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Over the last twenty years since the introduction of automated coding schemes, research in foreign policy analysis (FPA) has made great advances. However, this automatization process is based on the analysis of verbal statements of leaders to create leadership profiles and has remained largely confined in terms of language. That is, the coding schemes can only parse English-language texts. This reduces both the quality and quantity of available data and limits the application of these leadership profiling techniques beyond the Anglosphere. Against this background, this forum offers five reports on the development of freely available coding schemes for either operational code analysis or leadership trait analysis for languages other than English (i.e., Turkish, Arabic, Spanish, German, and Persian).

Turkey has been closely observing the Iranian nuclear program and its bilateral, regional and global implications since 2002. As one of the most important neighboring countries, Iran’s defense policy has always been an issue of great significance for Turkish policy makers. In the last one and a half decades, Turkey has been both directly and indirectly in pursuit of shaping the outcome of Iran’s nuclear program and the negotiations between Iran and the world’s major powers. For example, in 2010, Turkey and Brazil catered a nuclear fuel swap agreement designed to help Iran build a peaceful nuclear program and at the same time prevent weaponization of its nuclear capabilities. Although this initiative was considered to be highly promising in terms of what it could have provided to Iran and the rest of the world, the UN Security Council Permanent Members and Germany (P5+1) did not welcome it. The deal died shortly after Turkey and Brazil promoted it due to P5+1’s opposition. After that experience, Turkey’s direct involvement in negotiations has been rather low-key.

Chapter 3 With the end of Cold War and the attacks of 11 September 2001, the Black Sea region has been at the intersection of three global players’ respective regional points of view. These powers and their approaches are the Russian Federation and its Near Abroad Policy (NAP), the EU and its European Neighbourhood Policy (ENP), and the U.S. and its Broader Middle East and North Africa (BMENA) and the Wider Black Sea Region (WBSR) policy. The current destabilisation of the region’s status quo as has happened in the form of the Ukrainian crisis is due to EU-Russian rivalry and their approaches to the region in the forms, respectively, of the EU’s Eastern Partnership and Russia’s Near Abroad Policy. I propose four foreign policy options for Turkey to pursue stability in the Black Sea region. These are: advancement of the frameworks laid out by the Organization of the Black Sea Economic Cooperation (BSEC); development of existing bilateral co-operation with Russia in sectors such as energy and as well as expanding into other possible fields such as security; inclusion of Russia in all multilateral plans of action in the Black Sea region while balancing the great power rivalries and serving as mediator in the regional conflicts. Given the low likelihood of EU membership for Turkey and international and Transatlantic institutions ..

The recent Arab uprisings have forced many actors to reconsider their positions regarding Middle Eastern politics. Role theory provides a viable tool to explain changes in actors’ foreign policy behaviors, presuming that states’ foreign policies are shaped by the ruling elites’ foreign policy role conceptions. This article analyzes Turkish foreign policy roles with regard to the Middle East and North Africa before and since the Arab uprisings that began in December 2010. We argue that these uprisings caused Turkey to change its emphasis from roles built on soft power instruments to harder roles requiring material capabilities. We also discuss the implications of this change with reference to theories of international politics.

Chapter 6 This chapter presents some closing thoughts on the key concepts discussed in the preceding chapters of this book. The book starts from the premise that role theory is a useful framework with which to understand the dynamics of global politics. It reviews the role theory specifically, and the study of international relations (IR) more broadly, by building insight into an aspect that has been generally overlooked in role theory research: the domestic political process and the internal contestation of national role conceptions. The book presents a complex picture of the public's participation in the role contestation process, one that has been missing from much of the prior research on role theory and foreign policy. A more direct illustration of the impact of the public on the role contestation process is when the public must cast a vote, either in an election or a referendum. The book demonstrates the value of methodological and theoretical pluralism in research on role theory

Bu makale uluslararası ilişkilere kuramsal yaklaşımlardan biri olan İngiliz Okulu’nu tanıtmayı ve değerlendirmeyi amaçlamaktadır. İngiliz Okulu’nun ne olduğunu anlatmak için, öncelikle Okul’un kökleri, kurucuları, ontolojik ve yöntembilimsel duruşu tanıtılmış ve tartışılmıştır. Daha sonra Okul’un özünü oluşturan temel argümanlar belirlenmiş ve kurucularının tartıştıkları önemli sorular ele alınmıştır. Makalenin ikinci bölümünde ise, Okulun ikinci nesli diyebileceğimiz kuramcıların ürettikleri normatif ve yapısalcı eserlere ve tartışmalara yer verilmiştir. Sonuç olarak makale Okulun hem normatif hem de analitik analizlere imkân sağladığı için bir ‘büyük kuram’ potansiyeline sahip olduğunu iddia etmektedir. This article introduces and evaluates the English School of international relations theories. First we discuss the School’s roots, traditions, founding fathers and its ontology and methodology. Then the main arguments of the English School (ES) that constitute its core tenets and the grand questions that the founding fathers discussed are presented. In the second part, the two paths – normative and structural – taken by second generation ES scholars are discussed. This article argues that ES has a potential to be a ‘grand theory’ for the IR literature due to its rich theoretical background that allows both analytical and normative analyses.

Tez (doktora) -- Ondokuz Mayıs Üniversitesi, 2011 Libra Kayıt No: 74553 Bu çalışmada temel olarak, N-aril azollerin sentezinin gerçekleştirilebileceği, basit, etkili, ekonomik ve çevre dostu iki ayrı katalitik yöntem geliştirildi. Fe- ve Cu-katalizli bu katalitik sistemlerin, belirlenen oldukça ılıman reaksiyon şartlarında, sulu ortamda, mikrodalgalar varlığında, yüksek düzeyde aktivite gösterdiği gözlendi.Çözücü olarak çevre dostu ve olası en ekonomik çözücü olan suyun kullanımı ile organik çözücülerin yol açabileceği kirlilik problemleri bertaraf edildi ve daha güvenli reaksiyon ortamı sağlandı. Klasik koşullarda uzun reaksiyon süreleri (12-72 saat) ve yüksek sıcaklıklar (~200 °C) gerektiren bu Ullmann tipi eşleşme reaksiyonları mikrodalga ışıma ile düşük sıcaklıklarda, çok daha kısa sürelerde ve çok daha yüksek verimlerle gerçekleştirildi.Geliştirilen her iki katalitik yöntem, uçucu organik çözücüler yerine suyun kullanılması, katalitik miktarlarda katalizör kullanımı, katalizörün geri kazanılıp tekrar kullanılabilir olması, inert gaz atmosferinin gerekli olmayışı, ayrıştırma ve saflaştırma işlemleri kolaylığı ve mikrodalgaların kullanımı ile oldukça yüksek ürün verimlerinin elde edilmesi ile literatürde bir ilk olma özelliği taşımaktadır.Çalışmanın başlangıcında pirazol ile aril halojenürler (iyot benzen veya brom benzen) arasındaki N-arilasyon reaksiyonu, model reaksiyon olarak seçildi ve N-aril azollerin sentezinin gerçekleşebileceği en uygun şartlar, bu model reaksiyon üzerinden yapılan denemeler sonucunda belirlendi. Pirazol’ün, farklı sübstitüe aril veya hetereo aril iyodürler ile olan N-arilasyonu, zehirli olmayan Fe-katalizli katalitik sistem beraberinde, % 98’e varan oldukça yüksek verimlerle gerçekleştirilerek, karşılık gelen N-aril pirazoller sentezlendi. Pirazol haricindeki azol nükleofillerin (imidazol, benzimidazol, 1,2,4-triazol, benzotriazol, indol, karbazol ve tiyabendazol), iyotbenzenle olan C-N eşleşme reaksiyonları da bu katalitik sistemde yapıldı. Nükleofilik kapasitesi pirazole göre nispeten düşük olan imidazoller, triazoller ve bunların benzo-türevleri varlığında karşılık gelen N-aril azollerin oluşumu kısmen düşük verimlerle gerçekleşti.

