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The article analyzes the current scenario in the West, highlighting the book by Peter Heather and John Rapley that addresses the challenges and solutions facing the region. The 2008 crisis and the rise of China are mentioned as factors that have impacted the economic power of the West. The need for cooperation with China is discussed and the simplistic approach of confrontation is criticized. The authors identify challenges such as population aging and internal polarization in the West, advocating for realistic solutions. [Extracted from the article]

The economic downturn has led to a variety of challenges for higher education institutions, including budget cuts and a heightened focus on efficiency and effectiveness. Performance-based budgeting is gaining traction as a means of more efficiently allocating resources, and Chinese public universities are not an exemption. The main purpose of this study was to look into the relationship between political influence, financial pressure, performance-based budgeting, and university performance in China. It also explored power dynamics in Chinese public universities. 271 participants were chosen using a purposive sampling technique. This study employed a multimethod approach combining necessary condition analysis (NCA), the PROCESS macro, and partial least squares structural equation modelling (PLS-SEM). Furthermore, this study employed a novel technique (the Johnson-Neyman technique) to show the exact scope of the moderation effect. The findings of the PLS-SEM showed that performance-based budgeting is positively related to university performance and acts as a mediator between selected variables, and it also indicated that the moderated mediation model is validated in Chinese public universities. The NCA results showed that performance-based budgeting, political influence, and financial pressure are all important necessary conditions for university performance. Meanwhile, the outcomes of PLS-SEM and NCA showed how researchers and practitioners can pinpoint key elements that affect university performance and produce the best outcomes. Overall, this study provides useful information about the implementation of performance-based budgeting in higher education institutions. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Employing a grounded theory approach, this study conducts interviews with 30 scholars and government officials actively involved in extensive study and practical endeavors within the domains of Sport City and sports events. The inquiry aims to elucidate the factors driving the promotion of the construction of Sport City facilitated by hosting major sports events. The results indicate that major sports events demonstrate a "cumulative effect" in fostering the construction of Sport City. Influential factors encompass the function of Sport City, the economy of Sport City, the resident well-being of Sport City, and the soft power of Sport City. Furthermore, the promotional influence of hosting major sports events on one facet of Sport City positively impacts the development of other facets. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper on China's soft power relations with Fiji since 1975 provides an on-the-ground view of the scope of China's Aid, Foreign Direct Investments (FDI) and Trade with Fiji to provide an alternative narrative for China's increased presence in the Pacific, including Fiji. Its focus on China's three non-coercive tools of soft power diplomacy (aid, FDI and trade) with Fiji aims to highlight Fiji's anticipatory geographies as initially conceptualized by Sparke (2007) and applied to Fiji by Szadziewski (2020). Existing literature on China's increased presence in the Pacific is dominated by geopolitical and geostrategic narratives which portray Pacific island states as a 'collective pawn' in the aid completion between the Pacific islands' traditional aid donors (U.S., Australia and New Zealand) and China. This paper highlights the need for alternative narratives to show the agency of Pacific island states, including Fiji, and how they are capable of setting its own aid agendas and of choosing their principal aid donors. It also seeks to challenge mainstream alarmist and fear mongering narratives of China's increased presence in the Pacific and Fiji. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article considers the growing media power and influence of China in the global South through the lens of a critical media imperialism framework derived from the geopolitical economy of communications research tradition. While extensive research exists on US media imperialism and the challenge to it posed by China's global media rise, the idea of China as a media imperialist in its own right has received limited attention. This article addresses this gap in the field by summarizing ten key postulates of a media imperialism framework for critical research on China's media power and influence in the global South. This article study does not seek to prove China's status as a new media imperialist power or provide a detailed case study of China's media imperialism in a specific country. Instead, it synthesizes the ten postulates of a media imperialism framework, examines China's corporate and state media organizations in relation to these, and draws from relevant scholarship, evidence, and anecdotes. The article argues that each postulate can serve as a foundation for future case studies of different facets of China's media power and influence in countries across the global South. These postulates can be refined, disproven, or expanded through further research. By considering China's media power and influence through the lens of the media imperialism framework, this article aims to stimulate further meta-theory, empirical research, and scholarly debates on this pivotal topic, which while contentious, is significant to the future of the global South, and the wider world system. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Relaciones Internacionales (1699-3950) is the property of Autonomous University of Madrid, Spain, International Relations Studies Group (GERI) Law Faculty and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Relaciones Internacionales (1699-3950) is the property of Autonomous University of Madrid, Spain, International Relations Studies Group (GERI) Law Faculty and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Purpose: The present study was conducted to investigate the relationship between team-level inclusive leadership perceptions, team thriving, and team proactivity as well as the moderating effect of team power distance on these relationships. Design/methodology/approach: A two-wave survey study of 365 manufacturing employees comprising 85 teams in an organization in Eastern China was used to test the hypotheses. Findings: The findings indicate that inclusive leadership stimulates collective thriving, which then promotes team proactivity. In addition, team power distance negatively moderates the relationship between inclusive leadership and collective thriving, as well as the indirect effect of inclusive leadership on team proactivity via collective thriving. Originality/value: This study is one of the first to investigate the effects of inclusive leadership at the team level, and answers recent calls to investigate the mechanisms linking leadership-related constructs to team-level proactivity. The authors also identify an important boundary condition to the effects of inclusive leadership in team power distance. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

