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The article looks at the role of the Organization for Security and Cooperation in Europe (OSCE) in the Euro-Atlantic region as of 2012. It references the public goods theory known as clubs theory, developed by economist James Buchanan. Particular focus is given to issues surrounding the future of the OSCE, its identity, and its structure. According to the author, the main challenges facing the OSCE are concerned with political will and with Russia's attitude towards the North Atlantic Treaty Organization (NATO). Details on the purposes and membership of the OSCE, as well as its relationship with other regional organizations, are presented. Other topics include economic integration and legal personality.

The article examines the rights accorded to minority groups by the commitments of the Organization for Security and Cooperation in Europe (OSCE) and examines the various measures that have been put in place to enforce those commitments. The formation of the OSCE and the consequential recognition and protection of minority rights came about as the result of a remarkable political and pragmatic compromise on the part of the principal players in world politics whose aims, while at times convergent, were by no means identical. It is indisputable that questions of peace, stability, and the effective protection of human rights are inextricably linked. The end of the Cold War has witnessed a resurgence of nationalism in Eastern Europe and brought the minority question to the forefront of political and humanitarian thinking. In statistical terms, of the twenty-eight states comprising Central and Eastern Europe, only six have relatively small minority populations, the remaining states have national minorities that account for over 10 percent of the population. There has been a shift in emphasis in the role of the OSCE since its inception as the CSCE and the start of the Helsinki Process.

This article uses both rationalist and constructivist approaches to explain the OSCE's potential to socialise Central Asia to the norms of liberal human rights and democracy. Whereas from a rational point of view socialisation consists of a process of reinforcement, and its effectiveness depends on the balance between the international and domestic costs and benefits of norm compliance, the constructivist pathway emphasises the legitimacy and domestic resonance of the international norms, and the identity and cognitive prior attitudes of the target actors. By examining the explanatory factors for successful socialisation suggested by both mechanisms it is found that the prospects for domestic change are bleak and hampered by Central Asia's autochthon culture and institutions as well as the OSCE's ineffectiveness in providing tangible material and political incentives. Recommendations concentrate on a better understanding of the cost - benefit calculations of incumbent elites and on a more responsive attitude to Central Asia's non-European political culture. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Promotion and protection of European identity rights of persons belonging to national minorities are part of human rights protection system developed universally under the United Nations and, respectively, in the Regional Council of Europe, Organization for Security and Cooperation in Europe and other European institutions. International instruments adopted by the OSCE human dimension that is circumscribed, and are political in nature (so there are not treated) contributed to a great extent, the development of catalog rights identity for people who belong to national minorities, the evidence of evolution ordination mechanisms and regulations and safeguarding the rights of the category listed and, last but not least, to outline a programmatic directions and certain standards in this field. Documents to be examined, as well as other regulatory and industry (universal or regional) that aim at protecting minorities "does not authorize any activity that is contrary to fundamental principles of international law, or other obligations under international law or provisions of the Helsinki Final Act, in particular the principle of sovereignty and territorial integrity of states". [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article reports on the effort of Organisation for Security and Cooperation in Europe (OSCE) to promote coordination to fight human trafficking. Several participating states of the OSCE have adopted anti-trafficking laws and established national coordination mechanisms to address trafficking in human beings. The network of support services should be strengthened so that victims of human trafficking can turn to and access an immediately supportive environment.