Bu çalışmada temel olarak, N-aril azollerin sentezinin gerçekleştirilebileceği, basit, etkili, ekonomik ve çevre dostu iki ayrı katalitik yöntem geliştirildi. Fe- ve Cu-katalizli bu katalitik sistemlerin, belirlenen oldukça ılıman reaksiyon şartlarında, sulu ortamda, mikrodalgalar varlığında, yüksek düzeyde aktivite gösterdiği gözlendi.Çözücü olarak çevre dostu ve olası en ekonomik çözücü olan suyun kullanımı ile organik çözücülerin yol açabileceği kirlilik problemleri bertaraf edildi ve daha güvenli reaksiyon ortamı sağlandı. Klasik koşullarda uzun reaksiyon süreleri (12-72 saat) ve yüksek sıcaklıklar (~200 °C) gerektiren bu Ullmann tipi eşleşme reaksiyonları mikrodalga ışıma ile düşük sıcaklıklarda, çok daha kısa sürelerde ve çok daha yüksek verimlerle gerçekleştirildi.Geliştirilen her iki katalitik yöntem, uçucu organik çözücüler yerine suyun kullanılması, katalitik miktarlarda katalizör kullanımı, katalizörün geri kazanılıp tekrar kullanılabilir olması, inert gaz atmosferinin gerekli olmayışı, ayrıştırma ve saflaştırma işlemleri kolaylığı ve mikrodalgaların kullanımı ile oldukça yüksek ürün verimlerinin elde edilmesi ile literatürde bir ilk olma özelliği taşımaktadır.Çalışmanın başlangıcında pirazol ile aril halojenürler (iyot benzen veya brom benzen) arasındaki N-arilasyon reaksiyonu, model reaksiyon olarak seçildi ve N-aril azollerin sentezinin gerçekleşebileceği en uygun şartlar, bu model reaksiyon üzerinden yapılan denemeler sonucunda belirlendi.Pirazol'ün, farklı sübstitüe aril veya hetereo aril iyodürler ile olan N-arilasyonu, zehirli olmayan Fe-katalizli katalitik sistem beraberinde, % 98'e varan oldukça yüksek verimlerle gerçekleştirilerek, karşılık gelen N-aril pirazoller sentezlendi. Pirazol haricindeki azol nükleofillerin (imidazol, benzimidazol, 1,2,4-triazol, benzotriazol, indol, karbazol ve tiyabendazol), iyotbenzenle olan C-N eşleşme reaksiyonları da bu katalitik sistemde yapıldı. Nükleofilik kapasitesi pirazole göre nispeten düşük olan imidazoller, triazoller ve bunların benzo-türevleri varlığında karşılık gelen N-aril azollerin oluşumu kısmen düşük verimlerle gerçekleşti.Arilasyon reaktifi olarak farklı sübstitüe aril veya hetero aril bromürlerin tercih edildiği durumda, Fe-katalizli katalitik sistem de ürün oluşumu iz miktarlarda gözlenirken, Cu-katalizli katalitik sistem eşliğinde, pirazol'ün N-arilasyonu oldukça yüksek verimlerle (% 23-98) gerçekleştirilmiş ve N-aril pirazol ürün çeşitliği sağlanmıştır.Geliştirilen Cu-katalizli bu katalitik şartlarda arilasyon kaynağı olarak farklı sübstitüe aril iyodürler de kullanılmış ve bu durumda reaksiyonların daha da yüksek verimlerle sonuçlandığı görülmüştür. Yine seçilen azol serilerinin (imidazol, benzimidazol, 1,2,4-triazol, benzotriazol, indol, karbazol ve tiyabendazol) gerek iyot benzenle gerekse brom benzenle Ullmann tipi C-N eşleşme reaksiyonları neticesinde karşılık gelen N-aril azoller sentezlenmiştir (Verim % 21-98).Elde edilen tüm ürünler kromatografik olarak saflaştırılarak IR, 1H-NMR, 13C-NMR, LC-MS ve LC-MSMS spektroskopik yöntemlerle tanımlanmış, sonuçların literatür verileri ile uyumlu olduğu görülmüştür.Anahtar Kelimeler: Azol, mikrodalga, N-arilasyonu, N-aril azoller, C-N eşleşme, Ullmann kimyası, aril halojenürler. In this study mainly, two different catalytic methods which are simple, efficient, economic and environmental friendly were developed. These Fe- and Cu-catalyzed catalytic systems have shown quite high level catalytic activity in water, under microwave assisted established mild reaction conditions.Use of water, the most environmentally friendly and economic solvent possible, avoids problems of pollution that are inherent with organic solvents and provides more safety reaction medium. Ullmann-type cross coupling reactions which require long reaction times (12-72 h) and high reaction temperatures (~ 200 °C) under conventional conditions were carried out with microwave irradiation in low temperatures, at shorter times and with rather high yields.Developed both catalytic system, which were used water in place of volatile organic solvents and catalytic amount of catalyst that will be easy recoverable and reusable, without necessity of inert gas atmosphere, simplicity of work-up procedure and obtained very good product yields with use of microwave irradiation, have shown the first example property in literature.The N-arylation reaction between pyrazole and aryl halogens (iodobenzene or bromobenzene) was selected as a model reaction at the beginning of the study and the optimum reaction conditions for the synthesis of N-aryl azoles determined at the end of experiments over this model reaction.N-arylation of pyrazole with different substituted aryl or hetero aryl iodides have been carried out up to % 98 percent yield along with non-toxic Fe-catalyzed catalytic system and corresponding N-aryl pyrazoles was synthesized. C-N coupling reactions of some azole nucleophiles (imidazole, benzimidazole, 1,2,4-triazole, benzotriazole, indole, carbazole ve thiabendazole) with iodobenzene have been also carried out in this catalytic system. Imidazoles, triazoles and their benzo-derivatives have given concerned N-aryl azoles with low yields because of their low nucleophilic capacity according to pyrazole.When aryl or hetero aryl bromides have chosen as an arylation reactive, the Fe-catalyzed catalytic system have given trace amount of product. On the other hand N-arylation of pyrazole along with Cu-catalyzed catalytic system occurred with rather high yields (% 23-98) and N-aryl pyrazole product variety obtained.At the same time different substituted aryl iodides was also used as an arylation supply in this Cu-catalyzed catalytic conditions and it was shown that the reactions occurred with highest yields than when aryl bromides used. Nevertheless at the end of Ullmann type C-N coupling reactions between selected azoles series with whether iodobenzene or brombenzene, the corresponding N-aryl azoles were synthesized (Yields % 21-98).All the products purified by chromatographic methods and determined by IR, 1H-NMR, 13C-NMR, LC-MS and LC-MSMS spectroscopic techniques and it was shown that obtained results have good agreement with literature.Key Words: Azoles, microwave, N-arylation, N-aryl azoles, C-N coupling, Ullmann chemistry, aryl halogens. 219

