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INTRODUCTION Dans son dernier essai, Retrotopia (2017), Zygmunt Bauman esquissait un tableau socioculturel sombre, qu'un anti-utopiste comme Leszek Koiakowski aurait descrit, probablement, dans les termes d'une << inertie sans espoir [...], Less than a decade after the proclamation of 'the end of history', the anxieties about 'the end of utopia' are gaining ground in the intellectual field all over the world, in the context of both 'the crisis of the future' and the haunting of the present by the painful pasts. The latter two are the main consequences of the fracture in the contemporary temporal order--occurred in the '70s and deepened after the fall of the Iron Curtain--which defines the 'presentist regime of historicity'. These dynamics are counterbalanced, in the same period, by a 'global epidemic of nostalgia', including the commodified forms of 'retromania', that reveals the presentist 'faces of utopianism', from the non-instrumental 'retrospective utopias'--as poles of 'existential' types of reflective nostalgic practices--to the instrumental 'retrotopias' based on the 'restorative nostalgia', which were mobillized in the contemporary memory wars, starting from the '80s. Reflecting the tensions between the fixation on the traumatic legacy of the 'age of extremes' and the apprehensions about 'the future of nostalgia', the presentist dynamics of multidirectional memory discloses conflictual landscapes (social, cultural, and political), from the mnemonic turn of the '70s and the '80s--which has arisen against the background of the decline of both welfare state and the nation-states, and of the global economic crisis--to the post-Cold War contests around 'the divised memories' of 'Europe's Europes', coexisting with the clashes of contradictory 'faces' of nostalgia and utopia. Keywords: presentism, multidirectional memory, nostalgia, retrospective utopia, retrotopia

Domestic politics has shaped the foreign policy of Laos (formally the Lao Peoples’ Democratic Republic, or LPDR) since the 1970s, specifically its relations with China and the United States. During the 1980s, the communist government of the Lao People’s Revolutionary Party (LPRP) feared that China and the United States were supporting counter-revolutionary resistance groups, prompting Vientiane to adopt closer relations with Beijing and Washington to ensure its own internal security by motivating them to cut off their support for anti-LPRP groups. As the Soviet Union reduced economic aid to Laos in the latter stages of the Cold War, the LPRP adopted market-based reforms in 1986 to generate closer security and economic cooperation with China and the United States and to grow its economy. Domestic concerns of regime survival and performance legitimacy remain key drivers of Laos’ foreign policy. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article "Contesting Development Practice and Discourse in Cold War Guatemala" by Sarah Foss explores the complexities of development efforts in Guatemala during the Cold War. Foss argues that state-led development initiatives were contested and reinterpreted by various actors, including indigenous communities who exercised agency despite the political turmoil and violence in the country. The article examines specific programs and initiatives, such as literacy and agrarian reform efforts, community development programs, and military-led initiatives. Foss highlights the importance of understanding the perspectives and actions of indigenous communities and intermediaries who facilitated interactions between aid recipients and state agencies. The article also discusses how changing understandings of development influenced the implementation and reception of these initiatives. While the article does not provide a definitive evaluation of the success or failure of development, it suggests that success can be found in the spaces where development practitioners and indigenous communities negotiated their own terms. [Extracted from the article]

This article examines the role of oil in Brazil's development and its connection to political unrest during the Cold War. It discusses the challenges Brazil faced in finding oil and the involvement of foreign countries, particularly the Soviet Union and the United States. The article highlights the tensions between Brazil's desire for energy self-sufficiency and the influence of foreign companies. It also explores the impact of Soviet involvement on Brazil's political crisis and the eventual coup in 1964. The article argues for a more nuanced understanding of Brazil's role in the global energy issue and its connections with the Soviet Union. [Extracted from the article]

This article explores the relationship between international‐relations theories and Cold War and post‐Cold War historical dynamics in the Middle East, in particular the Gulf. It first identifies the theoretical approaches that have been applied or that have failed to be applied to the region's changing geopolitics, then delves into Cold War history and its impact on the Middle East and the Gulf by examining the crucial changes to the Gulf security system sparked by developments in the 1970s and the Iran‐Iraq War of 1980–1988. The article next investigates the extent to which the interplay of post‐Cold War regional conflicts and key events, from the Iraq wars of 1991 and 2003 to the Arab Spring, have impacted the Gulf subregional system. The final part scrutinizes the shifting intra‐ and extraregional Gulf politics and how theoretically informed approaches inspired by international political economy can accommodate these geopolitical changes. The article is part of a special issue examining the responses of Gulf countries to rising Sino‐American competition, edited by Andrea Ghiselli, Anoushiravan Ehteshami, and Enrico Fardella. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This study examines the mobility regulation and discipline that persisted amid the currents of internationalization and opening during the 1980s through the case of security education films for overseas travelers--an essential component of the education program for South Koreans going abroad. With the liberalization in the policy for overseas travel, attending this educational session before departure became a prerequisite for South Koreans traveling overseas. By analyzing the content and production process of two films produced by the National Film Production Center in the early 1980s, this study argues that the securitization of imagination regarding foreign spaces, overseas travel, and new mobile subjects was implemented by the authoritarian nationstate, facing a transition from immobility to global mobility. This project of regulation and discipline, rooted in the Cold War imagination, persisted as a shadow of internationalization. The conceptual framework suggested by this study, the securitization of imagination, facilitates an understanding of a conjuncture in which Cold War social-cultural history and the history of globalization overlapped in South Korea in the 1980s. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Overwhelming empathy with all the civilians and conscripts who have suffered from the ongoing violence in Ukraine, which began years before the Russian invasion of February 2022, must be complemented by analysis and explanation. What can anthropologists contribute? I have been disappointed by one-sided accounts endorsing the government of President Volodymyr Zelensky and the cause of the Ukrainian nation that have dominated in the Western mass media and anglophone academic work, including that of anthropologists. From an anthropological perspective, to invoke international law and sacralize political sovereignty is inadequate (Hann 2023; Malinowski 1944). Instead, we need to scrutinize the complex history of the Ukrainian nation, which is being consummated through the present violence. We need to recognize that Zelensky heads an Atlanticist, market-oriented, nationalist regime of dubious legitimacy. This critical stance does not mean deference to the Kremlin in the spirit of the "realist school" of international relations. It does mean recalling that as late as autumn 2021 President Vladimir Putin was putting forward proposals for a peaceful resolution of the crisis brought about by Western geopolitical and economic ambitions since the end of the Cold War. For the Russian political classes (not just for Putin and his oligarchical allies), when it came to NATO expansion Ukraine was a unique red line. However, too many interest groups in Washington as well as in Kyiv actually wanted the war that began in February 2022 (though this could not be declared publicly). [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Purpose: The purpose of this article is to examine the Atomic Energy Commission's use of eminent domain to seize the town of Ellenton and initiate the Savannah River Plant (SRP). We disrupt the presiding race-neutral history by reframing the story of Ellenton's African American residents, who were both disproportionately impacted by the seizure and whose experiences were erased from Ellenton's history. Method: We analyze official SRP's histories alongside counter-narratives for examples of deceptive messaging and whiteness as property. Results: Through our analysis of the "race-neutral histories," we recognize that African Americans--particularly sharecroppers and their families--bore the brunt of the Cold War's Savannah River Site's bomb plant. Conclusion: Practitioners who are interested in organizational DEI work should recognize the danger of race-neutral accounts and actively search out excluded perspectives to give fuller context to their organization's work. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article discusses the book "Natopolitanism: The Atlantic Alliance since the Cold War" edited by Grey Anderson, which examines the history and impact of the Atlantic Alliance, with a focus on NATO's expansion and interventions in various countries. The book argues that the expansion of NATO has been driven by US imperialism and has resulted in negative consequences, including conflicts and the erosion of sovereignty. The article provides an overview of the book's contents, highlighting key arguments made by the authors, such as the transformation of the Ukrainian army with US assistance, the proxy war between the US and Russia in Ukraine, and the rise of right-wing nationalist movements in the country. It also explores the attitudes of Ukrainians towards NATO, with support increasing after Russia's annexation of Crimea. The article criticizes the role of the media and left-wing organizations in the US for aligning with the government's position on Ukraine. The conclusion suggests that NATO serves to maintain US dominance in Europe and proposes that the conflict in Ukraine may be a rehearsal for a global alliance against China. Overall, the text offers a critical perspective on the war in Ukraine and the role of NATO. [Extracted from the article]

"States of Liberation: Gay Men between Dictatorship and Democracy in Cold War Germany" by Samuel Clowes Huneke is a book that explores the experiences of queer individuals in Cold War Germany. Huneke draws on primary evidence, including previously unexplored Stasi records, to shed light on the lives of these individuals. However, there are some interpretive issues in the book, particularly regarding the author's argument that East Germany was more liberal and permissive of queer liberation than West Germany. The book also raises questions about the sources used, which primarily come from a repressive surveillance state. Overall, the book challenges concepts like "homophobia" and "gay liberation" and offers a nuanced perspective on queer culture in Cold War Germany. [Extracted from the article]

This article explores the importance of access to previously classified materials in the field of diplomatic history, particularly in relation to the Cold War period. It discusses the efforts made by organizations like the Society for Historians of American Foreign Relations and the National Security Archive to ensure access to classified materials. The article also examines the significance of public-facing foreign policy statements, such as presidential doctrines, during the Cold War. It provides examples of three different Cold War doctrines: the Eisenhower Doctrine, the Kennedy Doctrine, and the Nixon Doctrine, highlighting their purposes and impacts. The article concludes by discussing the limitations and implications of these doctrines, emphasizing the need to study them to understand the impact of the Cold War on U.S. foreign policy. [Extracted from the article]