In 2001, the increasing tension led to a threat to Macedonian sovereignty and territorial integrity due to the events that took place in the north -western regions of the country bordering Albania and Kosovo. The actions of Albanian separatists associated with National Liberation Army that aimed at making Albanian and Macedonian nationalities equal within the Republic resulted in an increase of anti -Albanian attitudes that contributed to the Macedonian -Albanian conflict. The six -month fight was ended on 13 August 2001 when the peace agreement was signed in Ohrid. The agreement, which was accepted by both sides of the conflict, was more favourable for the Albanians since it made their status as citizens almost equal to that of Macedonians. A growing tension among the Albanian minority forced immediate implementation of the decisions included in the Ohrid Agreement. The European Union in cooperation with the OSCE and NATO played a key role in the process of stabilising the socio -political situation. The police reform in the Republic of Macedonia was a crucial element of the Ohrid Agreement. The changes were to ensure proportional representation of all nationalities comprising the Macedonian society in law enforcement services. The European Union and the Organization for Security and Cooperation in Europe conducted three stabilisation missions: one was a military mission -- CONCORDIA, and two were police missions: PROXIMA and EUPAT. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Departing from Russia's full-scale invasion in Ukraine in 2022, this article analyses the OSCE-based security order that prevailed since the Cold War and that later was formalised in the Organisation for Security and Co-operation in Europe. The first conclusion is that the OSCE-based European security order was successively weakened, and at the longest can be said to have functioned until 2014. The second conclusion is that this security order will not reappear even if the OSCE survives the consequences of the war. The article then analyses the partially parallel development of the EU as a security actor in Europe, and the potential of the EU to become a node in a new European security order. The third and fourth conclusions are that the EU has the potential of being a node in a new European security order, but that it will also need to become a node in a larger global order. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article reports on the appointment of the Organization for Security and Co-operation in Europe (OSCE) by the government of Ukrain as the OSCE external auditor for 2009. The appointment is the first time for the organization to assume the position. Meanwhile, the OSCE will be entrusted with several auditing responsibilities including administrative and financial system, as well as to make recommendations for improvement.

The author explores the deterioration and (forthcoming) collapse of the global arms control system, with special consideration given to potential consequences this event would have for the European continent. In this context, and in assessing the significance of the remaining mechanisms for preventing a potential arms race and deepening of conflict in Europe, he draws attention to the OSCE Vienna Document as a tool that could enable the revival of stability through confidence-building in Europe, especially given its capacity for adaptation and modernization. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The December 1, 2010 issue of the journal is presented which provides antisemitism-related international framework documents. The issue discusses the Berlin Declaration of the Organization for Security and Cooperation in Europe (OSCE) and European Monitoring Centre on Racism and Xenophobia's (EUMC) antisemitism definition. It mentions OSCE's intention to promote educational programmes for antisemitism prevention. It presents Canadian Prime Minister Stephen Harper's speech about antisemitism.