US alliance politics, especially the AUKUS pact, reinvigoration of QUAD and the rise of other actors like Japan, Australia and ASEAN, have convoluted the geopolitics of the region. China has doubled its efforts to neutralise any adverse effects of the pacts. This study aims at explaining the nature and dynamics of the US and Chinese divergences, strategic partnerships, alliance politics and its implications for the regional order. The study, while adopting the theoretical framework of balancing and content analysis as the methodological tool, hypothesised that the new US partnership strategy of containing China has forced Chinese leaders to proactively pursue competitive countervailing strategies that will implicate the interests of both states. The rise of other actors and strategic alliances/partnerships, created for balancing, will further complicate the regional politics with clear implications for the regional political and economic stability. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In the face of escalating global competition in science and technology, complex product systems (CoPS) have emerged as a significant indicator of comprehensive national strength. The exploration of the catch-up phenomenon holds substantial implications for subsequent development of CoPS. Existing CoPS research often focuses on a single engineering task (such as high-speed rail) and market logic (such as the telecommunications industry), examining the catch-up phenomenon from a single or hard-power perspective. However, the China Manned Space Engineering Application System (CMSEAS), with its significant international influence and dual characteristics of scientific research and engineering development, presents a different scenario. Its market value is difficult to be reflected in a short time, making the relevance of existing research limited. This study selected CMSEAS as a case, and acquired data through interviews, internal meetings, on-site observations, official websites, archives, and other forms. Based on grounded theory, open coding, axial coding, selective coding, and a saturation test were carried out, and a catch-up model of CoPS was constructed by considering various influencing factors. The results show that the catch-up is driven by five major factors: support force is the basic condition for its gradual growth; the management system, technical capability, and human resource are interdependent and serve as the direct drivers of the catch-up; and social influence plays a significant role in propelling the catch-up indirectly. Notably, the setup of a general department, interaction among different factors, cultural soft power, and social influence serve as useful complements to previous studies. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

China enacted its first Personal Information Protection Law (PIPL) on 1 November 2021. However, there is a dearth of systematic research examining the implementation of new privacy policies exercised by digital platforms and user engagement with these policies. This study establishes a triple-layered comparative approach to explore the complexities and particularities of privacy policy practices in Chinese digital platforms. The methodology encompasses the analysis of privacy policies from representative platforms—WeChat, Taobao, and Douyin—alongside user experience garnered through a walkthrough method and insights from 28 interviews with platform users. Through critical discourse analysis, the research revealed that state-dominant policy discourses were ingrained in the formulation of platform privacy regulations to legitimize their authority over user data ownership. The users perceived a strong sense of passive protection, characterized by the rigid "agreement" discourse practices that underscore their vulnerability in everyday digital platform usage. The findings shed light on intricate power dynamics at play between platforms, their privacy policies, and users, which leads to polarized reactions from users toward privacy concerns. By examining the articulation of digital privacy policies as instruments of statecraft, we offer a nuanced view of describing non-Western experiences of privacy values and regulatory practices in the digital age. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Politically connected firms critically rely on their sociopolitical capital to compete; however, a policy-induced loss of board political connections may pose a serious challenge for focal firms and prompt them to develop compensatory moves. Drawing upon resource dependence theory and the nonmarket strategy literature, we examine if and how focal firms may address this challenge through intensifying their bribery activities. Following a year 2013 policy shock that closed the revolving door between former government officials and connected firms in China, we identify a substantial increase of bribery expenditure in a sample of public corporations whose political independent directors were forced by the central government to resign in the subsequent years. Furthermore, we investigate how the strength of this response varies with a host of firm-level contingencies that capture dependence scope and dependence asymmetry in the business-government dyad at the time of the policy announcement. Our study contributes to strategy and governance literatures by demonstrating how firms restructure power relationships after the loss of board political capital. It also sheds light on the regulation of revolving doors under weak institutions by revealing the irony of a well-intentioned "anticorruption" government policy. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This study compares two articles that seek to explain why states participate in regional integration organizations and why they want to deepen their economic and political partnerships. The method of comparison is the systemist diagrammatic approach, which requires a deconstruction and mapping of ideas found in social science. The articles demonstrate common variables in their explanations, namely that power asymmetry and satisfaction with the status quo among regional partners are critical in determining why states integrate. The articles diverge in their explanations, with one emphasizing the similarities of institutionalized policies and the other the role a rising power, China, has in developing regional integration in the Western Hemisphere. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Purpose: Cross-Border E-Commerce (CBEC) among Chinese consumers has grown to be a global online retail sector of greater proportion. The rise in CBEC from China is a result of the worldwide market system; it is not a coincidence. However, by connecting the Belt and Road Economic Corridor (CBEC) with the altered global commerce created by contemporary technology surroundings, the Chinese government and China's platform capitalists have played important roles in driving the acceleration of Chinese economic power. E-commerce may provide SMEs a competitive advantage, and by 2030, it is anticipated to make up the majority of the digital economy in the United States. Only 22% of Thai SMEs, however, are using e-commerce. Industry, university, and academic collaboration is a crucial pillar for developing multidisciplinary talent because it helps resolve the conflict between the growing need for cross-border e-commerce expertise and students with skill levels that are incompatible. Method: The researcher investigated the skill gaps that students have in order to work in transcontinental and cross-border e-commerce enterprises by reading a sufficient amount of information and researching human resources theories. Despite the fact that a number of earlier studies have looked at the requirements of international e-commerce businesses and the present training program for developing talent in the industry. Result: In 2018, a trial study was conducted to assess industry-university-research cooperation using data from a forprofit Guangdong e-commerce firm as the third party. This start-up offered cross-border e-commerce business educational programs and a platform enabling employers to locate candidates. Conclusion: Investigators should work to close the existing research gap, comprehend the path that this discipline will take in the future, and assist academic institutions in establishing a rigorous knowledge system. However, industryuniversity-research cooperation in the area of cross-border e-commerce has only just emerged and is beset by a number of issues, including ambiguous training strategies and unstable partnership relationships. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

COVID-19 pandemic has been a real challenge and severe test of International Relations. It has been also a chance to gain or lose points in inter-power rivalry in Africa, which is full of contradictions. On the one hand, rich in human and natural resources, including energy ones. On the other hand, full of poverty, poor infrastructure (including health infrastructure), internal conflicts and political and economic instability what have a bad influence on the world economy and security. China, which nowadays is perceived as one of the most aggressive competitors in Africa, seems to conduct highly consistent policy towards this continent without any break, even in time of COVID-19 pandemic. This paper is an attempt to analyse Chinese activities in Africa at that time in context of global competition in this area and to evaluate how much they can influence China’s position there. Thus, after a brief historical background, it presents the most significant formal events and declarations between both partners, along with Chinese “mask and vaccine diplomacy” towards Africa from early 2020 until the beginning of 2023. The elements like soft power actions were especially under consideration in this analysis as these ones that are the most effective in the contemporary global policy, or at least equally fruitful as hard power. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

To maintain the power balance in the Indo-Pacific region, power dynamics are shifting, and small-scale alliances are expanding. This emerging arena of power struggles serves as the battleground for great-power competition, each vying to assert and uphold regional influence. As a counterweight to China's ascendant hegemony, the Quadrilateral Security Dialogue (Quad) emerges as a prominent and viable option within the region. Nevertheless, the institutionalization of the Quad presents inherent challenges. Addressing these challenges, this article employs Kai He and Huiyun Feng's leadership-institution model of institution building to conceptualize the Quad's institutionalization. This model delineates two forms of leadership: executive and ideational, which in combination yield four distinct institutional types. Through this framework, it becomes evident that the Quad possesses the requisite elements to evolve into a deeply institutionalized alliance. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Power and influence are important concepts in world politics. In this process, every country tries to maximize its interests and influence over other countries. The present world order, soft power, plays an important role in influencing others' policy-making processes in one's favor to establish a world order. This paper aims to give an overview of Chinese soft power and find out whether Chinese soft power is creating a debt trap or becoming a shared interest for both Bangladesh and China. Based on secondary sources, the paper has found that although Chinese soft power, especially its growing investment in Bangladesh, is a part of establishing its influence, it is a shared interest rather than a debt trap. Different infrastructure development projects are opportunities for Bangladesh, as that will open the door to economic development if Bangladesh can effectively utilize them, although China's investment can put Bangladesh's economy under pressure. However, economic and political instability, fragile institutions, growing corruption, leadership crisis, etc. are more harmful to its economy and can lead to an economic crisis. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article examines the trends and dynamics of Malaysia-China relations, with emphasis on the post-Cold War era and beyond. More specifically, it explicates the interplay of external and domestic dynamics that have defined Malaysia's China policy amid shifting regional strategic and domestic political milieu. This article contends that Malaysia's "hedging" policy vis-à-vis China has been primarily shaped by the country's ruling-elite's perceptions of its external conditions in the context of East Asia's evolving power dynamics, tempered by their domestic political expediency. It further argues that despite the periodical recalibrations having given the impression of policy-shifts, they have not fundamentally altered Malaysia's China policy-approach. Instead, continuity rather than change has been the hallmark, since the "structural conditionalities" driving and constraining Malaysia's relations with China continue to be informed by Malaysian rulingelite's domestic political considerations, as they strive to optimise as much the country's external interests, as to consolidate their domestic legitimacy. The findings inform Putrajaya's persistence on "light-hedging" as the optimal policyoption, when dealing with Beijing, to advance Malaysia's national survival and interests as a "smaller-state", amid the evolving regional geopolitics, shaped by power asymmetry, rivalry and uncertainty. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