Bu makale, oyun kuramının uluslararası ilişkilerdeki uygulamalarına bir giriş ve katkılarının tartışılması olarak tasarlamıştır. Oyun kuramının araçsal akılcı ve formel metotları kullanmasının uluslararası ilişkilerin stratejik doğasını anlamaya nasıl ve ne kadar yardımcı olduğu yazından örnekler verilerek tartışılmıştır. Buna göre, oyun kuramı son elli yılda uluslararası ilişkileri anlamamıza ve açıklamamıza büyük katkılarda bulunmuşlardır. Makale ilk olarak akılcılık belitinin bir tartışmasını yapmaktadır. Daha sonra oyun kuramının yazında nasıl kullanıldığı örnekler verilerek gösterilmiştir. Kısa bir yazın taramasını oyun kuramı kullanmanın uluslararası ilişkiler çalışmalarına katkılarının tartışıldığı bölüm izlemektedir. Son olarak kurama getirilen eleştiriler ve kuramın sınırları ve geleceği üzerine düşünceler tartışılmıştır., This article is an introduction to the applications of game theory in international studies and makes an evaluation of what is added by using it. I illustrate the benefits of incorporating the instrumental rationality assumption and formal methods to international studies via giving examples from the literature. I argue that despite its relative infancy in the field, use of game theory have greatly contributed to our understanding and explanations of international relations. First, the assumptions of the theory are discussed. Second, some commonly used games from the literature are presented. A short literature review is followed by a discussion of what is added by using game theory in international relations studies. Finally, criticisms, limitations and future of game theory are discussed.

ÖZETÖZGÜR ÖZDAMAR OMÜ / 20051,3-D KARBON L B LEŞ KLER NDEN BAZI M N VE H DRAZONTÜREVLER N N SENTEZBu çalışmada, başlangıç maddesi olarak 1,3-dikarbonil bileşikleri kullanmaksuretiyle bazı imin ve hidrazon türevleri sentezlendi. Sentez çalışmalarının ilk kısmındaalifatik ve aromatik primer aminlerin bir 1,3-dikarbonil bileşiği olan asetilaseton ilekondensasyonu neticesinde imin bileşikleri elde edilmiştir. kinci kısımda isealifatikdiazonyum kenetlenmesi esasına göre, etil-(4-kloroasetoasetat)'ın aromatikprimer aminlerin arildiazonyum tuzları ile kenetlenmesiyle fenilhidrazo-1,3-diontürevlerinin eldesi gerçekleştirilmiştir.1 13Sentezlenen imin türevlerinin yapıları IR, HNMR ve CNMR spektroskopikteknikleri ile incelendi. Ayrıca belli çözücülerle hazırlanan çözeltilerinin odasıcaklığında yavaşça buharlaştırılması ile uygun tek kristalleri hazırlanan bu bileşiklerinbazılarının moleküler yapıları X-ışınları kırınımı tekniği kullanılarak aydınlatıldı.Yapılan spektroskopik analizler ve X-ışınları yapı çözümlemeleri neticesindesentezlenen imin türevlerinin hepsinin katı halde molekül içi hidrojen bağı yapmış keto-amin formda olduğu belirlendi.1 13Sentezlenen hidrazon türevlerinin yapıları UV-VIS, IR, HNMR ve CNMRspektroskopik teknikleri ile incelendi. Fenilhidrazo-1,3-dion türevlerinin IRspektrumlarında N-H bağına ve dion sisteminin iki farklı karboniline (C=O) ait gerilmetitreşimleri gözlenmektedir. Bu veriler 1HNMR ve 13CNMR spektroskopik çalışmalarındaN-H ve karbonil (C=O) bağlarına ait kimyasal kayma değerlerinin gözlenmesiyle dedesteklenmiştir. Bununla birlikte bileşiklerin UV-VIS spektrumlarında azo forma aitabsorbsiyonlara rastlanmamıştır. Bu bulgular ışığında sentezlenen fenilhidrazo-1,3-dionbileşiklerinin, katı halde ve birçok organik çözücüde keto-hidrazo formda olduğusonucuna ulaşılmıştır. Ayrıca uygun çözücülerde tek kristalleri hazırlanan bazı hidrazonbileşiklerinin moleküler yapıları ve kristal yapıdaki yerleşmeleri X-ışınları difraksiyonyöntemiyle incelenmiş ve sentezlenen fenilhidrazo-1,3-dion türevlerinin NâHâ¦Omolekül içi hidrojen bağlı keto-hidrazo formda olduğu tespit edilmiştir.Anahtar Kelimeler: 1,3-Dikarboniller, iminler, fenilhidrazo-1,3-dionlar, tautomerizm,asetilaseton, etil-(4-kloroaseteasetat), X-ışınları ABSTRACTOZGUR OZDAMAR OMU / 2005SYNTHESIS OF SOME IMINE AND HYDRAZONO DERIVATES FROM1,3-DICARBONYL COMPOUNDSIn this study, some new imine and hydrazono derivates have been synthesized by using1,3-dicarbonyl compounds as a starting reagent. In the first part of the studies, iminederivatives have been synthesized by the condensation reaction of aliphatic and aromaticprimer amines with acetylacetone. Also in the second part, some new phenylhydrazono-1,3-dione derivates have been obtained by the coupling of ethyl-(4-chloroacetoacetate) withdiazonium salts of aromatic primer amines according to aliphatic diazonium couplingprocedure.The structure of synthesized imine derivates were determined by IR, 1HNMR and 13CNMRspectroscopic techniques. Also, solutions of all these compounds prepared in differentsolvents. The solutions were evaporated at room temperature to obtain single crystals andmolecular structures of some of these compounds were determined by using X-ray diffractiontechnique. The spectroscopic analyses and X-ray structure analyses have showed that theseimine derivates exist in the intramolecular hydrogen bonded keto-amine form in solid state.The structure of synthesized hydrazono derivates were also determined by using UV-VIS, IR, 1HNMR and 13CNMR spectroscopic techniques. IR spectra of phenylhydrazono-1,3-dione derivates have shown vibrational bands for NâH bond and two different C=O bonds.These findings were also supported by 1HNMR and 13CNMR studies where peaks for NâH andC=O bonds were observed. UV-VIS spectra of the compounds have no absorption band dueto azo group. In the light of these findings it can be said that the compounds were exist inketo-hydrazo forms.In addition, X-ray diffraction studies of some hydrazono derivates have shown that thephenylhydrazone-1,3-dione derivates exist in the keto-hydrazo form with NâHâ¦Ointramolecular hydrogen bonding.Key Words: 1,3-Dicarbonyl, imines, phenylhydrazono-1,3-diones, tautomerizm,acetylacetone, ethyl-(4-chloroacetoacetate), X-ray 149