The 'end demand' approach to prostitution has been popping up in Europe through the anti-trafficking debate and receives increasing attention on the international agenda. It is well recognized that improving workers' rights, increasing unionization and collective bargaining coverage are effective strategies for tackling trafficking. However, with regard to sexual exploitation, focus is not on these strategies but instead on the abolition of the entire sex industry with the help of criminal justice systems. In first decade after the Palermo Protocol (2000), international organizations (IGOs) promoted a human rights-based approach to tackling trafficking, aiming to balance the criminal justice focus of the protocol. This work guided states on how to maintain and protect human rights while combating human trafficking. However, the explosive issue of sex work/prostitution was minimized, with IGOs avoiding the topic due to the fragile consensus about the definition of human trafficking and state obligations. Meanwhile, sex workers' collectives and unions globally and throughout Europe developed their own strategies on how to address widespread criminalization, discrimination, violence and exploitation, with no or very limited funding and resources—and without recognition of their work, experience and expertise. This article presents how the European Sex Workers' Rights Alliance (ESWA) and other sex workers' rights civil society organizations have sought to challenge the harmful impacts of the 'end demand' discourse and the criminalization of sex work in the name of anti-trafficking in Europe. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The European Union (EU) is home to more than 25 million Muslims who form an integral part of its society. However, in the aftermath of 9/11 and several other terrorist attacks in Europe - most of which were perpetrated by Islamic fundamentalists - there has been evidence of strong anti-Muslim sentiments among members of the larger community which is reflective of an underlying sense of Islamophobia. This has manifested itself in a variety of forms ranging from hostility against Islam to negative discrimination against Muslims and the use of violence to target them, thereby increasing the potential for greater societal cleavages and conflict. The EU as a supranational entity strives to create an inclusive and tolerant society and as such is committed to the ideals of human rights, equality and non-discrimination. Tackling the challenges posed by Islamophobia and its various manifestations then becomes a priority for this organisation. Against this backdrop, the objective of this research paper is to assess the EU's response to Islamophobia by examining the initiatives undertaken by it, and focusing on their adoption by the Member States of France and Germany. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The undeclared and unprovoked war of the Russian Federation in Ukraine has substantially changed the list of dangers to international security. After the end of the Cold War, the main danger was determined by international terrorism, expressed primarily through the actions of transnational organizations. The conflict in Ukraine has brought nuclear weapons back to the forefront (similar to the bipolar period), which complements conventional weapons. However, attention to terrorist movements should not be reduced, expressed primarily through cells that consist of a few individuals, lone wolves, and the amplification of state terrorism. In this sense, the phenomenon of terrorism remains an important subject from both a theoretical and political-legal standpoint, including the elaboration of a synthesis definition. The article will highlight the the issue of international political-legal regulation of cooperation for countering terrorism in Europe comprehensively, exploring various specific components of the process of countering terrorism within the complex activities of the Council of Europe, European Union and OSCE. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article evaluates Turkey's position in European security governance. In the post-Cold War period, the administration, coordination and regulation of security has been, largely, performed through such an approach which itself is based on three assumptions. Firstly, the meaning of security was altered in terms of its conceptual and political indications. Secondly, there emerged a need to define this change and the dynamics thereof. Thirdly, states and international organisations (such as the UN, NATO, EU, and OSCE) wherein they participated came to be dominant security actors. The functioning of the network of international institutions, and its norms, is of utmost importance to Turkish foreign policy. As in case the Bosnian, Kosovar and Macedonian crises, Turkey has been included in European security governance. Turkey, as an actor centrally located in the instable Balkans-Caucasus-Middle East region, and experiencing negative impacts of regional crises, is compelled to encounter security issues and threats that increased and became more diverse in the post-Cold War period. This article proposes that Turkey should adopt a strategy that is geared toward influencing the network's functioning to the greatest extent possible instead of situating itself outside of it. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Background: The project GULiVer explores how lay people in Belgium (Gent), the Netherlands (Utrecht), the UK (Liverpool) and Italy (Verona) evaluate physicians’ communicative skills. The aims are to present the study design and to assess the quality of collected data. Methods: In each centre one out of two sets of four videotaped consultations involving medical students with varying communication skills were shown to eight lay panels of six to nine participants each (n = 259). The selection of lay participants was stratified by gender and age in order to obtain a heterogeneous sample. Background characteristics included socio-demographics, participants’ general physical (COOP-WONCA) and mental health (GHQ), communication preferences (QUOTE-com) and trust in doctors (TMP). Participants were asked to give quantitative and qualitative evaluations of the student doctors’ performance in a mixed-methods design. Quality assessment of the collected data and protocol adherence of the four centres was carried out by Generalized Linear Model (GLM). Results: The overall sample comprised 259 participants. Participants were equally distributed among the centres and balanced in terms of age, gender and OSCE scenario, confirming the quality of collected data. Conclusion: The study design and the applied procedures will ensure a great richness of data allowing a wider European perspective on lay persons’ views, assessed both individually and through focus group discussion. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

This article addresses the author's Genesis of War project, which includes use of the PRISONER'S DILEMMA SIMULATION (PDS) and one major finding generated by it; namely, that over time, conflict comes to be characterized, more and more, by self-stimulating/self-perpetuating processes. This finding has influenced the development of a generic theory of violent conflict and war, whose implications for the apparently self-stimulating/self-perpetuating ethnic warfare informer Yugoslavia are examined. The article concludes with a discussion of a possible role for simulation as an aid to policy makers concerned with the wars informer Yugoslavia and elsewhere. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Under what conditions are adversarial conventional arms control agreements (CAC) in Europe successful or unsuccessful? This study aims to identify the conjunctural causes of conventional arms control success in Europe from the end of World War One to the present based on a dataset of 22 cases. It applies a qualitative comparative analysis (QCA) to assess arms control success and failure resulting from four conditions: great power rivalry, national limitations, demilitarisation and delegation. Few studies have attempted to determine if CAC agreements in Europe have been successful and determine possible explanations for their outcome. This study's results suggest that national limitations between great power rivals and the absence of delegation with great power rivalry are more likely to result in agreement failure. Delegation may be important for agreement success when great powers or buffer zones are involved. These findings offer insights for future CAC agreements in Europe. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The European Union endeavours to capitalise on and achieve its geopolitical ambitions through the policy of enlargement, framing the countries within geographical Europe. This paper employs discourse analysis and historical methods to address the following research question: In the context of geopolitical changes, what is the European Union's response towards enlargement, and is the nature of the European enlargement policy undergoing a process of change? [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article discusses the important role played by the European Union (EU) in influencing protection of national minorities in the Central and Eastern Europe (CEE) countries during the enlargement process and changes of the durability of the region. It examines the role played by the EU, the Organization for Security and Cooperation in Europe (OSCE) and the Council of Europe (CoE) in the development of peace in the region. It also provides overview of the condition of monitories in the region.