China, which has made a major economic breakthrough, has become one of the most important actors in international politics by increasing its military power in recent years. China's increasing power and influence in the international arena arouses increasing curiosity about the country's foreign policy. With Xi Jinping becoming president, China began to display a more assertive attitude or behavior on many issues. This study basically seeks an answer to the question of what differences Xi Jinping brought to Chinese foreign policy. What kind of changes do these differences lead to in Chinese foreign policy? In this study, the general tendencies and directions of Chinese foreign policy during the Xi Jinping period are discussed. The assertive foreign policy approach that Xi Jinping is trying to implement is analyzed. In this context, the visions of "Chinese dream", "new type of great power relations", "new type of international relations", "Belt and Road Initiative" and "a community with a common future for humanity", which reflect Xi's assertive foreign policy approach, are examined. At the same time, challenges to the assertive foreign policy implemented under Xi Jinping are discussed. The study mainly questions the extent to which Xi Jinping's assertive foreign policy approach is successful. The study concludes that Xi Jinping's active foreign policy approach has not increased China's sphere of influence in the international arena to the extent expected. As China becomes more visible in the international arena, the country's foreign policy challenges seem to be increasing. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Water has remained a source of contentious and cooperative politics among states since the Sumerian civilization. The field of hydro-politics, since its emergence in the 1990s, had taken note of dams as both a source of conflict between riparian neighbors owing to their threat to the life and property along the transboundary banks, and as a source of cooperation through effective water and knowledge sharing and infrastructural development, promoting peaceful negotiations in good faith in these matters. In this regard, the narrative and practice of infrastructural development by the great powers in their weaker riparian states to enhance their growth has emerged as a new means to increase great power states' power and influence in the international arena. China, in its race against the United States, has emerged as the world's largest dam builder, having extended its construction footprints across many parts of the globe. As rapid industrial development and resultant climate change intensifies the hitherto prevalent water crises, China, through a spate of dam-building among other things, has ensured its water, and consequently food, supply through the accumulation of real and virtual water networks, in a world where basic necessities are gradually becoming scarce. Through a descriptive study, this paper attempts to answer the question of what the implications of China's domestic, regional and global behavior of extensive hydro-infrastructural development are beyond the contemporary economic and political gains for itself. It argues that the objectives of China's dam-building transcend short-term economic and political gains, as it attempts to ensure the possibility of China's long-term hydro-stability in its quest to emerge at the lead of the evolving global order. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Power transition in the international order and the position of China in this order have triggered ramifications in China's foreign policy strategy toward the Middle East and North Africa (MENA) region. Its foreign policy approach has evolved from strict non-intervention to an assertive policy at the international level and constructive engagement at the regional level. China has simultaneously been applying both soft and hard power to protect its national interests in MENA. This study aims to assess China's four-pillar MENA policy from the perspective of its smart power strategy by examining its hard power means and soft power tools. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Chinese traditional sports are diverse and have rich national cultural connotations. However, with the development of China's Health Strategy, modern sports such as badminton and basketball occupy most of the people's time. On the contrary, there is much less exercise for traditional Chinese sports. Therefore, this paper aims to study Chinese traditional sports under China's Health Strategy and explore its cultural soft power. In this study, participants of all ages in different regions were selected for survey research. Combined with the survey results, the soft power index model of Chinese traditional sports culture is designed. The experimental results showed that for Chinese traditional cultural projects, the cultural soft power index of chui wan was the lowest at 0.568, and the highest was 0.982 in the dragon boat culture soft power index. For each evaluation index, the cultural cognition and cultural attractiveness of Chinese traditional sports were high, but the cultural behavioral power was low. This shows that the soft power model of Chinese traditional sports culture based on the healthy China strategic environment can effectively evaluate the development of traditional Chinese sports, which also can provide suggestions for the development and inheritance of traditional Chinese sports. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article presents the concept of China’s sharp power, and features of its formation that support it. The article deals with theoretical interpretations of soft power that are inseparable from the properties of sharp power. Soft power has been a very influential concept in recent decades to describe a country’s ability to influence others by cooperating, persuading and promoting a positive attitude in other states to achieve the desired results. Nevertheless, the concept of power has changed dramatically in recent years, due to shifts in the international system, and no longer fits definitions of the relationship between authoritarian and democratic systems. It is necessary to introduce a new concept of power, in order to expose the new world order posed by China as an emerging normative power. Authoritarian methods of influence can no longer, in principle, be described as soft power. There is a need to introduce a new term for power in academic discourse, in order to conceptualise the influence of authoritarian states on democracies. The article highlights the problem that sharp power can restrict freedom of expression and distort the political environment, by taking advantage of asymmetric levels of freedom between democratic and authoritarian systems. Having identified and clarified the terminological framework, the article presents three components of China’s sharp power, which allows for empirical research into its mechanisms for spreading influence, expanding the country’s interests abroad, and damaging democratic systems. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Beijing’s influence in Sub-Saharan Africa (SSA) is enduring and expanding, even amid the present decrease in China’s loans to the region. Three interconnected elements contribute to Beijing’s escalating significance: 1) A strategic emphasis on centrality through connectivity integrates African nations into the Beijing sphere, solidifying its pivotal role in the regional production network, extending economic and geopolitical reach, and securing vital resources while building political support; 2) Establishing institutional arrangements that are largely accepted by many African governments enhances Beijing’s appeal as an attractive partner; 3) Power asymmetry positions China as a pervasive actor in the African political economy, wielding tools like debt, financial, and trade dependencies, once exclusive to Western powers (Lendzoumbou 2024). These mechanisms synergistically sustain China’s influence in SSA amid the current cascade of crises. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Review of International Affairs (04866096) is the property of Institute of International Politics & Economics and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Since the inception of the open-door policy in 1978, China has progressively become more integrated into the global economy through trade, foreign direct investment, and, more recently, outward direct investment. This economic integration has gained momentum with initiatives like the 'Go Global' strategy, China's entry into the World Trade Organization (WTO) in 2001, and the launch of the Belt and Road Initiative in 2013. China's economic ascent, coupled with its increasing political influence and military power, prompted the United States (US) to initiate a strategy of rebalancing in the Asia Pacific region, starting with the Bush administration and continuing through the Obama, Trump, and Biden administrations. During the Trump administration, this rebalancing strategy was supported by decoupling strategy, ultimately leading to a trade war with China. Despite its intention to avoid the initiation of a new Cold War and to adopt a more moderate stance towards China, the US-China trade war has evolved further into a tech war under the Biden administration. Given this context, this article aims to outline the primary characteristics of the US economic policy towards China during the Biden administration, comparing it to the Trump administration and assessing its impact on both nations. The central argument of this article is that the primary characteristics of the US economic policy towards China under Biden administration are rebalancing and decoupling, carried over from the policies of the preceding Trump administration, and there are clear signs that these characteristics are deepening. Furthermore, the article demonstrates that the extensive decoupling measures enacted by the US have proven effective in diminishing China's role in global industrial and supply chains, particularly in industries related to semiconductors and chipmaking equipment. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This study investigates the effect of decentralisation of SOEs on stock price crash risk. In so doing, we test two competing hypotheses. Under the Political Influence Hypothesis, decentralisation aggravates local government's expropriation of minority shareholders (type II agency conflict), and thus increases crash risk. Under the Local Information Hypothesis, decentralisation decreases monitoring distance (type I agency conflict), strengthens external monitoring and thus decreases crash risk. We find robust evidence supporting the Political Influence Hypothesis. Cross‐sectional analyses show that our baseline results are more pronounced when firms are decentralised to the provincial level and politicians have greater incentives to pursue their political objectives. We further show that bad news hoarding and risk‐taking are two potential channels through which SOE decentralisation increases crash risk. Taken together, our results imply that the decentralisation exacerbates the type II agency conflict rather than ameliorates the type I agency conflict in SOEs. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article explores the production of academic knowledge about China and the relationships between scholars in China and those overseas. It emphasizes the importance of recognizing commonalities across Asia and being attentive to power dynamics. The article also discusses the challenges faced by Chinese scholars who study abroad and then return to China, where they may have to conform to a more structured academic system. It highlights the increasing presence of Chinese authors in global academic journals and the importance of publishing in English for success in academia. The text examines different perspectives on how China is perceived, including as an "Other" that is fundamentally different from the West, as a country that is changing to become more like the West, and as a subject of "whataboutism" where critical developments in China are countered by arguments about the West. It also explores the concept of cultural identity and its relation to cosmopolitanism, as well as the role of technology and the challenges faced by journalists and academics in the digital age. The overall message of the text is the need for dialogue and understanding between different cultures and the importance of recognizing and respecting diverse perspectives. [Extracted from the article]