Laparoskopik inguinal herni onarımı ilk kez 1982 yılında Ger tarafından uygulanmıştır. 1990’da Popp tıkaç ve yama tekniğini, Fitzgibbons da IPOM Intraperitoneal Onlay Mesh tekniğini tarif etmiştir. Bugün için en popüler teknikler ise TAPP Transabdominal preperitoneal onarım ve TEP Total ekstraperitoneal onarım teknikleridir. Bu çalışmada Nisan 2002 / Temmuz 2003 tarihleri arasında laparoskopik inguinal herni onarımı yaptığımız 26 hastanın klinik sonuçlarını değerlendirdik. Tekniği elektif hasta grubuna uyguladık. Acil ve nüks olgulara bu tekniği uygulamadık. 24 olguya total ekstraperitoneal TEP , 2 olguya ise transabdominal preperitoneal onarımı TAPP uyguladık. Mortalite veya major peroperatif komplikasyon gözlemedik. 1 olguda %4 erken dönemde yetersiz fıtık kesesi diseksiyonuna bağlı olarak nüks gözledik, Laparoscopic inguinal hernia repair has been first performed by Ger in 1982. In 1990 Popp has described plug and patch technique, and Fitzgibbons has described IPOM Intraperitoneal Onlay Mesh technique. But the most popular techniques for today are TAPP Transabdominal preperitoneal repair and TEP Total extraperitoneal repair . In thıs study, we evaluated clinical results of 26 patients that we performed laparoscopic inguinal hernia repair between April 2002 and July 2003. We performed this technique to a group of elective patients. We did not perform this technique to urgent or recurrent patients. We performed totally extraperitoneal repair TEP to 24 patients and transabdominal preperitoneal repair TAPP to 2 patients. We did not observe any mortality or major peroperative complication. We observed recurrence at 1 patient %4 in early period because of inadequate hernia sac dissection

Cataloged from PDF version of article. Thesis (Master's): Bilkent University, Department of Electrical and Electronics Engineering, İhsan Doğramacı Bilkent University, 2022. Includes bibliographical references (leaves 119-132). Far-right parties with strong nationalist tendencies have occupied a central role in Turkish politics. Sometimes as the radical voice of the opposition parties, sometimes as the minor coalition partner, Turkish nationalism has found itself a strong grip on the political scene since the 1950’s. Alparslan Türkeş and Devlet Bahçeli are viewed as the pioneer figures in the long journey of Turkish nationalism. Both leaders have served as party leaders for more than two decades through several coups, domestic and international changes. In this regard, understanding their belief systems becomes a must in order to understand the foreign policy culture of the Turkish far-right. By utilizing the operational code, a quantitative leadership assessment method that maps the political beliefs of leaders in order to identify causal mechanisms in foreign policy decisions (George, 1969); (Walker, 1983) the study looks to identify the general patterns of Turkish far-right leaders in foreign policy. While analysing the belief systems of Türkeş and Bahçeli, the thesis also looks at the foreign policy events that the leaders experienced. Thus, the quantitative results that stem from the automated coding system ProfilerPlus will be combined with a qualitative aspect that will shed light to the events that give meaning to the beliefs. Three main sets of hypotheses are tested in the thesis. First, Bahçeli is expected to have more stable views on the nature of political universe; Türkeş is believed to have a more hostile understanding of the political universe compared to Bahçeli; and both leaders are expected to see their political other more hostile than the average world leader. Secondly, the study hypothesizes that Türkeş and Bahçeli select more cooperative strategies during their governmental terms but remain conflictual compared to the average world leader in any setting. Third and finally, the thesis argues for the two leaders to possess lower self-control over the course of historical development compared to the average world leader; and expects them to have similar control levels during the 1990’s –a time period in which both leaders ruled their Parties. The findings of the study reveal that Türkeş and Bahçeli possess high levels of hostility towards the political universe, adopt conflictual strategies compared to the average world leader, and their level of historical control remain slightly over the average world leader. While there are minor differences among the two leaders, a clear party orientation can be spotted in the field of foreign policy. Approaching the strategic culture debate from a theoretical perspective, their typologies correspond with a ‘realist-other’ approach on the nature of political universe alongside ‘mixed self-strategies’ that swing between moderate ‘idealism’ and ‘realism.’ Nevertheless, the findings also show that most deviations from their career averages have occurred during governmental power and brief opportunity windows. In adopting a longitudinal approach, the thesis analyses the belief systems of the two leaders in several time-frames. by Kerem Gül M.A.

Cataloged from PDF version of article. Thesis (Master's): Bilkent University, Department of International Relations, İhsan Doğramacı Bilkent University, 2022. Includes bibliographical references (leaves 110-124). This thesis examines the microfoundations of two Israeli strategic culture schools attributed to the first two prime ministers of Israel, David Ben-Gurion and Moshe Sharett. Historical accounts attribute Ben-Gurion to a realist orientation, while they attribute Sharett to an idealist orientation. However, these orientations rely on interpretive methods and lack empirical testing. By utilizing operational code analysis as a well-established foreign policy analysis tool, I empirically test to what extent these attributions are reflected in their political beliefs. This thesis employs an automated content analysis method via ProfilerPlus software based on the Verbs in Context System (VICS) procedure to code leaders' speeches as data. The results show that Ben-Gurion’s instrumental beliefs (image of Self) reflect a conflictual image of the political universe as a Type DEF realist leader, while Moshe Sharett’s instrumental beliefs reflect the cooperative characteristics of Type A idealist leadership typology, which align with the historical accounts. As for the philosophical beliefs (image of Other), the findings surprisingly show mixed results. Findings reveal that Sharett’s results differ from his historical accounts, while Ben-Gurion’s results confirm his historical accounts. Both Ben-Gurion and Sharett viewed Other as Type B realist leader. This thesis shows how the synthesis between individual-level variables and structural explanations of foreign policy orientations can advance the explanatory value of international relations theories. by Ahmet Erğurum M.A.

What determines the consequences of economic sanctions? Is there a common explanation for these consequences? This article provides a comprehensive review of the fragmented literature focusing on the consequences of sanctions. We critically discuss the complex relationships between types of sanctions and sanction senders and their targets, as well as the structural factors that account for the specific consequences of different sanction cases. A discussion on the thematic, methodological, and theoretical shortcomings of the existing literature on sanction consequences follows. We argue that a “common approach” to sanction consequences research should be framed within the framework of international interdependence. We also present several nascent trends and propose new directions for sanction researchers and other disciplines. ¿Qué determina las consecuencias de las sanciones económicas? ¿Existe una explicación común para estas consecuencias? Este artículo proporciona un análisis completo de la literatura fragmentada centrándose en las consecuencias de las sanciones. Tratamos de manera crítica las relaciones complejas entre los tipos de sanciones y los responsables de imponerlas y los receptores, así como los factores estructurales que explican las consecuencias específicas de los diferentes casos de sanciones. A continuación, se incluye un debate sobre los defectos temáticos, metodológicos y teóricos de la literatura existente sobre las consecuencias de las sanciones. Sostenemos que debería plantearse un “enfoque común” para la investigación sobre las consecuencias de las sanciones dentro del marco de la interdependencia internacional. También presentamos varias tendencias nacientes y proponemos nuevas orientaciones para los investigadores de sanciones y otras disciplinas. Par quoi les conséquences des sanctions économiques sont-elles déterminées? Existe-t-il une explication commune de ces conséquences? Cet article propose un examen complet de la littérature fragmentée se concentrant sur les conséquences des sanctions. Nous abordons d'un œil critique les relations complexes entre les types de sanctions et les émetteurs de sanctions et leurs cibles, ainsi que les facteurs structurels qui expliquent les conséquences spécifiques des différents cas de sanctions. Nous poursuivons par une discussion sur les lacunes thématiques, méthodologiques et théoriques de la littérature existante sur les conséquences des sanctions. Nous soutenons qu'une « approche commune » des recherches sur les conséquences des sanctions devrait s'inscrire dans le cadre de l'interdépendance internationale. Nous présentons également plusieurs tendances naissantes et nous proposons de nouvelles orientations pour les chercheurs spécialisés en sanctions et les autres disciplines.