UN peace missions are constantly evolving. Yet, we lack a detailed understanding of the shifting types and objectives of peace missions beyond broad categorizations that distinguish for instance between observer, traditional, multidimensional, and peace enforcement missions. To address this gap, we present the UN Peace Mission Mandates (UNPMM) dataset. With global coverage, 30 years of data between 1991 and 2020, a broad scope that includes peacekeeping and political missions, and information on 41 mandate tasks, the UNPMM represents one of the most detailed and up-to-date datasets on UN peace mission mandates. We use it to highlight how mission types, objectives, and specific tasks have changed since the end of the Cold War, and to analyze what factors influence the kind of missions the UN is willing to authorize. The descriptive statistics and empirical analysis reaffirm the need for a greater disaggregation of data on UN peace missions and their mandates. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The Yalta Conference of 1945 brought together three of the most influential leaders of the 20th century: Franklin D. Roosevelt, Joseph Stalin and Winston Churchill. Surprisingly, all three leaders would go on to suffer strokes after the conference. This manuscript examines the health status of these leaders during and after the Yalta Conference, the factors that contributed to their strokes (including the role of hypertension), and other modifiable risk factors present in each one of them, and the impact of their declining health on their countries and the world. Roosevelt's demise, prior to the conclusion of the war, triggered a leadership transition during a critical moment in history, while Churchill and Stalin's passing shaped the early Cold War era. A veil of secrecy shrouded the health conditions of these pivotal leaders. “The Big Three” made considerable efforts to hide their health conditions from both the press and the public at large. Understanding the health of political leaders is crucial as it can affect their decision-making abilities and the course of history. The fates of Roosevelt, Stalin and Churchill serve as important reminders of the potential consequences of poor health in the highest echelons of political power. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Using new evidence from Czech, German, Hungarian, Polish, and Romanian archives, a reconstruction of Eastern European diplomacy at the end of the Cold War shows that it was not just the superpowers that shaped events during this pivotal period: the non-Soviet members of the Warsaw Pact also had agency. From 1989 to 1991, these states recognized that the world was changing and that their relationship with the Soviet Union, codified in the Warsaw Pact politico-military alliance, would impede their success in the post–Cold War world. Eastern European policymakers resolved to destroy the Warsaw Pact that bound them to the Soviet Union, and they decided to align with Western Europe. They also sought to exclude the Soviet Union from the European security architecture, including the Conference on Security and Co-operation in Europe. They sought security and wanted to hedge against a hard-line takeover in the Soviet Union; but their primary aim was to reap the West's economic benefits. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Military Strategy is the process of matching the resources provided to military power according to the threat. Threat is about the future rather than the present and involves an assessment based on the predictions. In a sense, it is perception. When perception is far from reality, it leads to unnecessary waste of resources or, conversely, to increased risks for countries. This study aims to explain the impact of threat perception on military strategy during the Cold War period through the case of Türkiye. The findings obtained through document analysis are supported by interviews with retired military officers specialized in military strategy. According to the main argument of the article, Türkiye’s threat perception during the Cold War was determined by the United States (US) and Türkiye’s defence design was based on this threat created by the US. Questioning the dimensions and accuracy of the threat revealed that the threat was overestimated. One of the reasons why the US overestimated the Soviet threat was its need to appropriate its resources by distributing the need for conventional power among its allies, and another reason was its desire to keep the Alliance under control. However, countries like Türkiye had to spend more strategic resources on military power than necessary. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Using the Indonesian annexation of East Timor in 1975 and Vietnam’s occupation of Cambodia between 1978 and 1989 as case studies, this article examines how ASEAN understood the principles of nonintervention and non-interference as juxtaposed against the right to self-determination in the 1970s. As ASEAN’s first “crises” in its formative years, they illustrate how the bloc’s initial norm-making processes evolved as individual member states attempted to make their case for or against intervention. The article contends that ASEAN’s principles of non-intervention and non-interference are non-static and adaptive. It also suggests that while ASEAN’s normative framework may have been sufficiently accommodative of its members’ different standards and approaches towards protecting sovereignty, the right to self-determination and independence in the past, it is questionable whether the adherence to non-interference would be sufficient for the grouping to address the present crisis in Myanmar and future challenges. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The strategy of integrated deterrence is a repackaged version of Cold War strategies. The integration of assets to deter adversaries was part of both the Eisenhower and Kennedy administrations' overarching strategies that forced the military services to change their operating concepts, capabilities, and doctrine simultaneously. The US Army is an example of how national strategy forces organizational changes. This article assesses how the Eisenhower and Kennedy administrations forced institutional change while considering the significance of integrating deterrence. These examples will assist US military and policy practitioners with adapting their organizations to existing national defense strategies. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Costa Rica, often seen as a peaceful country, has a history of militarization despite abolishing its army 75 years ago. Crime rates have been rising, leading to calls for tougher laws and a militarized approach to policing. External actors and regional trends have influenced Costa Rica's security strategies, with assistance sought from countries like the United States, Brazil, Chile, and West Germany during the Cold War. In recent years, security strategies from Colombia and the United States have been imported to address drug trafficking, insurgency, and migration, but this has raised concerns about militarization and repression. The future of Costa Rica's pacifist roots is uncertain. [Extracted from the article]

In 1990, three years after Andy Warhol's death and one year after the fall of the Berlin Wall, the Museum of Modern Art (MoMA) organized the first one-man show of this pop artist in Eastern Europe. The Prints of Andy Warhol, although never shown at the MoMA in New York, traveled to the Fondation Cartier pour l'Art Contemporain in Jouy-en-Josas, France, the Národní Galerie in Prague, Czechoslovakia, the Staatliche Kunstsammlung in Dresden, the GDR, the Mücsarnok in Budapest, Hungary, and the Muzeum Narodowe in Warsaw, Poland. The current paper analyzes the cultural–political context of The Prints of Andy Warhol. It first discusses the place of both American pop art and Eastern Europe in MoMA's International Program (IP) and then explores the organizational challenges, art historical contents, and public reception of the exhibition. The paper concludes by examining the broader impact of The Prints of Andy Warhol on both the growing awareness of American pop art in Eastern Europe and MoMA's cultural diplomacy in this region after the fall of the Iron Curtain. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In the 1960s, political threats drove petroleum multinational corporations in Venezuela to deploy highly sophisticated defense strategies. The American industry leader, Creole, wanted the local business community to adopt corporate social responsibility (CSR) identities and practices as a buffer against state intervention and communist uprising. How would Creole instigate such field-level organisational transformation? By addressing this question through theoretically informed historical narration, I endeavour to extend institutional theory into the world of inter-firm mobilizations for institutional creation and change. Such mobilizations are organised through inter-firm convening: a mechanism through which organisations mobilise – based on the establishment of a special-purpose meta-organisation – to address external challenges by modifying collective identities, remodelling forms of organisation, and diffusing practices in their field. (In Venezuela, this meta-organisation was called Dividendo.) By using this centrally coordinated form of mobilisation, the project's agenda setters can exert transformative influence on the identity and behaviour of potentially numerous other organisations. I discuss implications for the study of institutional work, organisational power, and global diffusion. The article promotes a corporate and management-centred perspective on CSR, Latin American, and Cold War historiography. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Do forerunners in global value chains (GVCs) select supplier in knowledge collaboration in a different way from latecomers? There are many factors in the selection criteria in co-creating GVC value and enhancing a focal firm's competitiveness. However, little has been revealed on how firms select their GVC suppliers from the knowledge embeddedness perspective. Furthermore, latecomers and forerunners have gaps in knowledge that may result in different weights on the same selection elements. Based on the knowledge embeddedness theory, we compare the selection criteria of a latecomer (Huawei) with a forerunner (Apple). Specifically, we identify 129 Apple or Huawei global suppliers in 2018 and collect 144,496 patents of these suppliers. Using the data of patents and the tracking of backward citations from 2013 to 2017, we find that, as a latecomer, Huawei depends more on criteria of structural hole positions in GVC knowledge network, knowledge base, and scientific knowledge than Apple does. We further conduct scenario analysis to understand Huawei's decoupling possibility from GVCs under tech cold war. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article seeks to answer the question of how some European countries prepare their societies for possible wars and crises in the wake of increasing security threats. In the modern era, civilians have also become a part of the war, since the wars have started to affect those behind the frontlines. In response to this, states developed various practices to prepare their people for the devastating effects of war. The activities carried out under the name of Total Defence in many countries during the Cold War years were a product of this understanding and preparations. The applications that were shelved in many countries after the collapse of the Soviet Union have been brought back to the agenda after 2014 especially with the Russian-Ukrainian War and with the preparations of European societies against war and crisis. Based on the claim that these preparations do not carry revolutionary innovations, this study concludes that the threat perception, historical memory, and past collective defence experiences of the countries shape the current practices. The last part of the article evaluates a brief history of the social preparedness of Turkish society in war and crises in terms of the concept of total defence. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Sub-Saharan Africa has suffered frequent outbreaks of armed conflict since the end of the Cold War. Although several efforts have been made to understand the underlying causes of armed conflict and establish an early warning mechanism, there is still a lack of a comprehensive assessment approach to model the incidence risk of armed conflict well. Based on a large database of armed conflict events and related spatial datasets covering the period 2000–2019, this study uses a boosted regression tree (BRT) approach to model the spatiotemporal distribution of armed conflict risk in sub-Saharan Africa. Evaluation of accuracy indicates that the simulated models obtain high performance with an area under the receiver operator characteristic curve (ROC-AUC) mean value of 0.937 and an area under the precision recall curves (PR-AUC) mean value of 0.891. The result of the relative contribution indicates that the background context factors (i.e., social welfare and the political system) are the main driving factors of armed conflict risk, with a mean relative contribution of 92.599%. By comparison, the climate change-related variables have relatively little effect on armed conflict risk, accounting for only 7.401% of the total. These results provide novel insight into modelling the incidence risk of armed conflict, which may help implement interventions to prevent and minimize the harm of armed conflict. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Objective/Context: This article identifies political and cultural practices and spaces that benefited the international cinematographic diffusion associated with the Unidad Popular (up), determined by the diplomacy of Allende's government and by transnational activities in the general context of the Cold War. I attempt to understand these instances of cooperation and exchange in a connected way, observing the agents that promoted them. Methodology: From a transnational perspective, the article discusses written and visual sources from different latitudes (especially Chile, Cuba, France, and Germany) and from various kinds of documentary resources (diplomatic, cinematographic, and periodical press). Originality: The article pursues to place the study of the up cinema in a double sense: first, shifting the national perspective towards an approach that recognizes dynamics and connections at different scales, and then, connecting the study of audio-visuals with practices such as cultural diplomacy. Conclusions: The networks of human cooperation and film exchange developed during the up government were possible thanks to nationally and internationally oriented initiatives, which helped the progressive collection of film materials in institutions outside Chile, whose role was fundamental in the solidarity campaigns started after 1973. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Objective/Context: This article analyses South Korea's diplomatic response to Salvador Allende's electoral victory. It focuses on how the "Chilean road to socialism," with its respect for democratic institutions on the one hand and its decision to establish relations with socialist countries on the other, called into question one of the basic tenets of South Korean foreign policy at the time, namely the immediate severance of diplomatic relations with those countries that recognised North Korea. Methodology: The historiographical analysis is based primarily on the documentary holdings of the South Korean Diplomatic Archives. Originality: To date, there is no publication on South Korea's position vis-à-vis the Unidad Popular government. With the addition of South Korea as a new "peripheral" actor, this article presents an innovative look at the challenges that the "Chilean way" posed to the divided nations, and it illustrates the global impact of Salvador Allende's triumph in the 1970 presidential elections. Conclusions: South Korea closely followed the responses of other divided nations and faced the dilemma of breaking or maintaining relations with the Unidad Popular government, opting to soften its ideological stance not to lose ground in Chile to North Korea. The exceptional nature of the Chilean project, which sought to promote change within a democratic framework, played an important role in this decision, as it was impossible to question its legitimacy. Ultimately, South Korea eventually discarded its own foreign policy doctrine. While other elements contributed to this change, it is possible to argue that the South Korean experience in Chile had an impact on the way in which that country related to the world. Moreover, the sources consulted raise new questions about Unidad Popular's foreign policy and its handling of the "Korean question". [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article focuses on explaining the Chilean participation in the Inter-American Cold War, deepening in the international links during the Popular Unity Government and its end, after the coup d'état of September 11, 1973. The different moments of Chilean international policy in the Inter-American Cold War scenario are analyzed, showing the interaction between domestic policy decisions in the light of the external tensions and influences involved in the political polarization and subsequent breakdown of democracy. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The election of Salvador Allende as president of Chile in 1970 baffled much of the Western world. An avowed Marxist was coming to power by democratic means, offering an alternative to Castro's Cuba. The fear was linked to the possibility of a domino effect, which was notorious in Buenos Aires and in Madrid. Paradoxical as it may seem, the relations established between Allende's Chile and the Argentine and Spanish dictatorships were excellent, because an unexpected coincidence of interests and people facilitated a highly pragmatic approach. A secondary "Détente" that connected with Ibero-American "deep forces". [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Even I The New York Times i Editorial Board concedes, "Many aging Vietnam-era veterans attest to the sense of community that came with either involuntary military service or the alternative service routes that those who refused the draft opted for ([4])." With cheeky chapter titles like "Digging for Deferments" and "A Draft Dodging Business", Rutenberg creatively and incisively cuts to the heart of the matter: young people historically I avoid i military service as often as they I volunteer i for military service. [Extracted from the article]

