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Purpose. To characterize societal participation profiles after moderate-severe traumatic brain injury (TBI) along objective (Frequency) and subjective (Satisfaction, Importance, Enfranchisement) dimensions. Materials and Methods. We conducted secondary analyses of a TBI Model Systems sub-study (N = 408). Multiaxial assessment of participation included the Participation Assessment with Recombined Tools-Objective and -Subjective questionnaires (Participation Frequency and Importance/Satisfaction, respectively) and the Enfranchisement Scale. Participants provided responses via telephone interview 1–15 years post-injury. Multidimensional participation profiles (classes) were extracted using latent profile analysis. Results. A 4-class solution was identified as providing maximal statistical separation between profiles and being clinically meaningful based on profile demographic features. One profile group (48.5% of the sample) exhibited the "best" participation profile (High Frequency, Satisfaction, Importance, and Enfranchisement) and was also the most advantaged according to socioeconomic indicators. Other profile groups showed appreciable heterogeneity across participation dimensions. Age, race/ethnicity, education level, ability to drive, and urbanicity were features that varied between profiles. Conclusions. Societal participation is a critical, but inherently complex, TBI outcome that may not be adequately captured by a single index. Our data underscore the importance of a multidimensional approach to participation assessment and interpretation using profiles. The use of participation profiles may promote precision health interventions for community integration. Our study found unidimensional measures of societal participation in traumatic brain injury (TBI) populations that focus exclusively on frequency indicators may be overly simplistic and miss key subjective components of participation Taking a multidimensional perspective, we documented four meaningfully distinct participation subgroups (including both objective and subjective dimensions of societal participation) within the TBI rehabilitation population Multidimensional profiles of participation may be used to group individuals with TBI into target groups for intervention (e.g., deeper goal assessment for individuals who do not rate standard participation activities as important, but also do not participate and do not feel enfranchised). [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Access to social protection in old age is crucial and yet contingent upon negotiations between the social structures of the welfare states and the personal networks within which individuals are embedded. International migration, changing family dynamics, and the transformation of care and other welfare policies in the global North make it challenging for older migrants to negotiate social protection. Drawing on 45 semi-structured interviews with first-generation older Turkish migrants in London and 13 semi-structured interviews with professional service providers for the community, the paper aims to investigate the assemblages of formal and informal social protection in the lives of older migrants. Findings indicate the complexity in accessing informal social protection and the navigation of formal care support in the UK for first generation older Turkish migrants and the contingency of access to formal care services on informal support networks for participants. It has been demonstrated that built infrastructure and policies aimed at older adults have great influence on assemblages of care, highlighting the need for more age-friendly and integrated policies to facilitate access to social protection for diverse groups of older adults. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Appeals to the public interest in law are commonplace, but typically made without clarifying what the public interest is and how it can be determined. In law, this has led to ad hoc applications of the public interest and, consequently, to "judicial idiosyncrasy," posing a threat to legal certainty. This paper aims to remedy these problems by providing much‐needed conceptual clarification. It proposes that something is in the public interest if it increases the opportunities of the members of the public to pursue and realize the (permissible) ends they all share qua equal members of the public. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Background: Access to a coordinated range of strengths-based, culturally appropriate community-led primary mental health and Social and Emotional Wellbeing services is critical to the mental health and wellbeing of young Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander people, and is a policy commitment of the Australian government. However, complex and fragmented service networks and a lack of standardised service data are barriers in identifying what services are available and what care they provide. Method: A standardised service classification tool was used to assess the availability and characteristics of Social and Emotional Wellbeing services for young Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander people in two regions in Queensland, Australia. Results: We identified a complex pattern of service availability and gaps in service provision. Non-Indigenous non-governmental organisations provided a significant proportion of services, particularly 'upstream' support, while Aboriginal Community Controlled Organisations were more likely to provide 'downstream' crisis type care. Most services provided by the public sector were through Child Safety and Youth Justice departments. Conclusions: Our findings demonstrate the complexity of current networks, and show that non-Indigenous organisations are disproportionately influential in the care received by young Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander people, despite community goals of self-determination, and government commitment to increasing capacity of Aboriginal Community Controlled Organisations to support their local communities. These findings can be used to support decision making and planning. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The ESRC funded Innovate Project has explored how innovation is undertaken and experienced by professionals tasked with the responsibility of introducing new practice approaches in welfare provision for young people at risk of harm outside the home. This paper reports on our experiences of facilitating reflective discussion groups for professionals engaged in introducing Transitional Safeguarding into welfare settings in the UK. Within these reflective spaces we became aware of how the emotional impact of innovation is under-recognised and needs to be attended to, in order to ensure that the investment of peoples' time and energy, alongside public monies, is not compromised. We draw on the psychoanalytic concepts of borderline states and the analytic third to highlight how such reflective spaces can provide the 'emotional infrastructure' to protect and promote the efficacy of innovation in challenging contexts. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Through four qualitative case studies, we explore how smaller nonprofit human service organizations (SNHSOs) in England and Wales responded to the COVID-19 pandemic and consider the implications for state-nonprofit relations. SNHSOs pandemic response was immediate, dynamic, flexible, and adaptive in response to urgent needs. They supported communities most severely affected by the pandemic due to factors such as health, economic status, geography race, and ethnicity. Whereas several theories of state-nonprofit relations position the relationship as relatively settled at an organizational level, we argue for greater attention to how these relationships can be fluid, dynamic, and subject to change over time. During times of crisis like the COVID-19 pandemic, smaller nonprofits are typically first responders to urgent needs, but larger public sector organizations are likely to play a more central role as time progresses. Smallness confers limited organizational hierarchy and minimal bureaucracy, which enables smaller nonprofits to respond dynamically and flexibly during crises to meet urgent and developing needs. Larger, more bureaucratic and hierarchical organizations take longer to respond to crises and can be less flexible due to their size. Smaller nonprofits often work with people who were most severely and acutely affected by crises due to factors such as health, economic status, geographic location, race, and ethnicity. These groups tend to be less well-served by mainstream human services provided by public sector bodies and larger nonprofits. Partnership and collaboration between smaller and large nonprofits and public bodies, that maximizes the strengths of each and mitigates their weaknesses, is vital for an effective and well-coordinated crisis response. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The COVID-19 pandemic compelled nonprofit human service organizations (NPHS) to rapidly adapt to heightened service demands while prioritizing the well-being of their staff and volunteers. Although digital platforms hold promise in facilitating NPHS adaptation, little is known about their impact during the crisis. How and through what pathways do digital platforms help NPHS adapt their service roles in times of crisis? Did digital platforms with different types of sponsorship vary in the way they affect NPHS's roles? Our study, based on 94 interviews in China, reveals that digital platforms assisted NPHS through three pathways: reducing transaction costs in stakeholder engagement, mitigating information asymmetry in targeting service recipients, and promoting shared responsibility for volunteer participation. Different sponsorship types influenced these pathways: government-sponsored platforms enhanced legitimacy, business-sponsored platforms leveraged private resources, and nonprofit-sponsored platforms bolstered citizen trust. This research informs scholars and practitioners on understanding how NPHS remained agile and innovative while facing extraordinary external challenges. To help nonprofit human service organizations (NPHS) adapt their service roles in synchronicity with the changing environment, we recommend that NPHS adopt suitable digital platforms for their collaborative network, client identification, and volunteer management during and after the public health crisis. NPHS need to use digital platforms to achieve a better online-offline synchronization in information and services. NPHS could use the online system of digital platforms to send online service information, facilitate offline service programs and motivate residents to take offline voluntary actions. For adopting nonprofit-sponsored digital platforms, NPHS should create collaborative networks of shops, banks, and volunteers within the community through issuing the credit system to earn citizens' trust, attract private resources and achieve legitimacy during and after the crisis. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Contemporary capitalist societies use different institutions to manage economic risks. While different public welfare state and financial institutions (banks, capital markets) have been studied across coordinated and liberal market economies, the different worlds of private insurance institutions have been understudied. Building on new insurance data sets (1880–2017), we find that countries with a Maritime (USA, GBR, CAN) in contrast to the more backward Alpine (AUT, DEU, CHE) insurance tradition developed bigger life and nonlife insurance earlier, with less state-associated and reinsurance enterprises, but riskier investments steered toward financial markets. We argue that the larger and more "Maritime" the insurance sector, the more it made welfare states liberal and securities markets large. Insurance is thus a hidden factor for countries' varieties of capitalism and worlds of welfare. The recent convergence on the Maritime model, however, implies that the riskier and risk-individualizing type of private insurance has added to privatization and securitization trends everywhere. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In response to severe old-age poverty in South Korea, the Basic Pension has been operated since 2008 for 70% of low-income older adults as a means-tested benefit. It has become an important income supplement for them; however, its expenditure has sharply increased due to rapid population aging. This study analyzed the Korea Household Income and Expenditure Survey using changes-in-changes to examine heterogeneous effects at different income deciles among its development phases in 2008, 2014, 2018, and 2019–2021. First, the largest benefit increase in 2014 records greater income support effects. Second, in terms of heterogeneous effects, the bottom 10th percentile has insignificant effects in 2018 compared to 2014 because it can select another means-tested programme for general citizens, which provides more extensive benefits since 2015. The 20th–50th percentiles presented significant income increase effects. Although the benefits are distributed for the 60th–70th percentiles, who are positioned above the poverty threshold, they consistently displayed insignificant effects. Practically, obtaining a sufficient increase effect like in 2014 may be difficult considering population aging and massive budget pressure. Therefore, it is necessary to collaborate with other social service programmes and concentrate on vulnerable population to provide sustainable welfare services. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Background and Objectives A growing number of older adults in the United States need subsidized housing, but only 36% of eligible households receive assistance. The purpose of this study is to examine if older renters living in subsidized housing are less likely to experience health decline and mortality over 2 years compared to low-income older renters who are likely eligible, but do not receive assistance. Research Design and Methods Baseline data include 671 subsidized and unsubsidized low-income older renters from the 2015 National Health and Aging Trends Study. Outcomes of interest include self-rated health decline, developing a new activity limitation, or 2-year mortality between 2015 and 2017. Weighted stepwise logistic regression models test (a) if subsidized older renters were less likely to experience health decline or 2-year mortality compared to unsubsidized older renters, and (b) if housing quality and neighborhood factors mediate the association between subsidized housing and health decline/mortality. Results Subsidized older renters were less likely to develop a new activity limitation compared to unsubsidized older renters, but there was not a statistically significant difference in experiencing self-rated health decline or 2-year mortality by subsidized housing status. Housing quality and neighborhood factors did not significantly mediate this association. Discussion and Implications The results provide some support that improving access to subsidized housing for low-income older renters may have additional health benefits, even in the short term. To inform program improvements and maximize potential health benefits, more research is needed to understand the specific health-promoting features of subsidized housing. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article analyses the approaches taken by the reconceptualisation movement to find out whether it is still an enduring process in the frameworks of international social work. The conclusions reached are that the discourses of these organisations are still ostensibly politically committed, but their ideological position is very moderate. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Talk about gender equality in relation to parental leave is pervasive in Sweden. The state encourages families to share parental leave and has recurrently tasked the Swedish Social Insurance Agency (SSIA) to promote gender equality. As theories and applications of street-level bureaucracy have emphasized, how policy is practically realized in social interaction with clients is an important question, specifically whether gender equality discourse also permeates such encounters. We use conversation analysis to examine how equal sharing of parental leave is raised in interactions between parents and practitioners at the SSIA. The data consist of 300 telephone calls, 378 email exchanges, and 642 Facebook exchanges. Our analysis indicates that the talk of equal sharing is not as omnipresent as previous research might suggest. When parents orient to equal sharing, they tend to describe parental responsibilities, while practitioners connect equality to regulations that in themselves work to promote equal sharing. Equal sharing is also a resource for negotiating the citizen–state relationship, as parents complain about state interference while practitioners in response must balance provision of personalized support with the state imperative to promote sharing. The study highlights the complex work of practitioners in the "feminist welfare state" and sheds light on nuanced notions of equality promotion. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This conceptual article and special issue introduction argues for the importance of studying three policy paradigms surrounding welfare policy opposition. The first is welfare populism, the opposition to welfare policies that do not benefit the 'common people'. The second is welfare chauvinism, the opposition to welfare policies for non-natives within a nation-state. The third is welfare Euroscepticism, the opposition to welfare policies at the European Union level. These paradigms have distinct causes and consequences that should be studied in more detail across different political actors. And while welfare policy opposition may not lead to a complete farewell to welfare, they have been shaping and will continue to shape welfare state recalibration. This article offers summaries of the special issue contributions with empirical snapshots of welfare policy opposition and concludes with avenues for future research. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Existing research on welfare chauvinism, which involves preferences about the inclusion or exclusion of immigrants in welfare programmes, often overlooks individual preferences regarding immigration policy openness (the number of immigrants allowed into a country). This article posits that these two dimensions should be considered together. The reason is that the implications of including or excluding migrants in welfare programmes vary significantly depending on whether a country admits few or many immigrants. Utilizing data from two waves of the European Social Survey across 23 European countries, we develop a typology of individual stances that encapsulate attitudes towards both immigration policy openness and immigrant inclusion in the welfare state. Our analysis reveals that the distribution of these stances varies considerably across European nations. We further examine how the probability of endorsing one of these typologies correlates with individual socio-economic characteristics, especially education. We find that higher education levels are linked to a higher likelihood of supporting either a combination of openness and inclusion or, to a lesser extent, openness paired with welfare exclusion. Additionally, more exclusionary attitudes are observed in countries where welfare usage by migrants is higher. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

While the European Union (EU) increasingly strengthens its social integration, opposition towards this process can also be observed, here defined as 'welfare Euroscepticism'. To better understand this newly defined policy paradigm, this article aims to explain longstanding cleavages in both social policy and EU research: socioeconomic status (SES) divides. Contrary to the literature on public support for European integration, this article argues that higher SES groups are more likely to be welfare Eurosceptics than lower SES groups. This argument and its underlying explanations are examined through a multilevel approach using European Social Survey data from 18 EU member states, using the example of a potential EU-wide minimum income scheme. First, the results demonstrate that welfare Euroscepticism is indeed more prevalent among higher SES groups than lower SES groups (measured through occupation, education, income, and employment). The results indicate robust self-interest patterns among higher SES groups that do not want to carry (perceived) financial burdens of EU social policies. The opinion patterns also emphasize the multidimensionality of attitudes towards EU policies since the SES cleavages can reverse, depending on the policy in focus. Overall, the results indicate much potential to mobilize the larger proportion of the public to support EU social policies, that is, lower SES groups. However, potential conflicts may arise when the EU expands on policies that their traditional supporters – higher SES groups – are more likely to oppose. The article also shows that welfare solidarity on the individual and the country level can mitigate such conflicts. This is because higher levels of welfare generosity and lower levels of welfare chauvinism on the individual and the country level are related to smaller SES cleavages. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

What explains welfare chauvinistic policy reform, that is, targeted exclusion of non-citizens from welfare? Existing research suggest that contextual factors like far-right party success, perceived immigration pressures, party ideologies and institutions could spur such reform, but the processes behind reforms remain understudied. This article draws on public policy literature to call attention the critical role of agency and institutions in welfare chauvinist reform. It focuses on a law excluding migrant EU citizens from social assistance in Germany. Through process tracing and inductive reconstruction of the policy process, based on political documents, interviews, media reporting and descriptive statistics, we show that the policy proposal originated from German city administrations; that the city of Hamburg was key in pushing for exclusions; and that Hamburg's success in doing so crucially depended on the city's mayor. Several comparable German cities (in terms of party politics and levels of immigration) were equally concerned with 'welfare immigration' and complained about problem pressure, but only Hamburg had a committed mayor with the right political networks and institutional resources to lobby for welfare exclusions at the federal level. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Welfare chauvinism and welfare populism as characteristic features of radical right parties' welfare stances have become challenges to the welfare state. However, in order to understand how these claims may indeed affect welfare politics, it is essential to study whether welfare chauvinism and welfare populism attract voters beyond the radical right, especially among the mainstream right or even parts of the left. Results based on original public opinion data in eight Western European countries show that, contrary to widespread assumptions, welfare chauvinism and welfare populism divide the right more than the left. Electorates of not only green, but also most social democratic and radical left parties are consistently most opposed to discriminating welfare rights between natives and immigrants, although this opposition is weaker among left working-class voters than among left middle-class voters. Even voters of most mainstream right parties show only moderate support for welfare populism and welfare chauvinism, leaving the fervent support of radical right voters for welfare chauvinism and populism unmatched by any other electorate. These findings have important implications for the strategic situation of left parties and for understanding how welfare chauvinism and welfare populism may challenge welfare states. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article examines the impact of the radical right political discourse on welfare chauvinistic attitudes over time. Using data from two rounds of the European Social Survey (2008/09 and 2016/17), the Comparative Political Data Set and the Manifesto Project for 17 European countries, our analyses show that radical right mobilization and the salience of political rhetoric framed on cultural diversity and immigration issues have a significant positive effect on welfare chauvinist attitudes. Although in the years after the Great Recession and the refugee crisis, welfare chauvinism remained fairly stable among the general European public, the influence of radical right mobilization and negative political discourse on welfare chauvinism has significantly increased. Furthermore, we find that when radical right parties become stronger and the political rhetoric regarding cultural diversity and immigration becomes more salient, differences in welfare chauvinist attitudes between people with different political affiliations become more polarized. These results contribute to a broader understanding of the mechanisms underlying welfare chauvinistic attitudes and mark the importance of the inclusion of political factors in studies on welfare chauvinism. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Welfare chauvinism, that is, the exclusion of non-citizens who live permanently within a state from social benefits and services, has become a mainstream form of welfare policy opposition advocated by some political parties and members of the public. While existing studies have successfully cast a light on the roots and scope of these policies, welfare chauvinism effectively encompasses a wide range of ideas that all have different meanings. Drawing on the stances taken by populist radical right parties, this article introduces five categories (or frames) of welfare chauvinism: temporary, selective, functional, cultural and, in its most extreme form, unconditional chauvinism. The article then illustrates how such categorization is applied empirically by focusing on the stances taken by three populist radical right parties and open-ended discussions held during mini-publics in examples of three different institutional forms of welfare state: Denmark, Germany and the United Kingdom. This article offers a more precise depiction of how this form of opposition to welfare state policies plays out in the public sphere, taking full account of how different forms and frames of welfare chauvinism yield different policy outcomes and implications in different institutional and political contexts. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This study investigates whether pensioners with a foreign ethnic background are perceived as less deserving to receive a pension than are native pensioners. It focuses on Germany as an example with a strongly achievement-oriented social insurance system which closely links benefits to previous contributions. Hence, the system prevents a citizen from receiving benefits without having contributed. Our study thus adds to existing research by examining a less likely case to find welfare chauvinistic attitudes. To test our expectations, we rely on a factorial survey design and a probability sample of the German population in 2019. Survey respondents decide on the amount of pension benefits that a hypothetical pensioner should receive. Characteristics of the hypothetical pensioner – ethnic background, gender, last income, contribution years, the number of children and other dependents – are randomly varied. Our study finds support for welfare chauvinist attitudes in an achievement-oriented social insurance system. Even for the same achievement, that is, same income, contribution years and number of children, natives grant lower pensions to pensioners with a foreign ethnic background than to natives. Also, even if migrants show the most favourable behaviour (that is, having contributed to the pension system for many years and with a high income), the ethnic penalty in pensions remains significant. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Summary: Migration has always constituted a meeting point of opportunity, risk, and vulnerability. Concerns surrounding the sex trafficking of women have caused moral panic since the mid-1800s and led to social workers' preventive initiatives and interventions in Europe and the United States. This article explores a historical moment in which Henrietta Szold, who headed the Social Welfare Department in Mandatory Palestine in 1934, decided to send social workers to the Jaffa and Haifa ports to welcome young, single immigrant women from Germany in the light of rumours of the moral dangers they faced upon entering the country. This feminist historical study of social work employed qualitative analysis of archival texts to investigate the professional decision-making processes involved in sending a social worker to the Jaffa port and the results of the decisions that were made. Findings: The findings trace the course of events that took place in 1934 using three categories: the rumours, their investigation, and the results and implications of the investigations. The findings point to intersections of nationalism, gender, and professionalism in social work. Applications: This article contributes to the evolving knowledge on moral panic in social work and reveals the historical practice used in social work policy and interventions in facing moral panic regarding young women immigrants. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This qualitative study was informed by critical race feminism and sought to examine Canadian Black women's motivations for participating in the research study that explored their experiences with the police in the context of intimate partner violence (IPV), and the key factors that complicated their decisions. Semistructured interviews were conducted with 25 self-identified women over the age of 18. Findings indicated that Black women's experiences of anti-Black racism and various forms of systemic barriers influenced their decisions to disclose their experiences of IPV. Key themes included the invisibility of Black women's narratives, fostering political change, and the impact of racialized and gendered insider positionality. Given these findings, positioning Black women's narratives at the centre of IPV research creates opportunities for Black women to share their experiences of IPV, recognizes them as experts of their own experiences, identifies their differential experiences accessing services and supports and the barriers that impact their participation in research studies. The study provides strategies on how to increase Black women's participation and engagement in IPV research. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article explains how participatory approaches can promote civic engagement among young people, resulting from their active involvement in the research process, namely identifying their communities' priorities and problems. Five project‐building sessions were held with young people from five contexts located in the border regions of mainland Portugal. The data supporting this article were collected during sessions dedicated to identifying and exploring community‐based problems and priorities and designing projects to address those local challenges. The results show the importance of contextualising young people's experiences and priorities, here related to their own community and its well‐being and development. It is here that using participatory methodologies can create opportunities for young people to participate in processes of community change. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

According to the literature, the success of deinstitutionalization (DI) practices in low‐ and middle‐income countries (LMICs) is dependent on key factors including, a well‐functioning family‐based alternative care and social protection system, adequate funding and resources, and professional and other stakeholders' engagement and support. Following a practice research qualitative method, the study explored practitioner's experiences and perceptions on the status of Ghana's ongoing DI efforts and their recommendations for improving implementation. The study's main themes were establishing the need for residential homes for children (RHCs), RHCs not being an ideal family environment and RHCs as respite. Family marital problems, poor financial situation, stigma attached to some children in care, abusive parents and a lack of suitable alternatives when families have a crisis were identified as key factors that impede DI implementation in Ghana. The findings suggest the need for a progressive approach towards DI implementation in LMICs, with the first step being the re‐positioning of RHCs as respite care centres while progressively developing other alternative family‐based care options (such as kinship care) for children. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Amid recent political conflicts and the implementation of the national security law, Hong Kong society has undergone tremendous changes. Among other effects, the new law has spawned controversial social discourses, including about social workers' responsibility to uphold human rights and promote social justice per the Hong Kong Social Workers Registration Board's Code of Practice. This article, based on an analysis of interviews with six social workers in Hong Kong, examines how social workers understand social justice according to those discourses. The findings and this article's discussion of them offer insights into social workers' roles in an increasingly turbulent sociopolitical context. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article provides and empirically tests an analytical model that considers the relationship between the discretionary power of street‐level bureaucrats (SLBs) and the institutional and organisational structures at meso and macro levels. The proposal maintains a bottom‐up perspective in the analysis of discretionary practices; at the same time, it highlights the relevance of multilevel governance systems as institutional spaces in opening and constraining the room for manoeuvre of SLBs. The analytical model is tested to comparatively analyse the implementation of the Italian guaranteed minimum income (Reddito di Cittadinanza) in two different regional welfare systems. The analysis focused on the practices and perceptions of the "navigators", a new professional group introduced to implement the same policy. The fieldwork pointed out different spaces for and forms of discretion, highlighting that different institutional arrangements affect discretion and the variability of practices; however individual and professional group factors coupled with similar external constraints nuanced this variability with the emergence of common ones. In this article, the analytical model allowed to consider in a comparative perspective how institutional factors, besides individual and professional ones, influence discretion. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Previous studies have revealed significant gaps in the UK public's knowledge about the welfare state and the economy. However, we know little about which groups of the population know more, and which less. Drawing on survey evidence, we confirm that many people overstimate both the size of unemployment provision and levels of benefit fraud, and also make mistakes when answering factual questions about finance, employment rights, and benefit entitlements. While men, older people and university degree holders demonstrate slightly better knowledge on average, substantial differences appear when we distinguish specific domains of knowledge. For example, women know more about benefits, but men more about finance. We argue that understanding patterns of economic knowledge requires more complex engagement than has been undertaken to date. This is important because we find that knowledge is linked to political attitudes, with those who are more supportive of the welfare state – and those who tend to emphasise the government's role in the delivery of public services – more likely to demonstrate greater levels of knowledge. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article examines the production, working and impact of the UK's hostile environment on migrant families with precarious legal status. Our approach is informed by two bodies of scholarly work: critical border studies and research on migrant families. We bridge these literatures to show how the hostile environment is neither a singular, neatly bounded space, nor limited to a set of interactions between immigration enforcement and a clear-cut group of people (so-called 'illegal immigrants'). It affects the lives of a wider segment of the UK population, in particular racialised migrants and citizens, by making their legal status more insecure and precarious, and percolates in multiple and intersecting domains in the lives of families, such as education, housing and welfare, making them ambivalent sites of protection and safety as well as control and enforcement. Drawing on ethnographic engagement with families with insecure immigration statuses, we explore how the hostile environment manifests in the everyday lives of families; how the hostile environment circulates and is re-enacted within the micro-politics of families; and how families negotiate the continuous work of protecting children from the effects of the hostile environment. In conclusion we argue that dramatic and rapid shifts in immigration rules and regulations undermine the capacity of mothers to navigate the policy environment and welfare for their children and to shield them from the consequences of state-driven hostility towards immigrants. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Free School Meals (FSM) have been the site of renewed contestation and extensive campaigning in the last half-decade. Until recently, children in families with 'no recourse to public funds' because of their immigration status were excluded from accessing FSMs, despite being some of the most destitute in Britain. Through an analysis of campaign materials and interviews with advocates, we consider this dynamic policy terrain in light of the UK's 'hostile environment' and consider lessons for campaigners. By exploring imaginaries of childhood, poverty, and nation shaping FSM policies, we offer a warning that campaigns can end up justifying exclusions at the same time as aiming for more expansive support. How campaigns represent their causes has implications, which, in this case, is often through the exceptionalism and hyper-deservingness of childhood. We argue these representations reduce discussion to technical questions about who is 'deserving', thereby risking shoring up an exclusionary and hostile state. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article presents personal stories from a participatory biographical arts-based study with a specific category of racialised migrants: individuals seeking asylum, in the North East of England. Responding to the important questions posed by this special issue, the article explores individual experiences of navigating the UK's hostile environment with a focus on the threefold punitive 'threat' of dispersal, detention, and destitution (Bloch and Schuster, 2005). Adopting an intersectional lens, the discussion highlights the impact of such policies and their compound effect of creating (un)safe and exclusionary everyday spaces, while also outlining the potential for resistance as illustrated by participants' actions and their creative (re)actions as part of the study's arts-based approach. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The environmental/economic dispatch (EED) of power systems addresses the environmental pollution problems caused by power generation at the operational level, offering macroscopic control without requiring additional construction and remediation costs, garnering widespread attention in recent years. This paper undertakes a comprehensive review of existing EED models, categorizing them according to the control of atmospheric pollutants into total air pollutant control (TAPC) and control considering the spatial and temporal diffusion (STD) of atmospheric pollutants. In addition, various methods employed to address the EED problems, as well as the current state of research on multi-area EED models, are presented. Finally, this paper analyzes and summarizes the literature on existing EED models, highlighting the deficiencies of the current work and future research directions. Through these explorations, the authors find that controlling the EED model by considering TAPC is more suitable for general macro planning, whereas the EED model considering the STD of air pollutant emissions enables more precise and effective control. Summarizing such models and techniques is conducive to developing dispatch plans adapted to local conditions, which is significantly beneficial for public welfare and government management, promoting sustainable and environmentally friendly power system dispatch methods. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Mekarsari Village is one of the villages located in Selaawi District, Garut Regency which is famous for its quality bird cage crafts, and has been named the village that produces the best bird cage crafts in Selaawi District. Based on the 2023 Mekarsari Village Social Resilience Index (IKS) assessment, Mekarsari Village has an IKS score of 41%. In social development, according to Patel (2015), there are characteristics of social development that can be seen from its key dimensions, namely vision, goals, principles, program type, auspices, views of providers and beneficiaries, and local and global actions. This research uses a qualitative research approach with a descriptive type with data analysis techniques using data condensation, data presentation, drawing conclusions and techniques for determining informants using purposive techniques. Based on the theory of key dimensions of social development character according to Patel (2015), in program implementation and implementation of activities in Mekarsari Village, there are still deficiencies in budget provision, facilities, community initiation and activeness, and critical participation from the community in improving community welfare. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