Copyright of Journal of Political Sciences is the property of Republic of Iraq Ministry of Higher Education & Scientific Research (MOHESR) and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

This article explores the leaked security agreement between China and the Solomon Islands, which has significant implications for the geopolitical landscape of the South Pacific region. China's first-known bilateral security arrangement in the area enables potential deployment of its forces near vital shipping lanes, raising concerns about a future Chinese military base. The agreement's leaked details reveal provisions for Chinese personnel to assist in maintaining social order and providing humanitarian aid. Australia, New Zealand, and the United States have expressed apprehension, with Washington reopening the US embassy in the Solomon Islands and negotiating exclusive military use rights with other nations. This move by Beijing expands China's maritime strategic presence and bolsters its hard power in the region, while also enhancing its soft power through similar agreements with other Pacific Island nations. The establishment of Chinese naval bases in the Solomon Islands would be a significant development with far-reaching implications for the Indo-Pacific. Urgent proactive measures are needed to mitigate potential conflicts and uphold regional stability. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Codrul Cosminului is the property of Codrul Cosminului and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

China's increased use of soft power diplomacy and engagement with Pacific Island countries have led to favorable views of China among countries on the receiving end. Favorable views of China may lead to a closer relationship between China and the Federated States of Micronesia (FSM), and impact FSM's current relationship with the United States (U.S.). While the literature on China's soft power diplomacy is voluminous, scholarship on the perspectives of FSM leaders of the future is limited. Based on focus group interviews with FSM university students at the University of Guam, this paper argues that - within the soft power conceptual framework - China's soft power in FSM is tangentially effective. From their perspectives, the university students indicated that China subsidies are consequential, but they fear the loss of land and culture under increased China influence. This research is relevant to understanding the attitudes of FSM's future leaders and providing valuable insights into the future US-FSM-China relations. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

To meet the increasing demand for talent with the expansion of domestic artificial intelligence industries in foreign markets, many artificial intelligence industries are training high quality employees. In this respect, the present study aims to investigate the effectiveness of using multimedia in the artificial intelligence industry in-service education programs. The participants of the study were composed of artificial intelligence industry supervisors and employees in China. The study focused on a sample comprised of AI industry supervisors and employees in China. Data were collected over a period spanning from the 1st of January 2022 to the 1st of June 2022. A total of 500 questionnaires were distributed, and 423 valid copies were retrieved, yielding a retrieval rate of 85%. According to the results of the study, it can be stated that artificial intelligence industries can benefit the research results through in-service education and learning and development. Moreover, the results of the current study can help promote work performance of employees to produce the necessary soft power that determines success in the future, and to improve business dilemma and enhance competitiveness of artificial intelligence industries. The results of the study revealed that the use of multimedia in artificial intelligence industry increase the self-confidence of employees, they feel respected, noticed, and supported by superiors, and have a good and pleasant interactive relationship with colleagues. As a result, their work attitudes are positively influenced. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Jade artifacts produced in prehistoric China continue to generate extensive scholarly interest. In the absence of textual data, inferring how works functioned in Jade Age communities remains challenging. This paper focuses on Hongshan 红山 culture (4500–3000 BCE) jades, a distinctively styled corpus primarily recovered from late fourth millennium BCE graves in northeastern China. Recent finds within and beyond the Hongshan core zone have enriched the jade inventory and expanded the known scope of its stylistic variations. The analysis sheds light on enigmatic types, reveals the complex representational nature of this corpus, and clarifies the mimetic intentions that resulted in the soft rounded forms characteristic of the style. Most objects examined were unearthed at Hongshan ceremonial centers and have sound excavation pedigrees. Their study relies on contextual archaeological data and comparative visual analysis and draws on the broader Hongshan material world. Further considerations include environment, funerary practices, materiality, cognition, and human anatomy. Ultimately, the paper uncovers new paradigms of figural representation that should open fresh investigative avenues for specialists of early China. Preliminary evaluation of jades unearthed further south at Lingjiatan 凌家滩 and Liangzhu 良渚 sites suggests that some late Neolithic societies adopted Hongshan practices. Current evidence hints at members of prehistoric communities attempting, through jade works, to rationalize their physical circumstances and assert their social power by symbolically fusing with elements of their environments. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

How does the rise of China challenge the existing international order? What are the possible outcomes of the interplay between China's rise and the current trajectory of the Russian and Turkish regimes? Based on a qualitative analysis, I find two major dilemmas for the current power dynamics have resulted from China's challenging behavior in the international system. First, while China promotes steady relationships based on mutual interests facilitated by the rule-based international order, it also carries out actions which feed its aspirations for exploiting the current international institutions. Second, while China underlines the importance of a Westphalian style of sovereignty and non-interference, it also takes interventionist actions in both cyberspace and territorial space. Based on identification of China- Russia and China-Turkey interactions through the variations in the most 'central' domestic issues of the current governments in Russia and Turkey, I predict four possible outcomes, shedding light on the future policy directions in Russia and Turkey: 1) a prolongation of Putin's campaign in Ukraine, 2) an acceleration in the process of de-dollarization, 3) lasting Chinese influence on Turkey's Kurdish issue, and 4) an increase in Turkey's tendency toward a Chinese-style 'growth' model. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