Since the end of the Cold War, the world has not abandoned 'the dream of cosmopolitan peace' (Alexander 2005). The adjective 'cosmopolitan' refers to the political and philosophical concept that all human beings are members of a single community. In the 21st century, however, the world faces a stark reality that is far from this vision, one which is consumed by an epidemic of social inequality and global injustice. The refugee crisis, climate injustice, racism, nationalism, terrorism, and other challenges are rooted in serious, untreated historical traumata which ultimately can lead to a collective form of amnesia related to these respective histories. I argue that to build a resilient, cosmopolitan society requires giving voice and expression to the narratives of victims of perpetration. And, equally important is to disclose the hidden intention in the historical narratives voiced by perpetrators. Through the exploration of these narratives, I argue, citizens will begin to wake up from their historical amnesia. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The analysis of the cultural Cold War in Latin America has experienced a growing interest from disciplinary fields such as cultural history or literary studies. In this line of work, and with the aim of contributing to a transatlantic approach to the problem, the special issue "Cultural ties of socialist and transatlantic friendship: Latin American writers and the Eastern Bloc during the Cold War" emphasizes the study of the interrelationships between Latin American literature and various European socialist countries. For this, it attends to a corpus of a plural nature: from fictional texts or analysis of periodicals to, above all, non-fiction texts that authors of diverse origins (Argentina, Uruguay, Chile, Cuba or Mexico) produced after passing through nations located beyond the Iron Curtain. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The main trip of the Salvadoran writer Roque Dalton to Eastern Europe took place in 1966 and was destined for Prague. That experience was captured in the collection of poems Taberna y otros lugares (1969). The volume analyzed as constitutes a testimony of imagination about Prague and about the Czechoslovak Socialist Republic in the socio-political context of the Cold War. The book is part of the so-called "world communist literature", but it nevertheless adopts a critical and desacralizing perspective within this literature. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In 1962, a cultural delegation made up of the painter Servando Cabrera Moreno, the architect Raúl Oliva and the critic and essayist Graziella Pogolotti toured the countries of the Eastern Bloc accompanying an exhibition of contemporary Cuban painting at a critical moment in the Cold War. In the autobiography titled Dinosauria soy: Memorias (2011) and in other shorter writings, Pogolotti gives an account of the ins and outs of this travel in which the artistic proposal of the selected Cuban painters contrasts with the institutional socialist realism of the Soviet sphere. The experience of the Cuban delegation is a practical result of the cultural collaboration agreements and their corresponding annual, biannual or five-year application plans that the Government of Cuba signed with the Eastern Bloc countries starting in 1960, with the aim of establishing and consolidate the bonds of friendship and solidarity of socialism on both sides of the Atlantic. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper analyses the concept of "global civil society" - which played a major role in the symbolic construction of the post-Cold War social reality - and reflects on its initial purpose as a critique of the conventional perceptions of statecentric politics and as a change of approach, towards non-party politics and cross-border activism. While it opened new horizons for the empirical analysis of "globalisation from below", this concept failed to prompt a radical epistemological change; it did not succeed in generating knowledge that transcended "methodological nationalism". The paper maintains that what once constituted the concept's disruptive potential - its conceptual enmeshment with the idea of globalisation, reflected in the adjective global - ultimately tamed it. Drawing on this premise, the aim is to rekindle the spirit of the notion of "global civil society" by introducing a concept that takes up and pushes forward this unachieved goal: "planetary politics". [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The need for muscle-flexing also helps explain why the United States fobbed off Grenada's requests for aid in 1979 with an offer of $5,000 yet chose to spend $134 million on the invasion and another $157 million in aid to Grenada in the five years following. Imagining alternative futures Though the airport would merely put Grenada's air capabilities on par with several other Caribbean tourist destinations, Reagan claimed it was part of a Cuban-Soviet plot to turn Grenada into a military base for exporting revolution and terrorism. On March 13, 1979, five years after Grenada's independence from Britain, the New Jewel Movement (NJM) mounted an armed attack against the increasingly erratic and authoritarian Prime Minister Eric Gairy. [Extracted from the article]