In Europe, more than 330 ethnic groups with altogether more than 100 million members exist. Almost all European countries host minorities on their national territory. But until now, the term "minority" has not been clearly and unambiguously defined in international law. However, there is mutual consent that a single state is not entitled to decide upon the existence of minorities on its national territory on its own. Otherwise, the state could simply deny the existence of a minority and withdraw itself from all internationally binding legal obligations in that area. Therefore, since the times of World War I, various efforts have been made to define the term "minority". In international law, a universally recognized and binding concept of minorities does not exist. However, in order to determine which minorities are supposed to be protected, after World War II some regularly applied characteristics have been developed in international documents. Even without giving a clear definition of the term "minority", documents of the UN, the UNESCO or the CSCE/OSCE provide a special protection of different kinds of minorities, such as ethnic, national, religious and linguistic minorities. First and foremost, they are protected by the Universal Declaration on Human Rights (UDHR) of 1948, the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights (ICCPR) of 1966, the Convention on the Rights of the Child (CRC) of 1989, the Declaration on the Rights of Persons belonging to National or Ethnic, Religious and Linguistic Minorities (UN Minorities Declaration) of 1992, various declarations by the UNESCO as well as several documents by the CSCE and later OSCE. However, the only international document within the frame of the UN, the UNESCO and the CSCE/OSCE, offering a (non-binding) definition of the term "minority", is a UN study conducted by Special Rapporteur of the United Nations Sub-Commission on Prevention of Discrimination and Protection of Minorities, Francesco Capotorti. According to that study, which was published in 1979, the term "minority" denotes a group numerically inferior to the rest of a state's population, in a non-dominant position, whose members are nationals of the state of residence and possess ethnic, religious or linguistic characteristics differing from the rest of the population and showing a certain sense of solidarity towards the group itself. In the second part of the essay, it will be shown that the European states took these documents as basis to create their own concept of minorities, which can be deduced from documents of the Council of Europe and the EC/EU. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Cuadernos Europeos de Deusto is the property of Universidad de Deusto and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