Cataloged from PDF version of article. Thesis (Ph.D.): Bilkent University, Department of International Relations, İhsan Doğramacı Bilkent University, 2021. Includes bibliographical references (leaves 225-249). International organizations, individual states, and groups of states increasingly often use economic sanctions an alternative tool of foreign policy. While there are multiple studies analyzing effectiveness and economic, political, or humanitarian consequences of sanctions, much less attention is given to their psychological impacts. Presenting one of the rare systematic studies of psychological consequences of sanctions, this dissertation aims to analyze the effects of the economic sanctions on the political beliefs of the leaders of targeted states. Using operational code analysis, this research investigates whether economic sanctions lead to a change in operational codes of the leaders of Iran, Russia, and Syria representing the major cases of sanctions in the last two decades. The research demonstrates that while economic sanctions do not correspond to an immediate cognitive change, they are likely to trigger leaders’ more gradual learning. The results show that the leaders’ rhetoric after sanctions reflected multiple belief changes, some of which were similar across cases. For example, in five out of six analyzed instances, the targeted leaders started to perceive ‘other’ international actors less friendly than before. Presenting the first systematic analysis of a specific external shock on operational codes of leaders in different geographical, temporal, and political settings, this dissertation contributes to the political belief change literature. At the same time this study fills the gap in the research on psychological consequences of sanctions. by Evgeniia Shahin Ph.D.

The Cyprus problem is one of the most protracted and complex conflicts in the world. This article uses poliheuristic (PH) theory to analyze Turkey's decision-making during the Cyprus crises of 1964, 1967, and 1974. We utilize the PH model (Mintz 1993, 2004) and its method to systematically examine the decision-making process and outcomes during the three crises. We present primary evidence from governmental archives and secondary from media sources. The two hypotheses derived from the PH literature are supported by evidence. Results confirm Turkish decision-makers employed two-stage decision-making during each crisis. In the first stage, Turkish leaders followed the noncompensatory rule and eliminated options that could incur losses. In the second stage, their calculations were more in line with expected utility maximization. Implications of the case study in terms of PH model, foreign policy analysis, and international relations theory are discussed in the conclusion.

Cataloged from PDF version of article. Thesis (Master's): Bilkent University, Department of International Relations, İhsan Doğramacı Bilkent University, 2021. Includes bibliographical references (leaves 69-77). Objectives. As the significance of a leader’s beliefs in decision-making processes is widely acknowledged, how and when those beliefs change became important aspects in comprehending the foreign policy of a given country. I investigated whether Erdogan’s beliefs changed in his 19 years of power over exogenous shocks. Informed by the Role Theory, I controlled for the impacts of Arab Spring and US-PYD Alliance as two time intervals. Method. I utilized Operational Code Analysis as an at-a-distance content analysis method. I examined Erdogan’s foreign policy speeches between 2003-2021 and generated his operational code construct. Results. Findings suggest that Erdogan’s beliefs somewhat changed over these two external events, although not in the way that theoretical framework of this study predicted. This limited change is measured as statistically significant change after US-PYD Alliance and tools of OCA supported this, demonstrating a leadership typology change. Conclusion. Events of Arab Spring and US-PYD Alliance had an impact on Erdogan’s OCA belief system and the unfold of Turkish Foreign Policy in an altering manner. Role Theory applications are informative in pursuit of belief change. by İzel Ekin Alpay M.A.

Cataloged from PDF version of article. Thesis (M.S.): Bilkent University, Graduate Program in Energy Economics, Policy and Security, İhsan Doğramacı Bilkent University, 2021. Includes bibliographical references (leaves 75-95). Although many studies prefer using the mainstream international relations (IR) theories nowadays, this thesis utilizes role theory as a foreign policy analysis (FPA) tool for examining national role conceptions of Turkey and the implications of these roles in the Eastern Mediterranean specifically. Following the preliminary works of several scholars as K. J. Holsti, who study the role of beliefs, images and identities of the states, this thesis aims to correlate Turkish national roles with its political and economic aims towards the Eastern Mediterranean region. In order to offer a comprehensive perspective, the thesis examines the data including official foreign policy speeches of highest-level decision-makers since 2018. By using the roles and related keywords, a content analysis which is based on word count was used as a methodology. This methodology was used for both generally presented national roles and their reflections and implications in the Eastern Mediterranean. Most emphasized 10 roles found in the analysis was visualized with graphics according to years of speeches while the same method was applied to show actor-specific roles. As a result, I argue that using role theory makes it possible to plausibly explain Turkey's foreign policy decisions towards the region rather than mainstream IR theories. by Yazgı Nur Akın. M.A.

Despite the significance of the subject, studies on the foreign policy preferences of European populist radical right leaders are scarce except for a handful of examples. Are European populist radical right leaders more hostile than other world leaders or comparatively friendly? Do they use cooperative or conflictual strategies to achieve their political goals? What are the leadership types associated with their strategic orientations in international relations? Using the operational code construct in this empirical study, we answer these questions and depict the foreign policy belief systems of seven European populist radical right leaders. We test whether they share a common pattern in their foreign policy beliefs and whether their foreign policy belief systems are significantly different from the norming group of average world leaders. The results indicate that European populist radical right leaders lack a common pattern in terms of their foreign policy belief systems. While the average scores of the analysed European populist radical right leaders suggest that they are more conflictual in their world views, results also show that they employ instrumental approaches relatively similar to the average group of world leaders. This article illuminates the microfoundations of strategic behaviour in international relations and arrives at conclusions about the role of European populist radical right leaders in mainstream International Relations discussions, such as idealism versus realism. In this sense, the cognitivist research school complements and advances structural accounts of international relations by analysing leadership in world affairs.