By the 1990s, the same state institutions, armed and expanded during the 1970s, began to take on new guerrilla organizations, like the EPR and the Zapatista National Liberation Army (EZLN), as well as opposition politicians and independent drug traffickers, some of whom began as police officers. A War to the Death: A Truth Commission set to deliver a final report next year is helping to broaden the conversation on Cold War state terrorism in Mexico. In response, landowners across Mexico teamed up with state agents and applied dirty war tactics throughout the countryside: massacres, low-profile counterinsurgencies, and assassinations. Long-running State Terror How the dirty war departed from its counterinsurgency origins is open to debate. [Extracted from the article]

Participants differed on the nuances but agreed that the three proposed organizations were urgently needed.[83] At the end of the conference, participants unanimously adopted a resolution that endorsed all three proposals and decided to constitute an International Committee for a Community of Democracies (ICCD) with De Palma as chair.[84] Through conferences like PREFACE, the CCD conducted a form of public diplomacy that facilitated people-to-people contact between international elites to build support for the idea of a community of democracies and greater democratic solidarity more broadly. IV, No. 1, April 1987, folder 10, box 17, CCD-USA records, HIA; CCD-DC meeting minutes, September 30, 1987, folder 4, box 5, CCD-USA records, HIA. 119 Letter, Samuel De Palma to Mohtarma Benazir Bhutto, June 22, 1989, folder 3, box 2, CCD-USA records, HIA; Letter, Samuel De Palma to David C. Miller, Jr. June 22, 1989, folder 4, box 9, CCD-USA records, HIA; Letter, Charles Tanguy to Stephen J. Solarz, June 23, 1989, folder 8, box 3, CCD-USA records, HIA. 123 Memo, October 10 Meeting with Mark Siegel, October 11, 1989, folder 9, box 3, CCD-USA records, HIA; Memo, Meeting with Mark Siegel, December 27, 1989, folder 9, box 3, CCD-USA records, HIA; Memo, The Bhutto Initiative, July 11, 1990, folder 11, box 3, CCD-USA records, HIA. [Extracted from the article]

I Cold War Paradise i delves deeply into the histories of a small group of people: U.S. expatriates in Costa Rica in the decades after World War II. Costa Rica ceased issuing visas to Black migrants in 1934, and barred entry by executive decree in 1942, just as it pulled closer to the United States during World War II.[1] Yet Black West Indians had come to Costa Rica explicitly at the behest of the U.S. company, and their presence and experience in Costa Rica is inextricably tied with that of the white U.S. presence. [Extracted from the article]

Queer people have always been here; for as long as we have existed, so has the awareness of our obvious otherness, as well as the desperate need to understand and reconcile our whats, hows, and whys. Literature has persevered as an outlet for LGBTQ+ exploration, increasingly so as the publishing industry responds to a more accepting society of queer people, writers, and stories. This paper will explore a proposed dichotomy of publishing's current treatment of queer literature between the adult and young adult markets, through the supplemental lenses of their individual and cultural histories: to help analyze the present and form pictures of our industry's future, we need to understand our past. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The need for regional organizations to resolve and settle conflicts in their regions has become an urgent necessity, especially after the Cold War, because the proximity of these organizations to the conflict zone makes them able to know the causes of these conflicts and ways to address them, and the Economic Community of West African States ECOWAS is one of these organizations that was established in 1975 as a regional organization working to achieve economic integration among the fifteen member states in West Africa, but it gradually transformed and under the pressure of political events into an organization responsible for finding solutions to armed conflicts and other political crises in its region, and accordingly this study attempts to evaluate the role of ECOWAS in managing Conflicts in West Africa by highlighting its role in Ivory Coast as a model . The research was divided into an introduction, a conclusion and three axes: the first axis included: the emergence of ECOWAS, while the second axis dealt with: the causes of the conflict in Ivory Coast, and the third axis included: the role of ECOWAS in settling the conflict in Ivory Coast. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This thematic issue analyzes recent and ongoing changes in Arctic regional governance in new geopolitical, security, and socio-economic contexts. It places current challenges in the Arctic within a historical context, aspiring to identify solutions, and enhances our understanding of modern processes. It presents three perspectives on Arctic regional governance: the first focuses on the challenges to Arctic environmental governance (marine living resources and Arctic seals); the second looks at the role of large nation-states, such as Russia and China, in Arctic regional governance; and the third one analyses the challenges posed to Indigenous people--in Russia, Finland, and Canada. Many overlapping themes are developed in the articles: historical lessons (e.g., from the Cold War period), challenges to the inclusiveness of environmental governance, and the role of cross-border diffusion and learning. New challenges to Arctic regional governance in the context of the war in Ukraine affect environmental governance, international scientific collaboration, and the lives of Indigenous people. Yet we know little about the depth of these recent transformations. This thematic issue aims to fill in at least some of the outlined gaps. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article focuses on the events leading to the overthrow of Guatemalan President Jacobo Arbenz in 1954, examining its significance within the context of the Cold War in Latin America. Topics include the involvement of the CIA in the coup, the subsequent exile of Guatemalan revolutionaries to Mexico, and the challenges they faced while in exile, shedding light on a forgotten chapter of Guatemalan revolutionary history.