This paper investigates how the cooperation of European institutions (the EU, the Council of Europe, and the OSCE) in democracy promotion affects the success of European conditionality on party financing in the East European Neighbourhood. It examines the two major European-level factors, the determinacy of requirements and the rewards, based on the Ukrainian, Moldovan and Georgian case studies and a cross-case comparative analysis before and during Action Plans' period. The paper shows that there exists a European-level influence on party financing changes in line with the European standards set by the Venice Commission. Also, the cooperation of European institutions in democracy promotion contributes to the success of the common European leverage in the field of party financing. Although the EU lacks a specific party financing conditionality in Action Plans, the reference to the standards set by the Council of Europe and the OSCE increases indirectly the determinacy of its requirements and offers domestic elites a clearer picture of its demands. At the same time, the EU's merit in the joint European influence on party financing lies in its increased leverage on aspiring European members, even in the case of low credibility of EU membership. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Awareness of the increase in racist and anti-Semitic violence has led the Organization for Security and Cooperation in Europe (OSCE) and the European Union (EU) to settle agreements to monitor and combat the phenomenon. A European working definition of anti-Semitism and another on all forms of hate crimes will assist states to devise unified criteria for inclusion in their monitoring. Some governments, however, are failing to abide by the agreements into which they have entered to monitor such crime, including anti-Semitism. This paper examines these agreements, the reports that are published on combating anti-Semitism, and the reasons why the fifty-six governments concerned (OSCE membership overlaps with that of the EU, but also includes the U.S., Canada, and the former Soviet Union) are falling short in fulfilling their obligations. It notes the valuable work of NGOs, which are increasingly encouraged to provide data and expertise in monitoring, and concludes with an examination of the UK model, which is cited as fulfilling all the requirements, as well as the work of the Community Security Trust (CST). It ends with a call for consistent and objective reporting at the government and Jewish community levels. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Background: After a long phase without any propositions for real ambulatory training inside general practitioners' offices, general practice (GP) vocational training has begun to appear progressively and has been integrated into undergraduate medical programmes. The aim of this study was to provide an overview of GP vocational training and GP trainers in member countries of the World Organization of National Colleges, Academies and Academic Associations of General Practitioners/Family Physicians (WONCA) Europe. Method: We carried out this cross-sectional study between September 2018 and March 2020. The participants responded to a questionnaire in real-life conversations, video conferences or e-mail exchanges. The respondents included GP trainers, teachers and general practitioners involved in the GP curriculum recruited during European GP congresses. Results: Representatives from 30 out of 45 WONCA Europe member countries responded to the questionnaire. Based on their responses, there is a well-established period for GP internships in undergraduate medical programmes, but with varying lengths. The programmes for some countries offer an internship after students graduate from medical school but before GP specialisation to ensure the career choice of the trainees. After specialisation, private practice GP internships are offered; however, in-hospital GP internships are more common. GP trainees no longer have a passive role during their internships. GP trainers are selected based on specific criteria and in countries, they have to follow some teacher training programmes. In addition to income from medical appointments carried out by GP trainees, GP trainers from some countries receive additional remuneration from various organisations. Conclusion: This study collected information on how undergraduate and postgraduate medical students are exposed to GP, how GP training is organised and the actual status of GP trainers among WONCA Europe member countries. Our exploration of GP training provides an update of the data collected by Isabel Santos and Vitor Ramos in the 1990s and describes some specificities that can inspire other organisations to prepare young, highly qualified general practitioners. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