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Fengshui (also called Chinese geomancy) is a pre‐modern tradition rooted in Chinese civilization. Chinese civilization is pre‐modern and practice‐oriented due to the domination of political power in China. In contrast, Western civilization is modernized. It witnessed the development of religion in ancient times, and the growth of science through reason (logic) and experiment in modern times. It is both rational and transcendental. It seems that Fengshui is an intermediate between science and religion. It is not science although its focus is on this world, for it does not seek knowledge and truth. It is not religion although it is mystical, for it does not seek transcendence and good. It is not only superstition (or magic), but also a mystical trade that centers on secular benefits. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Contracts play a crucial role in the reform of land markets and the process of farmland transfer. This study examines how spatial distance and clan networks impact the choice of farmland transfer contracts based on micro-level survey data from farmer households in China. Our research findings offer valuable insights into the role of contracts as a governance tool in land market reform and provide important implications for policymakers and stakeholders. In this study, we reveal that spatial distance significantly influences the selection of farmland transfer contracts. When farmers face long spatial distances, they tend to prefer written contracts to regulate the transfer relationship. This preference helps to mitigate information asymmetry and cooperation risks, ensuring a more secure and efficient transfer process. Additionally, our findings show that clan networks also play a significant role in the choice of farmland transfer contracts. Strong clan networks in high-density areas often have well-defined social norms and codes of conduct. As a result, farmers in these areas are more likely to opt for written contracts, which provide a formalized framework for governing farmland transfers. Furthermore, the density of the clan network acts as a moderator in the relationship between spatial distance and contract choice. A dense clan network intensifies the influence of spatial distance on contract choice, especially when dealing with long spatial distances. This suggests that social networks and community dynamics play a crucial role in shaping farmers' contract preferences in farmland transfer. In conclusion, this study highlights the importance of contracts as a governance tool in land market reform and provides insights into the influence of spatial distance and clan networks on the choice of farmland transfer contracts. Policymakers and stakeholders involved in land market reforms should consider the findings of this study when designing policies and interventions. By understanding the dynamics surrounding farmland transfer, policymakers can develop more effective strategies to promote secure and efficient land transactions in the context of market-oriented reforms. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In twenty-first-century international relations, the telling of stories is as important an instrument of national power as are military strength or economic prowess. Geared not towards coercion or inducement but rather drawing on the forces of attraction and persuasion, such practices can be attributed to the realm of soft power, which plays a key role in today's great-power politics. Starting from these premises, the article explores the role of memory and its relation to soft power. By way of an empirical example, it argues that the recourse to and utilisation of memory constitutes a crucial component in China's quest for global power. In so doing, the article first establishes a conceptual bridge between soft power and memory in international relations. Subsequently, by taking into account contemporary empirical evidence, it identifies and discusses two select narratives – colonialism and tianxia – as core components of Chinese mnemonic soft power. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of South Architecture / Nanfang Jianzhu is the property of South Architecture Editorial Office and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

In 1949, Mao Zedong was celebrated by hundreds of millions as a liberator, a victor over the corrupt Guomindang regime. Within a few years, however, it became evident that he was even more ruthless than many of his imperial and republican predecessors. He laid the foundations of modern China, but due to his wrong decisions tens of millions of Chinese people starved to death. In the last decade of his life, he led his country to international recognition, but the society was on the brink of total chaos. So who was Mao Zedong? Was he a brilliant politician driven by sincere enthusiasm, or a calculating technician of power politics who was ready to destroy Chinese cultural heritage and to unscrupulously attack his fellow leaders who threatened his position? This study cannot provide definitive answers to these questions. Here we can only attempt to present some elements of Mao’s relationship to power and the leadership methods of the politician who had perhaps the most significant impact on China’s 20th-century history [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Chinese English‐language journals in science, technology, and medicine have received scholarly attention, but little is known about their counterparts in the humanities and social sciences. A full understanding of the internationalization of Chinese English‐language humanities and social sciences journals (CELHSSJs) is not possible without an exploration of the phenomenon's social, political, and economic roots. Based on interviews with 26 stakeholders, including journal editors, heads of academic institutes, personnel from related regulatory state administrations, and international publishers, this article explores the implications of the development of CELHSSJs. Rather than treating the realms of academia and politics as distinct, opposing factors, we examine the complicated situation in China. English‐language journals carry out the political mission of the government's 'going out' propaganda policy. For academics and universities, they are largely a means for competing for resources domestically and a venue for power negotiations with overseas publishing groups. Based on our investigation of the dynamics and contradictions involved in the development of CELHSSJs, we argue that the power dynamics and social contexts in which Chinese English‐language journals operate shape China's knowledge production and dissemination as much as the content of these journals does. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Objective: To empirically identify the impact of economic development and its volatility on soft power. Method: Research of an empirical nature with the use of econometric instruments by simple regression and instrumental variables, using data from several sources, especially McClory (2017) and IMF. Main results: It corroborates the idea that countries with greater economic development have more soft power and also that the greater volatility of this development is related to lesser soft power. Relevance and originality: In recent years, the discussion about soft power has grown, especially for emerging countries where hard power is less. But can't the capacity for external influence through soft power be dissociated from the country's own development capacity? This subject is scarcely analyzed in the literature and especially the idea that more volatile countries lead to less soft power is particularly unprecedented. Theoretical contributions: The article brings to light the necessary discussion of the role of economic development in the generation of soft power in different countries. More developed countries would be able to better exploit their soft power capabilities. Social contributions: In times of such profound geopolitical changes with the dispute between China and the United States, it is important to understand that exploiting each country's soft power capital would be facilitated if conditions for domestic economic progress were better anchored. The economic and social development of each country comes before seeking greater soft power. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This study examines the vogue of adopting foreign-origin place names in Chinese cities and the Chinese governments' endeavors to regulate the toponymic landscape. The place naming practices, management, and public attitudes concerning foreign toponyms are analyzed to reveal the cultural politics and ideologies of place naming in China's context. It is found that the foreign toponyms emplaced in urban space mostly have Western origins or roots, and their profusion is largely attributed to their associated symbolic capital, and the clientele's taste and class identity. In the rectification process, Chinese governments at different levels constructed themselves as protectors of traditional Chinese culture and guards against xenophilia, thus enhancing their symbolic power and governing legitimacy. The general public has resisted top-down toponymic planning via acts of citizenship to reclaim the rights of naming and owning public space. Our findings suggest that nowadays, even in highly regulated societies like China, it would be hard to achieve the expected planning goals when governments simply resort to hegemonic power to implement the place (re)naming policies. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Energy security has developed into one of the important drivers of Chinese foreign strategy towards Africa. China's diplomatic maneuverings have commercialized its energy needs to ensure lasting and uninterrupted access to resources such as oil and gas from countries endowed with resources particularly sub-Saharan Africa. Ironically, Africa is rich in oil resources but lacks the technological and monetary know-how to explore these resources for the good of the African people. Therefore, Africa has become the target of Chinese oil and gas companies. China continues to employ tactical soft power strategies to infiltrate Africa's exploration and engineering sectors to accomplish its energy needs. China with its technological and financial advantage over Africa continues to invest huge resources in the African energy industry. Chinese energy investment is evident in every part of Africa. China's energy diplomacy aims to secure much-needed energy for the ever-increasing Chinese domestic and industrial needs at a substantially cheaper price. This study seeks to unearth the Driving factors of Chinese energy diplomacy towards Africa from the perspective of international energy security while outlining its effects. The methodology for this study is desktop research. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The spatial political logic of the construction of Chinese metropolitan areas (CMAs) is unique and complex, involving the interaction of power, spatial production, and the construction of political rationality between multiple scales. Taking the representative Nanjing metropolitan area as an example, we use the "material–organizational–discursive" analytical framework of politics of scale theory to analyze the construction logic of CMAs. This study finds the following: (1) In general, the CMA is a high-quality spatial construction resulting from multi-city negotiation, inter-provincial collaboration, and central–territory linkage, and has generally undergone a process of increasing the power of subjects, nested power relations, frequent scale interactions, and complex interest games; among them, planning is not only a scale tool for competing for power, but also an important representation of the results of multiple power games. (2) In terms of the construction of material space, both the delineation of boundaries and the cross-border connection of infrastructure represent rational thinking and stand as two-way choices of the two power subjects in the MA based on the maintenance and expansion of their own spatial development rights. (3) In terms of organizational space construction, CMAs mainly adopt flexible means, with bilateral and multilateral cooperation at the horizontal level, while there is a certain power inequality at the vertical level. (4) In the construction of discursive space, CMAs have experienced increasing construction significance, escalating scale subjects, and overlapping discourse narratives, and the contrast of power relations has also changed. The contribution of this paper is an expansion of the analytical framework of politics of scale based on the division of spatial dimensions, which provides a new perspective for understanding the construction of CMAs, and also helps us to picture Chinese city–regionalism. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]