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The main purpose of this article is to investigate the foundations of relations between Türkiye and the US and to analyze the impact of the Iraq War on relations between the two countries. The relations that developed in the context of security after the Cold War were naturally supported by economic aid. Although there were many problems in the fragile relations during the Cold War, the ties between the two countries were never completely severed. While frequent occurrences strengthened Türkiye's significance in the area, the divergent interests of the two nations have only recently begun to come into focus. The developments taking place in Türkiye's neighboring countries also attract the attention of the United States, and the repercussions of events in these regions are reflected in Türkiye, especially concerning conflicts involving Russia. In this context, although the relations between the two countries are often touted as an alliance, it highlights the fact that it leans more towards a necessity. At this point, the Iraq War has had a significant impact on the relations between the two countries and has led to the emergence and increase of problems between the two countries. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The Comparative Connections chapter on US-India relations covering the period September to December 2022 highlighted the challenge of getting past Cold-War era differences to fully capitalize on Indo-Pacific synergies. In the months between September and December of 2023, Cold War-era differences took center stage in the bilateral partnership. As a sliver of hope that the partnership would transform into a formal alliance emerged earlier in the year, these di_erences were spoilers. Differences in outlook brought to light the perennial challenges in the relationship and the need to get past the muscle memory of the Cold War for substantial engagement as defense and security allies. Despite these political and security differences, economic and technological cooperation largely expanded with increased cooperation in critical technologies and supply chain diversification initiatives. US industries broke new ground in expanding their footprint in India, and Indian conglomerates invested in the US, capitalizing on the Biden administration's Inflation Reduction Act and other industrial policies. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In seven decades of the multiparty democracy period, Turkey has experienced four military coups. Even though the coups are thought to be a cold war phenomenon in the literature, they are still relevant. The failed coup attempt in 2016 reminds us that the military coup is still a critical issue in Turkish democracy and the economy. Interestingly, there is not an adequate amount of empirical research on the political economy of Turkey's military coup experience. This study's motivation is to provide empirical evidence for the economic growth-coup nexus literature with a core focus on Turkey, which is a remarkable case in many aspects. For this purpose, we extend an open-economy Cobb-Douglas production function with coups and use the autoregressive distributed lags (ARDL) method for the period 1950 to 2014. According to the study's empirical findings, coup d'états negatively affect real GDP in Turkey. Through structural reforms, Turkey should strengthen its democratic institutions to prevent such antidemocratic attempts. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Today's world is less stable than the Cold War international system. Why didn't the high expectations for a peaceful world materialise that existed 30 years ago? This Article singles out two interrelated trends that stem from mistakes made when it seemed that humanity, having learned from history, was entering a period of the 'end of history'. This forms the very basis for today's negative tendencies to flourish. The triumphant West tried to unify the whole world under one leadership and to make it uniform. Yet, the world is simply too big, complex and diverse for only one ideology, be it Judeo-Christian, Anglo-Saxon, Confucian, Muslim or secular liberal-democratic, to dominate. Therefore, those states that couldn't or didn't want to follow Washington, began to claim their own place and the right to go their own way. Until it is recognised that there is a value in acceptance of diverse ways of life within a society and in the existence of diverse political systems, economic models and societal arrangements, there will not be even a relative peace in the world. Equally, recognition and acceptance of balance of power in international relations is even more important than the adherence to the principle of separation of powers within states. The second trend is expressed in conflicts between elites and masses, whose grievances are exploited by populists. The idea that globalisation would lead, if not to the disappearance of the State, then at least to a considerable shrinking of its role, turned out to be wrong. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The architectural heritage directly related to the refugees from Europe who came to the USA as a result of World War II is still an under-researched topic. New post-war arrivals from the displaced persons camps resulted in a sizeable growth of the already well-established Lithuanian community, infusing it with highly educated professionals. This also included many architects who needed to adapt and continue their practice in a different environment while also finding a way to be useful for the objectives of their national group. The aim of this paper is to examine the architectural legacy of the Lithuanian community in the post-war decades in the USA, emphasizing buildings that were designed with a specific aspiration to implement national character. Research finds that buildings built for the Lithuanian community carried a strong symbolical language that was a peculiar, yet enriching case, in regard to the then-dominant mid-century modernist trends. These structures show the determination of the national group to use their built environment as a medium to reinforce their identity and use architecture as a political statement. The paper proposes to interpret this politically motivated and stylistically distinctive architecture as monuments testifying to the political atmosphere of the Cold War. In this way, the heritage value of these buildings is linked not to avant-garde architectural styles, but to the political needs of a specific community in exile. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]