Kritik altyapılar, modern toplumların temelini oluşturan fiziksel ve sanal sistemlerdir ve ulusal refahı sağlamak için gereklilerdir. Bu tür altyapıların önemi önceleri devletler ve uluslararası organizasyonlar tarafından anlaşılamamasına rağmen kritik altyapı sistemlerini hedef alan siber tehditlerin artması, Amerika ve Avrupa Birliği'nde olduğu gibi kritik altyapıların korunmasının bir gündem maddesi olarak ele alınmasının hızlanmasına neden olmaktadır. Türkiye'de ise bu alanın gelişimi konusu sessizliğini korumaktadır. Bu tez Amerika, Avrupa Birliği ve Türkiye'deki kritik altyapı güvenliği konusundaki gelişmeleri bu bağlamda tanımlayıcı, yasal, kurumsal ve ekonomik uygulamaları araştırarak karşılaştırmaktadır. Bunu yaparken, bu tez, Türkiye'nin kritik altyapı koruması alanındaki mevcut durumunu ortaya koymayı amaçlamaktadır. Bu bağlamda tez, Türkiye'deki kritik altyapı güvenlik politikalarının politika başarısını da analiz etmektedir. Tez bulgularına göre, Türkiye, altyapılarının korunması konusunun gelişimini etkileyen kurumsal ve yasal boşluklar nedeniyle Amerika ve Avrupa Birliği'nden bu alanda çok geridedir. Bu bağlamda, Türkiye'nin izlemesi gereken politika girişimleri de tezde tartışılmıştır. Critical infrastructures are the physical and virtual systems forming the basis of modern societies and they are essential in ensuring national prosperity. Even though the importance of such infrastructures could not be grasped by states and international organizations in the beginning, an increasing number of cyber threats targeting critical infrastructure systems is becoming the reason behind the acceleration of the engagement of critical infrastructure protection as an agenda item as seen in the United States and the European Union. In Turkey, the field of critical infrastructure policy is still in its infancy. This thesis compares the developments of critical infrastructure security in the United States, the European Union and Turkey through an investigation of definitional, legal, institutional, and economic practices relating to critical infrastructure. While doing so, this thesis aims to reveal Turkey's current status in the field of critical infrastructure protection. In this regard, this thesis also analyzes how successful critical infrastructure security policies have been in Turkey. According to the findings of this thesis, Turkey is far behind the United States and the European Union in the field as a result of institutional and legal gaps that prevent the development of infrastructure protection. The policy initiatives which Turkey has to pursue are also discussed in the thesis. 145

Avrupa'da son dönemde, popülist radikal sağ, hem akademi hem de siyaset çevrelerinde popüler ve üzerinde çokça tartışılan bir konu olmuştur. Ancak, Avrupalı popülist radikal sağ (APRS) liderlerin ve partilerin artan etkisi ve görünürlüğüne rağmen, dış politika inançları, Uluslararası ilişkiler (Uİ) ve dış politika analizi (DPA) araştırmacıları tarafından yeteri kadar ilgi görmemiştir. Bu doğrultudan, bu çalışma, DPA ve popülist radikal sağ literatürlerini, ampirik ve teorik olarak güçlü bir analizle bir araya getirerek literatürdeki bu boşluğu doldurmayı amaçlamaktadır. Dokuz önemli APRS liderin dış politika inançlarının operasyonel kod analizini yaptığımız bu çalışmada, APRS liderlerinin hem kendi arasında hem de ortalama dünya liderine kıyasla gösterdikleri benzerlik ya da farklılıkları bulmak amaçlanmıştır. Akabinde ise, bu benzerlik ve farklılıkların altında yatan sebepler tartışılmıştır. Bulgular, politik evren hakkındaki inançlar açısından, APRS liderlerin iki gruba ayrılabileceğini gösteriyor: Yerliciliğin popülizme baskın geldiği örneklerde APRS liderler politik evreni daha çatışmacı görürken, aksi durumda daha çatışmacı görmemektedirler. Öte yandan, dış politika enstrümanları açısından ise, sonuçlar APRS liderlerle çatışmacı bir dış politikayı doğrudan ilişkilendirmenin mümkün olmadığını göstermektedir. Bu çalışmanın, APRS liderlerin dış politika inançları ile ilgili sunduğu önemli bulguların yanında, yeterli ilgiyi görmeyen bu alandaki gelecek çalışmalara da temel hazırlayacağına inanıyoruz. Recently, both in scholarly and policy circles, the populist radical right has been a popular and contested topic in Europe. Despite the increasing influence and visibility of European populist radical right (EPRR) parties and leaders, their foreign policy beliefs have not been studied thoroughly by scholars of International Relations (IR) and Foreign Policy Analysis (FPA), with a few descriptive exceptions. This study aims at filling this gap by linking the FPA and populist radical right literatures with an empirically and theoretically robust analysis. With an operational code analysis of the foreign policy beliefs of nine prominent EPRR leaders, this dissertation first seeks similarities or differences between EPRR leaders and also compare them to the average world leader, and then discuss the underlying reasons for the presence or lack of these similarities and differences. On the one hand, the results show that, in terms of beliefs about the political universe, the EPRR leaders can be grouped into two categories: Where nativism dominates over populism, the EPRR leaders' beliefs about the political universe are more conflictual and vice versa. On the other hand, in terms of beliefs about foreign policy instruments, the general picture shows that the EPRR leaders are not and will not necessarily be conflictual. This study presents significant findings about the foreign policy beliefs of EPRR leaders and may also provide a basis for future research in this under-studied field. 219

This article provides an introduction to the theoretical underpinnings of expected utility and game theory approaches in IR studies. It goes on to explore their application to a specific research subject, international bargaining on Iran’s nuclear program. In this application, the article presents forecasts about Iran’s nuclear program using a game theoretic, bounded rationality model called the expected utility model (Bueno de Mesquita 2002). Three analyses were made in December 2005, September 2006 and March 2007. All three forecasts appear to be in line with real-life developments regarding the issue. The results show that Iran has been losing international support since the analyses started, and the last forecast suggests a pro-US position supported by all major international actors. Also, all three analyses suggest that Russian and Chinese support is vital to curb the Iranian nuclear program.

Political Islam and Islamist organizations have broadly gained strength across the Middle East and North Africa (MENA) in the post-Cold War era. Following the Arab uprisings, the Muslim Brotherhood (MB), generally viewed as the world’s largest and most influential Islamist organization, has shaped the wider landscape of MENA politics. This study examines MB leadership by comparing M. Morsi of Egypt, R. Ghannouchi of Tunisia, and K. Meshaal of Gaza as examples of Islamist leaders to explain their political belief systems and predict their foreign-policy behavior. We use the operational code approach, a content-analysis software and statistical tests to conduct the study. Results show that the three leaders’ foreign policy beliefs are analogous to the averages of world leaders. Results also partially support the hypothesis that their foreign-policy propensities are similar to each other. We conclude that despite the conventional portrayal of MB leadership, these leaders use negotiation and cooperation to settle their differences in foreign affairs, and the best way to approach them is to engage in a Rousseauvian assurance game that emphasizes international social cooperation. Results also suggest important implications in terms of mainstream international relations theories.

Cataloged from PDF version of article. Thesis (M.S.): Bilkent University, Department of International Relations, İhsan Doğramacı Bilkent University, 2016. Includes bibliographical references (leaves 195-207). The psychological approach employed in Leadership Studies asserts that understanding a leader’s characteristics is of paramount importance in understanding the role of that leader in foreign policy decisions. As the Supreme Leader, Ayatollah Khamenei, and Khomeini before him, has ultimate veto power over Iran’s foreign policy, and as such, an analysis of his political beliefs is warranted. Utilizing Operational Code Analysis, this research aims to identify patterns in the political belief systems of Khomeini and Khamenei. Three main hypotheses have been posited in this thesis: (1) The political beliefs of Supreme Leaders Khomeini and Khamenei will reveal significant differences from the average world leader (i.e. norming group). (2) Supreme Leader Khamenei’s foreign policy decisions will be more cooperative than his predecessor (Khomeini). (3) The Supreme Leaders’ political belief systems have evolved throughout their tenure as Iran’s leaders due to the experience gained in office. The results reveal that the supreme leaders of Iran demonstrate several significant differences in their political belief system in contrast with the average leader, that Khamenei is indeed more cooperative than Khomeini, and that both leaders’ political belief systems have changed over time. Furthermore, the findings show that Supreme Leader Khamenei is particularly invested in the nuclear program and highly wary of the ‘other’ in the political universe when it comes to this issue. by Elizabeth Richter. M.A.

