu Lodzkiego and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

General George Catlett Marshall, a soldier and diplomat, went down in history as the US secretary of state and the author of the famous Marshall Plan. In the years 1945-1947, he conducted a mediation mission in China which ended in a total fiasco. It is usually indicated that the reason for such a catastrophic conclusion was the inability to reach a compromise on the part of the Nationalist and Communist parties. The article points out that the actual goal of the Marshall Mission was to avoid America's political and military entanglement in China. The Truman administration's attention was focused on Europe. Real support for the KMT - which might have changed the outcome of the civil war - was not considered at all. The purpose of Marshall Mission was to provide an excuse to withdraw. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Journal of Modern Science is the property of Alcide De Gasperi University of Euroregional Economy and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Przegląd Europejski is the property of University of Warsaw and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Political Science Review / Przegląd Politologiczny is the property of Faculty of Political Science & Journalism, Adam Mickiewicz University and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Political Science Review / Przegląd Politologiczny is the property of Faculty of Political Science & Journalism, Adam Mickiewicz University and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Yearbook of European Integration / Rocznik Integracji Europejskiej is the property of Faculty of Political Science & Journalism, Adam Mickiewicz University and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Artykuł opisuje polsko-chińskie migracje narracji społecznych, takich jak legendy miejskie czy teorie spiskowe, w opozycji do migracji ludzkich podczas pandemii koronawirusa SARS-CoV-2. Tekst zwraca uwagę na dialektykę dyskursów wernakularnych i instytucjonalnych i ich wzajemne uzależnienie od siebie. Zebrane tu narracje to hybrydy zarówno doniesień medialnych, postrzeganych jako fake newsy, teorii spiskowych, będących w opozycji do powszechnych narracji instytucjonalnych, czy legend miejskich, które w zależności od ich źródła, będą uznawane za narracje wernakularne, gdzie słychać „autentyczny głos ludu” lub narracje instytucjonalne, których źródłem są treści rządowe. Cenzura mediów w Chinach to obszar przefiltrowanych informacji z akcentem postawionym na kontrolę i nadzór przepływających tekstów. Jednak transmisja, często niechcianych, narracji przekracza granice terytorialne, rozprzestrzeniając i mutując po całym świecie. Pozorny brak kontroli nad wypływającymi informacjami przyczynił się do zwiększenia użytkowości przekazywanej treści, a „słowo ulicy” stało się powszechnym środkiem manipulacji, gdzie powoli zatraca swoją wartość emancypacyjną.

Copyright of Scientific Journal of the Military University of Land Forces is the property of Gen. Tadeusz Kosciuszko Military Academy of Land Forces and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

At the beginning of 2020, educational systems around the world faced one of the greatest and most important challenges of the 21st century. Due to the global pandemic and the need to introduce social distancing rules, it was decided to close schools and switch to modes of learning that do not require physical contact between learners and teachers. This decision was associated with numerous problems and difficulties in various areas of school life and the necessity to introduce new rules. More than a year after the introduction of the new learning reality, teachers and students around the world have managed to adapt. International researchers are trying to describe this new order by asking questions about what the school looks like in the time of the pandemic, how students are doing, and what strategies teachers have adopted. The article focuses on research on education and foreign language teaching conducted in 2020 in China, South Korea, Germany, and Poland. The findings to date are combined with a brief description of the educational situation in these countries. Finally, the first conclusions and recommendations are formulated that can be drawn on the basis of data collected by international researchers. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Annals of the Polish Association of Agricultural & Agribusiness Economists is the property of Polish Association of Agricultural & Agribusiness Economists and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Intercathedra is the property of Poznan University of Life Sciences Press and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

The Sino-American trade war has become a symbol of rivalry for leadership in the international system. It also attracts growing attention to the problem of possible change to the regional and global hegemony. The debate with its possible ramifications is clear to academics, the media and political elites. However, it has focused on a limited scope of factors and mostly at the leadership level of, most notably, the United States of America. Considering its complexity, the issue of US policy towards China should be analyzed at various levels. These include the presidents, their collaborators, domestic politics and US strategy, and, finally, the international system as it experiences the relative change of power distribution. The main goal of this article is to analyze the recent US administrations’ strategy towards the People’s Republic of China. This is in the context of changes to the international system, focusing on the relative change of power distribution. The hypothesis driving this article states that the US strategy towards China is a response to the changing relative distribution of power in the regional and global system. It follows that American administrations differ rather in methods than in goals of foreign policy. This text is prepared with reference to the Power Transition Theory of A. Organski and J. Kugler, and the research is based on the US strategic documents’ analysis and statistical analysis of the power distribution in the system. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Celem artykułu jest prezentacja wybranych aspektów współpracy teatralnej pomiędzy Polską a Chinami, w szczególności zaś recepcja w Kraju Środka postaci takich jak Jerzy Grotowski i Krystian Lupa.

Artykuł jest recenzją książki Marcina Adamczaka Kapitały przemysłu filmowego. Hollywood, Europa, Chiny (2020). Autor monografii opisuje w niej sposoby funkcjonowania współczesnego rynku filmowego. Książka składa się z trzech rozdziałów dotyczących: hollywoodzkiego systemu kinematograficznego, od jego początków do czasów obecnych; europocentrycznego podsystemu festiwalowego opartego na budowaniu prestiżu społecznego, kulturowego i symbolicznego; oraz wzrastającej roli Chin w pejzażu współczesnej produkcji i dystrybucji filmów. Książka zawiera też propozycje metodologiczne, które mogą być wykorzystywane w dalszych badaniach dotyczących nie tylko działania rynku filmowego, ale również innych przemysłów kreatywnych, choć nie sposób przewidzieć, czy w świecie postcovidowym rynki te będą funkcjonowały według zasad opisanych w książce Adamczaka.

Copyright of Forum Pedagogiczne / Pedagogical Forum is the property of Uniwersytet Kardynala Stefana Wyszynskiego w Warszawie and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Social Dissertations / Rozpraw Społecznych is the property of Pope John Paul II State School of Higher Education in Biala Podlaska and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

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Copyright of Athenaeum: Polskie Studia Politologiczne is the property of Faculty of Political Science & Security Studies Nicolaus Copernicus University and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Ocena wdrażania polityki ekologicznej w Chinach dokonywana jest zazwyczaj w kontekście implementacji prawa ochrony środowiska. Autor proponuje odmienne podejście, zakładając, że efekty polityki uzależnione są nie tylko od takich czy innych prerogatyw na poszczególnych poziomach zarządzania, ale także od wzajemnej interakcji poszczególnych aktorów. Artykuł wskazuje, w jakim stopniu władza centralna jest w stanie definiować cele polityki, wraz z adekwatnym systemem nadzoru wdrażania, jaka jest percepcja władz lokalnych, w jakich warunkach władze lokalne są skłonne do akceptacji celów polityki ekologicznej. Zidentyfikowano, w jakich warunkach władze subnarodowe mogą zniekształcać centralnie zaplanowane działania związane z ochroną środowiska.