While modern science and technology have produced astounding advances, their contributions to social welfare often fall short of expectations. This Article provides a holistic framework for promoting "socially responsive" innovation that increases the social benefits, decreases the social harms, and improves the distributional effects of massive investments in science and technology. Traditionally, policymakers have relied significantly on centralized governance regimes such as mission-based science funding and technological regulation to guide the development and use of new innovations. While valuable, centralized approaches feature several shortcomings, and this Article proposes a distributed model of innovation governance to supplement them. In so doing, it draws on the CHIPS and Science Act of 2022, which bolstered the National Science Foundation's longstanding practice of considering the broader social impacts of proposed research projects when awarding research grants. Building on these reforms, this Article proposes a model of distributed innovation governance that extends beyond central policymakers to confer greater authority to promote socially responsive innovation on a wide range of public and private stakeholders, peer reviewers, scientists, and engineers. This Article argues for orienting various innovation gatekeepers--including federal funding agencies, scientific journals and conferences, and the Patent and Trademark Office--toward considering the broader social impacts (not just technical merit) of innovative projects when awarding key resources. By tying research funds, publication and presentation opportunities, and patents to assessments of social impact, this proposal creates a powerful incentive for scientists and inventors to consider and improve the contributions of their work to social welfare. This Article shows how government action can shift norms in the innovative community--including among private actors--to embrace socially responsive science and technology. This distributed governance model offers several benefits, including preserving scientific autonomy, guarding against the overpoliticization of innovation policy, and exploiting significant amounts of private information distributed among scientists and engineers. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This study aimed to describe the millennials' perception of Islam in contemporary society as a basis for interfaith dialogue and cooperation. A descriptive research method was utilized. Respondents were selected using stratified probability sampling. A total of 255 were used primarily as the respondents of this study. The data gathered were analyzed using the SPSS software V21x64. The statistical methods used were frequency and percentage counts, standard deviation, mean, and the grand mean. The respondents' demographic profile relative to age, the 25-28 age group had more respondents than other age groups. As to sex, females dominated the number of respondents. In terms of tribe, most respondents are Cebuano. Regarding religious affiliation, Roman Catholics have a significant number of respondents and in educational attainment, most of the respondents are high school graduates. Millennials with a moderately high perception of Islam view the religious practices of Islam in a positive light. They may appreciate the emphasis on prayer, fasting, and charity as acts of devotion. Regarding cultural aspects of Islam, millennials with moderately high perceptions may appreciate the rich history and traditions associated with Islamic culture. Relative to governance, millennials with moderately high perceptions may acknowledge the influence of Islamic principles in shaping societies governed by law. They may recognize the importance of justice, fairness, and social welfare in Islamic governance systems and appreciate the emphasis on community and public welfare. Millennials with a moderately high perception of Islam will likely have a positive view of it, appreciating its religious practices, cultural contributions, and governance principles. They may also be open to learning more about Islam and engaging in interfaith dialogue and cooperation with practitioners of different religions. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article introduces the concept of intra-minority welfare and investigates the formation of intra-minority welfare in the post-war period by focusing on the Swedish-speaking minority in Finland, the Finland-Swedes. The post-war era saw a rapid decline in both the percentage of Swedish speakers in Finland and their political influence. To tackle these issues, new organizations were formed to boost the birth rate and secure the welfare of the Finland-Swedish minority. With the expansion of the welfare state, a new generation of Finland-Swedish experts within the fields of social work and demographics also played a prominent role in the intra-minority debate on how public welfare could cater to different segments of the minority. In the article the authors focus on the work conducted in connection to the organizations Svenska Befolkningsförbundet i Finland (The Swedish Population Federation in Finland) and Kårkulla vårdanstalt för sinnesslöa (Kårkulla Care Institution for the Mentally Deficient). By analysing material produced by or about the organizations and experts who worked within them from the 1940s to 1960, they demonstrate how ideas and practices around intra-minority welfare, in particular the demographic future of the Finland-Swedes and care for vulnerable members of the minority, were conceptualized and framed in the post-war period. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article provides an analytical overview of welfare policymaking and provision in the twentieth century in Yugoslavia at three decisive historical junctures. Those are: the Kingdom of Yugoslavia after the First World War; the socialist state after 1945; and the rump 'Yugoslavia' after the break-up of the state in 1991. In each of these periods welfare policies were crisis-driven, a response to massive social and economic upheaval caused by war, but they were also a reflection, of course, of the political ideals and the values of the state in which they were formed. The authors argue that the Yugoslav welfare state in its various incarnations was in part a response to socio-economic crisis caused by war, in part a mediation and an adaptation of the welfare regime it replaced (rather than a complete tabula rasa), and in part an articulation of the aspirations for national politics and citizenship held by the incoming leadership of the state. This comparative study of three important moments in Yugoslavia's welfare history, then, offers an opportunity to look anew at the social history of the state itself. Study of the Yugoslav welfare model, or rather models, helps us understand the larger political transformations that were bound up in the lifespan of the South Slav state, how the state thought about and created minorities through welfare regimes, and how welfare policies withstood (or not) socio-economic crisis. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article analyses social welfare programmes set up by the Italian state to manage and provide assistance to refugees coming first from Dalmatia, then from Istria and finally by the territories near Trieste, between the immediate post-war period and the late 1950s. It connects the literature on these refugee flows and the historiography of the Italian welfare state by providing new insights into how the recognition of minority rights deeply affected the organization of the social welfare system throughout the 1940s and the 1950s. The article focuses on the shifting meaning of the term 'rehabilitation', an outcome of post-war transnational circulations of ideas about the renewal of welfare. It identifies three chronological sections: the aftermath of the war, when social assistance to refugees was organized in Italy in the context of a project to renew the state and its relations with the individual and society; the period after the signing of the Luxembourg Peace Treaty, when in response to the emergency but also out of purely political considerations public authorities significantly changed the guidelines of the entire social welfare system's development; and finally, the policies set up in the 1950s, which aimed not only at providing stable accommodation for refugees but also at other geopolitical, socio-cultural, social engineering and electoral objectives. Thus, this contribution not only explains how the construction of the welfare state in Italy has been shaped by the problem of refugees, but also shows another side of the same issue: the role of welfare provision in constructing social groups, which in this case took on a strong ethnic and political character. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The newborn Second Polish Republic inherited a complex imperial legacy and a large minority population. The series of borderland conflicts and the Soviet–Polish War that followed the Great War added additional layers to the heterogeneity of the veteran population. Throughout the interwar era, the eastern borderlands became a source of interethnic, religious and political tension, and turned into a battleground of contested Polish and Ukrainian memory discourses. The article focuses on welfare policy as an instrument of state-building in the eastern Polish borderlands. The process of defining war disability took place alongside the process of nation-building. The question of the legal definition of 'Polish disabled veteran' turned into a discussion about who was a part of the national body. The article examines how the interconnections between the categories of war disability and ethnic and new social minorities forged new identities in interwar eastern Poland. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Historically, social welfare providers have defined social and ethnic minorities such as 'vagrants' and Romani people as non-deserving and thus excluded them from their work. Gradually during the nineteenth century, however, Christian actors and organizations across Europe were among the first to recognize Romani groups as legitimate targets of relief. The operations required boundary changes where previously undeserving categories were transferred to deserving, thus becoming legitimate targets of relief. The article discusses the Church of Sweden's social care for minorities, with a special focus on Romani groups from the 1910s to the 1940s. At that point, Protestant social work was permeated by conservative paternalism and focused on changing the individual through interventions defined as help-to-self-help, rather than challenging the unjust social structures in Swedish society. However, welfare measures were enacted differently depending on the majority/minority position of the individual; the recognition or rejection of minority rights affected the distribution and content of Lutheran social welfare. Examining church-led or church-endorsed activities, the contribution sheds light on the differentiation of social and ethnic subgroups and brings nuance to a field that has overlooked the Swedish state church as a welfare provider in the twentieth century. The instances of intersection between and sometimes confusion of social and ethnic boundaries serve as examples of the historicity of such boundaries and churchmen's contribution to establishing these. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

It is hardly contentious to assert that measuring concepts is an important aspect of scientific and practical research. However, there seems to be some degree of confusion nowadays regarding what is meant by measurement in poverty research. It is obvious from these exchanges that different notions of central terms in the debate are being held (reliability, validity, measurement error, measurement model) to the detriment of common understanding. To move the literature forward, this paper falls back on the epistemology of measurement to bridge the apparent conceptual gap in the debate. This article invites more discussion and constructive exchange of views regarding the meaning of measurement in poverty research and how to assess the relative success of different efforts. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Climate-related risks, vulnerabilities, and impacts are increasing in cities, illustrated by precipitation-driven pluvial floods. Post-event analyses can aid in reducing urban flood risks, but knowledge gaps exist regarding how welfare services and premises are impacted and can be adapted. This study analyses an extreme precipitation-driven event generating extensive flooding in Gävle, Sweden, in 2021. The objective is to increase knowledge about how municipal welfare services are vulnerable to pluvial floods, and of appropriate actions towards improving the response capacity and building more resilient welfare premises and operations. The study shows that the Swedish weather warning system generally worked well, but the analysed property companies lacked strategies and equipment to evade flooding in their properties. Flood damages in 60 analysed buildings were generated by different causes, demonstrating the importance of contemplating the vulnerability of welfare buildings when conducting flood risk assessments. Although the flood event did not cause deaths or serious personal injuries, the study identified impacts on welfare service operations in both the short and long terms. The event increased learning on climate adaptation but did not trigger adaptive action. Identified keys for adaptation include prioritizing premises to protect, knowledge of flood protection equipment, insurance company requirements, and updated emergency plans. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The implementation of good governance is the main prerequisite for carrying out state goals, especially in providing public welfare. In line with the large demands of society for the implementation of good governance, the government must provide quality public services. In this regard, development planning is needed that is systematic, directed, comprehensive, and responsive to the dynamics of community needs. In the government's efforts to provide public services, it is necessary to develop and implement a real legal accountability system for the implementation public services, so that the implementation of government and development can take place in an efficient, clean and accountable manner. The responsibility of Commitment Making Officials in the procurement of government goods/services consists of administrative responsibility and criminal responsibility. Administrative responsibility occurs if an administrative violation occurs, and will be subject to administrative sanctions. Meanwhile, criminal liability means the possibility that a criminal act has occurred and can be subject to criminal sanctions. However, this responsibility can also be imposed on other officials involved in the procurement of goods/services, such as Budget Users, Budget User Proxies, Procurement Officials/Election Working Group, as long as their involvement in the criminal act can be proven. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In the latter half of the twentieth century, Protestant churches in Hong Kong and institutions associated with them played a significant role in the daily lives of the people of Hong Kong. However, the role of ordinary people in the social functions of Protestant churches in Hong Kong during this period has rarely been explored in the previous literature. Interpreting several cases from written archives and oral history archives, this study aims to demonstrate how Protestant churches in Hong Kong held special significance as a public place for the ordinary people of the local community, who played an active role in these churches to serve the local community and derived self-satisfaction from doing so. This study also reveals how these local Protestant churches and the associated institutions emerged as a cultural nexus of power along with individuals who contributed to them to provide different types of welfare and social services to the community, which the colonial government in Hong Kong failed to provide. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Neuroendocrine tumors (NETs) are a heterogeneous class of cancers, predominately occurring in the gastroenteropancreatic system, which pose a growing health concern with a significant rise in incidence over the past four decades. Emerging from neuroendocrine cells, these tumors often elicit paraneoplastic syndromes such as carcinoid syndrome, which can manifest as a constellation of symptoms significantly impacting patients' quality of life. The prognosis of NETs is influenced by their tendency for metastasis, especially in cases involving the liver, where the estimated 5-year survival is between 20 and 40%. Although surgical resection remains the preferred curative option, challenges emerge in cases of neuroendocrine tumors with liver metastasis (NELM) with multifocal lobar involvement, and many patients may not meet the criteria for surgery. Thus, minimally invasive and non-surgical treatments, such as locoregional therapies, have surfaced. Overall, these approaches aim to prioritize symptom relief and aid in overall tumor control. This review examines locoregional therapies, encompassing catheter-driven procedures, ablative techniques, and radioembolization therapies. These interventions play a pivotal role in enhancing progression-free survival and managing hormonal symptoms, contributing to the dynamic landscape of evolving NELM treatment. This review meticulously explores each modality, presenting the current state of the literature on their utilization and efficacy in addressing NELM. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article delves into the intricate relationship between the evolution of Argentina's labor market, particularly the historical inclusion of women, and the contours of contemporary social welfare policies for female recipients. Set against the backdrop of a decades-long crisis in employment and income, especially affecting low-income families and women tasked with caregiving responsibilities, the article posits the hypothesis that the trend of feminization in social welfare policies partly stems from the pauperization of Argentina's labor market in the latter part of the 20th century and the historically subordinate role of women within patriarchal capitalist societies. Employing an empirical-historical methodology, it scrutinizes the shifts and dynamics of the labor market over the 20th century as well as the features of the welfare policy framework at the beginning of the 21st century. The article is a contribution to Argentina's labor market and social policy literature and portrays current socio-welfare programs as an adaptation to the employment and income crisis, further entrenching women's subordinate status within the social fabric. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Background: Engineers are professionally obligated to protect the safety and well‐being of the public impacted by the technologies they design and maintain. In an increasingly complex sociotechnical world, engineering educators and professional institutions have a duty to train engineers in these responsibilities. Purpose/Hypothesis: This article asks, where are engineers trained in their public welfare responsibilities, and how effective is this training? We argue that engineers trained in public welfare responsibilities, especially within engineering education, will demonstrate greater understanding of their duty to recognize and respond to public welfare concerns. We expect training in formal engineering classes to be more broadly impactful than training in contexts like work or professional societies. Data/Methods: We analyze unique survey data from a representative sample of US practicing engineers using descriptive and regression techniques. Results: Consistent with expectations, engineers who received public welfare responsibility training in engineering classes are more likely than other engineers to understand their responsibilities to protect public health and safety and problem‐solve collectively, to recognize the importance of social consequences and ethical responsibilities in their own jobs, to have noticed ethical issues in their workplace, and to have taken action about an issue that concerned them. Training through other parts of college, workplaces, or professional societies has comparatively little impact. Concerningly, nearly a third of engineers reported never being trained in public welfare responsibilities. Conclusion: These results suggest that training in engineering education can shape engineers' long‐term understanding of their public welfare responsibilities. They underscore the need for these responsibilities to be taught as a core, non‐negotiable part of engineering education. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

International carbon allocation confronts the conflict between efficiency and equality. Previous research based on the intergroup bias perspective has attributed carbon allocation preference to the defence of ingroup interests (i.e., national interests) while overlooking the critical role of trade‐offs between competing moral values. Integrating the contingency theory of justice and moral philosophical theories of utilitarianism and egalitarianism, we proposed that the moral‐values trade‐off between utilitarianism and egalitarianism determines carbon allocation preference through justice reasoning. Analysis of large‐scale survey datasets (Study 1) revealed that aggregated national endorsement of utilitarianism over egalitarianism predicted greater efficiency preference in total and per capita carbon emission levels. Study 2 demonstrated that experimentally manipulating endorsement of utilitarianism versus egalitarianism boosted efficiency (vs. equality) preference in carbon allocation, and justice reasoning characterized by enhanced efficiency‐focused justice and diminished equality‐focused justice accounted for these effects. Using a 'manipulation‐of‐mediator' design, Study 3 further confirmed the causal link in the mediation model. By highlighting the significance of moral trade‐offs in shaping carbon allocation preference, this research not only provides a novel moral perspective in understanding debates on international carbon allocation but also has important implications for fostering international carbon abatement cooperation. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Less educated people are viewed negatively and their opinions are belittled in our society. Besides, along with other groups, they are underrepresented in the political arena which questions the legitimacy of democratic systems. Despite the existence of education‐based devaluation, research on how people dehumanize individuals and groups with lesser education and minimize their democratic rights is scarce. In this project, we provide correlational evidence that less (vs. highly) educated individuals and groups are dehumanized (Study 1a, N = 304) and their democratic rights (voting, running for office) are questioned (Study 1b, N = 504). Furthermore, we identified that dehumanization tendencies of the less (vs. highly) educated targets predict support for denying them voting rights or the capability to run for public candidacies (Study 2, N = 447). Finally, an experimental study confirmed that the target's educational background influences attributions of humanity, which in turn seem to affect the denial of democratic rights to the target (Study 3, N = 470). These findings suggest that education‐based dehumanization might undermine the inalienable democratic rights of lesser educated individuals and groups thus endangering the foundations of democratic systems. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Background:Chlamydia is a Gram-negative obligate intracellular bacterium that is pathogenic for humans and a large variety of veterinary animal species. However, there is no continuous monitoring of chlamydia infection data in pigs in Hunan province, southern China. Therefore, in order to evaluate the seroprevalence and identify risk factors associated with Chlamydia infection in pigs within this region, a comprehensive study was conducted. Methods: A total of 3848 serum samples were collected from pigs (from farmers and companies) between May 2017 and August 2018. The presence of specific antibodies against Chlamydia was determined through the employment of the indirect hemagglutination assay (IHA). Results: The overall seroprevalence of Chlamydia was determined to be 26.90% (1038/3848, 95% confidence interval: 25.60–28.40). By employing statistical analysis using SPSS software (p < 0.05), factors such as altitude, sampling regions, and rearing systems of pigs were identified as potential risk factors for Chlamydia infection. Conclusion: These findings elucidate a substantial prevalence of Chlamydia in pigs within the mountainous region of Hunan province, southern China, thereby highlighting a potential risk to human health. These results underscore the need for proactive measures and targeted interventions to mitigate the transmission of Chlamydia in porcine populations, safeguarding both animal welfare and public health. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]