'Dünya Toplumu' kavramının, İngiliz Okulu'nun teorik üçlüsünün önemli bir köşe taşı olmasına ragmen, diğer kavramlara göre en az geliştirilmiş kavram olduğu görülmektedir (Buzan 2004). Bu tezin amacı, Uluslararası İlişkiler yaklaşımlarından İngiliz Okulu'nun üç ayağından biri olan dünya toplumu (DT) kavramını geliştirmeyi ve yeniden canlandırmayı amaçlayan literatüre katkıda bulunmaktır. Tez, barışinşaası müdahalelerine bu kavramsal çerçeve içerisinden yaklaşmaktadır. Tezde, uluslararası toplum kategorisinden dünya toplumu çerçevesine geçişi açıklayan üç spesifik parametre sunulmaktadır. Bu bağlamda, (1) normatif bağlamda, (2) faillikte ve (3) kimlikte meydana gelen değişimler, dünya toplumu çerçevesini farklı kavramsal bir kategori kılan temalar olarak ortaya çıkmaktadır. Tez, uluslararası toplumdan dünya toplumuna ilerlemenin, barışı korumadan (peacekeeping) barışinşasına (peacebuilding) doğru evrilen müdahale çerçevesi ile örtüştüğü savını geliştirmektedir. Tezin ampirik bölümleri Liberya ve Sierra Leone'de yaşanan barışinşası deneyimlerine odaklanmaktadır. Bu örnekler, tezin kavramsal bölümlerinde geliştirilen parametreler çerçevesinde incelenmiştir. Ampirik bölümlerde hem nitel yöntemler kullanılmış, hem de nicel içerik analizi yöntemine başvurulmuştur. Sonuçlara göre, normatif bağlam ve failleri açısından devlet-merkezci kalan uluslararası toplum çerçevesi ile karşılaştırıldığında, dünya toplumu çerçevesinin sunduğu bakış açısının barışinşası müdahalelerini daha iyi anlamamızı ve açıklamamızı sağladığı görülmüştür. Sonuçlar, barışinşası literatüründeki, bu müdehale tarzının normatif merkezinin insan/birey güvenliği üzerine inşa edildiğini savunan köklü tartışmalara sorgulamamızı sağlayacak veriler ortaya koymaktadır. Although the world society (WS) framework appears to be an important cornerstone in the theoretical triad of the English School (ES), it is the least developed concept amongst others (Buzan 2004). This dissertation's objective is to contribute to the literature which aims to develop and revitalize the WS framework, which is one of the three pillars of the ES of International Relations (IR). It uses this theoretical approach in the analysis of peacebuilding intervention practices. The dissertation proposes three specific parameters which constitute the progress from the international to world society framework. In this regard, changes in the (1) normative context, (2) agency and (3) identity appear as themes which differentiate the WS framework as a distinct theoretical category. The dissertation develops the argument that the progress from the international to world society overlaps with the change in the nature of intervention which have been evolving from traditional peacekeeping to new peacebuilding. The empirical sections of the dissertation focus on the peacebuilding experiences in Liberia and Sierra Leone. These cases are analyzed with specific references to the parameters emphasized in the theoretical chapters. Both qualitative analysis and quantitative content analysis methods are employed in the empirical chapters. According to the results, I suggest that the peacebuilding interventions are better understood and explained through the lenses of the WS framework compared to the international society framework which remains rather state-centric in terms of its normative context and agents. The results also challenge several long established arguments in the peacebuilding literature which suggest that the normative center of the peacebuilding is built upon the understanding of human/individual security. 390

Siyasi partilerin evrimsel dönüşümü kadro partisinden kitle partisine, ardından herkesi yakala partisine, ve sonunda kartel partiye doğru evrilmektedir (Katz and Mair, 1995: 18). Kartel parti modeli, siyasi oligopol oluşumunu öngörmektedir. Bu yapılanmada siyasi yelpazenin solunda ve sağında bulunan seçmen ayrılıklarına bakılmaksızın, partiler arasında piyasa ekonomisini devam ettirme temelli işbirliği gerçekleşmektedir. Bu tezin temelinde incelenmek istenen olgu, kartel parti sistemine sahip ülkelerin birbirleriyle olan dış ilişkilerinde devletler arası parti kartelleşmesinin var olup/olmadığını ölçmektir. Araştırma, mevcut siyasi sorunun piyasa ekonomisiyle [ve geleneksel olan/olmayan ulusal güvenlikle] alakadar olduğu bir zamanda, ilgili anlaşmanın/problemin çözümünde iki ülkenin kartel partileri arasında artan iş birliği olup olmadığını çözümlemeyi amaçlamaktadır. Bu amaçta, bu tez iki vaka çalışması üzerine durmaktadır: (a) federal hükümet düzeyinde 2008 yılından beri tartışılmaya devam edilen Keystone XL boru hattı projesi, ve (b) 2011 Eylül'ünde Malatya'nın Kürecik nahiyesine `Kara-Deniz Kuvvetleri İçin Ortak, Taşınabilen İzleme Radarı'nın (AN/TPY-2)` (Kaya, 2011) yerleştirilmesini öngören Türk-Amerikan ortak niyet bildirgesi. Teoride, James N. Rosenau'nun (1966) `ön-teoriler` çerçevesi, karşılaştırmalı siyaset alanındaki seçim ve parti sistemleri yazınlarıyla bütünleştirilmiş ve ardından demokratik barış teorisi çalışmalarına atıflarda bulunulmuştur. Metodolojide, en farklı sistemler tasarımının yanında Ki-kare testi ve Pearson çarpım-moment korelasyon katsayısı'ndan faydalanılmaktadır. Vaka çalışmalarındaki dış politika karar alma süreçlerinin modelini oluşturmak için Robert D. Putnam'ın (1988) iki seviyeli oyun metaforundan yararlanılmaktadır. Birincil politika durumunda (güvenlik sorunları) [Kürecik radar üssü], kartel parti tezinin dış politika karar alma sürecine yansıması istatistiki olarak desteklenmektedir. İkincil politika durumunda (refah sorunları) [Keystone boru hattı], kartel parti tezinin dış politika karar alma sürecine uygunluğu istatistiki olarak doğrulanmamaktadır.Anahtar Kelimeler: Karşılaştırmalı Dış Politika Çalışması, Ön Teoriler, Kartel PartiSistemi, İki Seviyeli Oyun Modeli, Keystone XL Boru Hattı, Kürecik Radar Üssü Political parties' evolutionary trajectory starts from elite party to mass party, to catch-all party, and to cartel party (Katz and Mair, 1995: 18). Cartel party modeling envisions oligopoly of political parties that sustain market-economy oriented policies irrespective of the divisions among the left-right spectrum of the electorate. This thesis investigates presence/absence of inter-state party cartelization in the international relations of countries with cartel party system. The research inquires whether there will be increased cooperation among cartel parties of two states, if the policy question is market-based [and blended with (non-) traditional form of national security]. The analysis focuses on two case studies: Keystone XL pipeline project debate in the U.S. and Canada at the federal government level since 2008 and Turkish-American memorandum of understanding to host `the Army Navy Transportable Radar Surveillance System (AN/TPY-2)` (Kaya, 2011) on Turkey's Malatya province's Kürecik district in September 2011. The research integrates James N. Rosenau's (1966) `pre-theories` framework with electoral and party systems literature from comparative politics and refers to the stream of democratic peace theory studies. This study employs the most different systems design along with chi-square statistics and Pearson's r. Robert D. Putnam's (1988) two-level game analysis is utilized as the foreign policy decision-making modeling. In the case of high politics (security issues) [Kürecik radar base], cartel party hypothesis' projection into foreign policy decision-making process is statistically supported. As for low politics (welfare issues) [Keystone XL pipeline], cartel party hypothesis' application into foreign policy decision-making process is not statistically validated.Key Words: Comparative Study of Foreign Policy, Pre-Theories, Cartel PartySystem, Two-Level Game Analysis, Keystone XL Pipeline Project, Kürecik Radar Base 213