It is widely accepted that Europe is characterised by a secularised society and states marked by laicism (laïcité). The article analyses how this European secularity observes religious education, highlighting the fact that it does not have a single model. The diversity of interpretations of the term "secularity" is not unrelated to the fact that there is a plurality of approaches to the teaching (or non-teaching) of religion within European education systems. The authors of the article opt for Taylor's approach of defining secularity not by its relation to religion, but by the ends it desires to achieve. Within this framework, the article describes the plurality of models of teaching religion in education systems and how these models articulate the values that secularity seeks to achieve. The analysis takes into account both the guidelines and recommendations of European institutions and the policies implemented by states. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article examines the implications of both individual and collective dimensions of the right to self-identify and reappraises the key challenges to its realisation. The article argues that the status of the right to self-identify as a fundamental right remains unclear, over a quarter of a century after its inclusion in the CSCE/OSCE Copenhagen Document in 1990. The article starts by revisiting some of the 'justice-oriented' arguments made in the early 1990s about the need for group differentiated rights in order to highlight the importance of the right to self-identify as an integral part of the European minority rights framework. It then proceeds to argue that the case for giving greater prominence to this right is strengthened if the challenge of cosmopolitanism is also considered. The second part of the article is focused more specifically on the challenges to the realisation of the right, particularly the collective dimension. It argues that this can be attributed to the continued deference to States in relation to the scope of application of the Framework Convention for the Protection of National Minorities and that there needs to be a greater focus on the internalisation of the right at the domestic level. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The European Examination in Core Cardiology (EECC) is a knowledge-based postgraduate examination for cardiology specialists in Europe. It is designed to assess if a trainee has gained sufficient knowledge for independent specialist practice in core cardiology. A critical evaluation of the ECCC was undertaken using current educational theory. Miller's Pyramid was considered, and the Utility Equation was employed in a mixed methods approach. The utility analysis findings were that the EECC measured well on reliability and validity although improvement could be made in educational impact, cost-effectiveness and accessibility. Recommendations for enhancement were then put forward. No assessment instrument is perfect, and it is important to remember that the EECC is one component of assessment strategy for specialist trainees, complementing other evidence of professional competence. After appraisal, while improvement can be made, the EECC fulfils its ambitions of assessment. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The objectives of this study were to: (1) determine the impact of COVID-19 on the operations within the 9 sections of the European Council on Chiropractic Education (ECCE) 'Standards'; (2) identify specific rapid changes to the programs; and (3) identify positive changes that will continue post-pandemic. This was a mixed methods audit and thematic analysis of data from interviews conducted via a cloud-based video conferencing tool with program leaders of the ECCE accredited institutions. A validated questionnaire designed around ECCE's "Standards" was used, consisting of 3 sections: (1) Severity of the COVID-19 impact on each ECCE Standard section; (2) Description of program changes made for each section; (3) Identification of positive changes continuing post-pandemic. Descriptive statistics were calculated for Part 1 and compared for significant differences via the Kruskal-Wallis test. Verbal responses to Parts 2 and 3 were evaluated independently by 3 researchers using a modified "thematic analysis" approach. Final thematic categories and themes were agreed upon by the researchers. There was a 100% response rate. Outpatient teaching clinics were most severely affected, followed by teaching chiropractic technique courses. Curricular structure and duration and program management were least affected (p =.033). Four thematic categories were identified: Extreme Stress, Courses Most Severely Affected, Integrity of Examinations and Assessments, and Positive Changes That Will Continue. Final-year students were most negatively impacted due to restricted opportunities in outpatient clinics. Integrity of examinations was also a problem. Positive, innovative teaching materials and methods were quickly developed and should continue. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article discusses why elections and observation during the elections important and the challenges faced during such observations focusing on the observations made by Organization for Security and Cooperation in Europe (OSCE). Topics include role of elections in a democracy, goals to improve the conduct of elections, and issue due to vote manipulation and ballot box snatching.