Etnik ve dini tanımlanmış gruplar çatışmalara sıkça katılırlar. Böyle çatışmalar, çoğunlukla bir etno-dini grubun diğeri üstünde desteklendiği üçüncü taraf müdahalesi türlerinin ilgisini çeker. Kullanılan müdahale araçları çoğunlukla doğrudan askeri müdahaleki araçlardan farklıdır. Bu çalışma ilk olarak literatürün iki alanında iki farklı temayı vurgular. (1) Siyasette dinin rolü üzerine çalışmalar, genellikle dini mensubiyet olarak anlaşılan dini gruplaşma türlerini kapsar. (2) Çatışma müdahalesi literatürü, doğrudan askeri müdahalenin dışında, müdahalenin birçok türünü içerir; fakat, böyle türleri kapsayan bir değişkenin detaylı açıklaması yeterli değildir. Tanımı literatürden kavramsallaştırılan dolaylı müdahale değişkeni bu tezin ilk katkısıdır. Bu tez aynı zamanda gözönünde bulundurmaktadır ki çatışmalarda dinen tanımlanmış üçüncü tarafların 'kardeşlere' dolaylı yardım edişi günümüz uluslararası siyasetinde ortaya çıkmasına rağmen, bu ikisi arasındaki nedensel bir ilişki daha önce ifade edilmiş ama daha araştırılmalıdır. Lübnan İç Savaşı sırasında Maruni Arap toplulukların partilerine ve silahlı güçlerine Batılı desteğin verilmesi olayında dini mensubiyet ve dolaylı müdahalenin ele alındığı hipotez-üreten vaka analizi yaparak, bu tez dini mensubiyetin dolaylı müdahaleye neden olduğunu hipotezleştirir. Ortadoğu ve Kuzey Afrika'daki çatışma müdahalesi süreçlerine özel bir vurguyla, üretilen bu hipotez gelecekte belli bir zamanda böyle olayların büyük datasetlerini ve çoklu değişkenlerini içeren çalışmalarda desteklenebilir.Anahtar kelimeler: Çatı%ma, Üçüncü Taraf Müdahalesi, Dolaylı Müdahalesi, Dini Kimlik, Dini Mensubiyet, Lübnan, Lübnan !ç Sava%ı, Orta Do`u Ethnically and religiously-identified groups are frequently involved in conflict. Such conflicts attract forms of third-party intervention which often favor one ethno-religious group over another by means other than direct military intervention on the part of the affiliated third-party government. This study first highlights two themes in two areas of literature: Studies of the role of religion in politics discuss types of religious grouping, understood generally as 'religious affiliation', while conflict intervention literature suggests several forms of intervention apart from direct military intervention but lacks a detailed description of a variable encompassing all such forms. This variable is termed 'indirect intervention', the definition of which, synthesized from the literature, is this thesis' first contribution. This thesis also considers that, though contemporary international politics features religiously-affiliated third-parties indirectly aiding 'brethren' in conflict, a causal relationship between the two has previously only been postulated and should be explored. By carrying out a hypothesis-generating case study of religious affiliation and indirect intervention in the case of the Western support of the Maronite Arab community's parties and militias during the Lebanese Civil War, it is hypothesized that religious affiliation causes indirect intervention. It is anticipated that the generated hypothesis will be confirmed by future large-N studies of all such cases during a span of time, with a specific emphasis on the dynamics of conflict intervention in the Middle East and North Africa.Keywords: Conflict, Third-Party Intervention, Indirect Intervention, Religious Identity, Religious Affiliation, Lebanon, Lebanese Civil War, Middle East 172

Bu çalışmada literatürde yer almayan yeni bir seri 2,4,5-triaril(heteroaril) ve 1,2,4,5-tetraaril imidazol'ün sentezi klasik koşullarda ve mikrodalga ortamındakarşılaştırmalı olarak gerçekleştirimiştir. Bütün bileşikler çok bileşenli kondenzasyonstratejisi ile tek adımda elde edilmiştir. İki kısma ayrılabilecek çalışmanın ilk bölümünde benzil, p-metilbenzaldehit, paminofenol ve amonyum asetat'ın reaktifler olarak seçildiği model reaksiyonüzerinde yapılan denemeler sonucunda en uygun şartlar belirlendi. MonmorilonitK10'un uygun katalizör ve asetikasit'in ideal çözücü olarak tespit edildiği koşullardasıcaklık ve süre optimizasyonu yapıldıktan sonra yeni bir seri 1,2,4,5-tetraarilimidazol sentezlendi. İkinci bölümünde ise 1,2-diketon türevi olarak tercih edilen2,2-tiyenil'in ve amonyum asetat'ın yanında üçüncü bileşen olarak farklı aldehittürevinin kullanımı ile tespit edilen uygun şartlarda yeni bir seri 2,4,5triaril(heteroaril)imidazol elde edilmiştir.Elde edilen tüm ürünler gerek kristallendirerek gerekse kromatografik metodlarla saflaştırılarak, IR,1H-NMR,13C-NMR spektroskopik yöntemlerle tanımlanmış ve elementelolarak analiz edilmiştir. Sonuçların literatür verileri ile uyumlu olduğu görülmüştür. In this study, a series of 2,4,5-triaryl (heteroaryl) and 1,2,4,5-tetraaril imidazoles which is not exist in the literature had been synthesised by comparison between conventional and microwave methods. All compounds had been synthesized by the strategy of one pot multicomponent. In the first part of the study that can be divided into two parts; the optimum conditions were determined as a result of experiments conducted on the model reaction which was selected as the reactives of benzyl, p-methyl benzaldehyde, paminophenol and ammonium acetate. Under the conditions where the Montmorillonite K10 is coherent catalyst and the acetic acid is ideal solvent, a new series of 1,2,4,5-tetraaryl imidazoles was synthesized after the optimization of temperature and reaction time. In the second part of the study; a new series of 2,4,5-triaryl (heteroaryl)imidazole was obtained in the suitable conditions determined by the use of different derivative of aldehydes as a third component along with preferred derivative of 1,2diketone as 2,2'-thienyl with ammonium acetate. All of the obtained products were purified by using crystallization or chromatographic methods and IR, 1HNMR, and 13C-NMR values were determined by using spectroscopic techniques and also analyzed elementaly. Consequently, the obtained results were shown to agree with the current literature. 143