The article discusses the challenges that prevent South Caucasus from integrating with Russia. It states the unresolved lingering security issues in Europe. It notes the unresolved conflicts are undermining the efforts to build effective regional cooperation and generating regional instability and asymmetric security risks. It mentions the integration of post-soviet states.

The article provides some relevant insights about the dynamics of the European politics of history and memory against the background of the third wave of European integration, which is the so called “cultural Europeanization.” These dynamics, originated in Western European both cultural turn of the 1970s and memory boom of the 1980s, is inscribed in the complex geopolitical landscape configured after the end of Cold War, within the context of European enlargement and the struggles for recognition of the “new Europe”. The competition of “Europe’s Europes” memorial narratives about the “painful pasts” of West and East, which is also a competition between two mnemonic paradigms (cosmopolitan vs. national(ist)-antagonist), is followed against the background of both the transnational turn in memory studies and memory politics and the re-nationalization of European politics and ideologies, tightly connected to the post–Cold War developments. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

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Copyright of Cuadernos Europeos de Deusto is the property of Universidad de Deusto and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

A new method of searching for periodicity has been developed on the basis of extensive spatio-temporal data. The result, however, produces little more than doubts. The standard Fourier analysis indicates some periods, namely 3.7-, 7.0-, 8.8-, and 17.5-year periods, and these periodic signals are distributed relatively consistently over some regions of Europe. However, the expectations that the exact harmonic 8.8 years of 17.5 years, and not so exact 3.7 years of 7.0 years will be present at the same or close stations are not fulfilled. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In this paper, we explore the connection between new technology and fundamental freedoms, specifically the rights to freedom of association and peaceful assembly. We examine how autocratic governments are increasingly targeting Facebook groups, social networks, and online communities - in other words, associational activities occurring on the Internet. We argue that many of these groups are protected "associations" under international law. We address the physical proximity argument, demonstrating that it is not required for individuals to meet in person in order to exercise their freedom of association. We also argue that the freedom of assembly protects groups that may not technically qualify as "associations" under international law. We recognize that this is not the first time international law has had to grapple with new technology. We consider, for example, the case of the photocopier - last century's great innovation to spread the written word. We examine the response of the Organization for Security Co-operation in Europe (OSCE) in 1990, which provides a model for reaffirming fundamental freedoms in the digital age. We conclude by arguing that longstanding commitments require states to respect the exercise of fundamental freedoms enabled by new technologies, including the Internet, mobile networks, social media, and technologies arising in the future. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Since the beginning of the new millennium increased anti-Semitism has been detected within the political Left in some European countries. It is often said to be most pronounced in the media, where criticism of Israel is sometimes tainted by anti-Jewish sentiments. An analysis of the contents of eight different newspapers of the Swedish Left, from mainstream Social Democratic to radical Marxist-Leninist, suggests that the situation in Sweden is no different. During the 2006 Lebanon War they all expressed a number of attitudes and notions of questionable nature, which may be roughly divided into three different groups. Firstly, many of the newspapers examined contained explanations of the fighting in the Middle East which involved conspiracies, and in one way or another alluded to notions with anti-Semitic or problematic anti-Zionist roots. In some cases the Jewish state was depicted as a tool of an oppressive Western world, and Israeli actions as part of an "American imperialist plot. "In addition to those notions directly or indirectly linked to anti-Semitism, concepts of Jewish power exerted over governments and media were also to be found. At times, it was claimed that Jewish or pro-Israeli lobby groups totally control the American and/or Swedish public debates, or possess a tremendous influence on various governments. Last but not least, most of the newspapers examined also contained anti-Semitic concepts associating Israelis with Nazis, depicting Jews and the Jewish state as copies of their historical persecutors. Explicit or implicit allegations of "Israeli genocides" and modern-day versions of the Holocaust or Nazi war crimes were found in a majority of the newspapers. All these facts call for a serious self-examination of the Swedish Left. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Television news narratives are sites where national and transnational identities are cultivated and mobilised. The question is not whether Swedish, Danish or British news stories about Europe are domesticated to fit national news bulletins, but how events are domesticated and how 'we' are made European by the programmes' producers. The analysis of all European stories between 15-21 November 1999 in three national public service news bulletins indicate that viewers are offered different images of Europe during this week, and that journalists play active roles in constructing 'themes' which link together different types of news stories into narratives about 'us' and 'them'. From these there emerged a Swedish 'moralising global villager', slightly superior but willing to adapt to changing international realities, an anxious and conscientious Danish 'we', trying to do its share despite its self-imposed limitations on EU cooperation, and an engaged humanitarian British 'we', who is global in scope but prefers to keep a distance from time consuming Euro-squabbles. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article examines how international organizations have intervened in ethnopolitical conflicts in Europe. The organizations under discussion are the United Nations (UN), the European Union (EU), the Council of Europe (CoE) and the Organization for Security and Co-Operation in Europe (OSCE). The effectiveness and limitations of conflict interventions and resolution strategies adopted by these institutions are examined.

Over half the states of Europe now criminalize Holocaust denial. They accept the premise that deniers are extremists who use denial, among other means, to rehabilitate Nazism. Their legal rationale in doing so is usually that denial negates he historical facts established at Nuremburg in 1945 rather than that it constitutes offensive or threatening speech. International agreements take the same line and this was reinforced and given a legal basis in April 2007 by the EU Common Framework Decision, which requires European states to criminalize denial. Legislation, however, has not stopped extremists from continuing to promote Holocaust denial and they are now joined and invigorated by Iran, which promotes it as state policy. Nevertheless, states now accept that Holocaust education is vital and several intergovernmental initiatives offer hope for the future. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Presents the case of post-Soviet Estonia and how a territorial imaginary conflating culture, territory, nation and security allows elites of statecraft in Europe to frame citizenship and integration policy in the country as an international security matter. Description of the government's integration policy objective of creating an Estonian cultural domain; Analysis of pertinent topics and relevant issues; Implications for ethnology and world politics.

Disinformation and the proliferation of fake news are global problems that affect the stability of democracies throughout the world. The capacity of distorted information to interfere in election processes or in political agendas has led different actors to create verification initiatives, which operate in partnership with the mass media. Recently, during the 2020 health crisis, false information has proved to have damaging power not only at the levels of politics or communication, but also at a health level. Therefore, the social need to access reliable and quality information, as well as verified information aimed at eradicating hoaxes, becomes evident. This paper focuses on the European context, analyzing the relationship between active verifiers and television stations that are members of the CIRCOM Network, considering their strategies and verification programs. Using a qualitative methodology an exploratory study has been carried out, mapping initiatives and stations by assessing their contribution of verified information to society. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

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Copyright of Justicia (0124-7441) is the property of Universidad Simon Bolivar and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)