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Objective: this essay problematizes destructive organizational practices that produce and perpetuate spaces in ruins. Drawing from the practices of the mining industry in Brazil, exemplified by the rupture of the Fundão dam (MG), we theorize about the contributions of multispecies approaches to Administration. Thesis: we propose, through dialogues between organizational studies and multispecies studies, the concept of a multispecies organizing of space that transcends exclusively human relations. We consider space as both product and process in everyday organizational life, yet we highlight the limitations of the human-centric focus in the literature. We conceptualize spacing as a non-human production of practices entangling humans and actors composing environments and various species of plants, animals, fungi, and other forms of existence. Thus, we challenge a hegemonic view in the field, underscoring the importance of a more inclusive and ethical approach to spatial and organizational practices. Conclusions: we rethink social and organizational dynamics, emphasizing not only mining activity but other corporate practices through a spatialized and more-thanhuman perspective. The essay contributes ontologically by making visible the agency of other living beings in organizational processes and practices, methodologically by decentering the human in research, and politically by analyzing asymmetric power relations. Such contributions enable the promotion of a broader and more responsible understanding of the complex relations between humans and non-humans in organizational contexts. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The electoral court is a specialized branch of the Brazilian judiciary that not only organizes and regulates elections in the country but also resolves conflicts between political actors involved in the electoral process. The (mis)use of money in electoral campaigns is one of the causes of the judicialization of electoral processes in Brazil. In fact, among many other reasons, such judicialization can occur when actors in the electoral process (candidates, parties, and party coalitions) are accused, either by their opponents and/or by the Electoral Public Prosecutor's Office, of irregularities such as abuse of economic power, illegal fundraising or expenditure of electoral resources, electoral corruption, or falsification of the campaign's accounting records. Through the study of electoral lawsuits filed between 2008 and 2016 against mayoral candidates, this work has two objectives: (i) to dimension the importance of the relationship between money and politics as a cause of the judicialization of electoral processes in Brazilian local elections and (ii) to characterize the candidates that appear as defendants in electoral lawsuits filed by that cause. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article proposes improvements in the integrated report, based on gaps identified in the governance system of Brazilian state-owned companies, which impact on their perception of value for the results/performance of these companies. The Governance System’s gaps were obtained using the bibliometric, critical incident technique, and a lexical/content analysis. These gaps were compared to the Integrated Reporting identifying convergences and divergences. The following gaps influence a negative perception of the Governance System’s ability to add value: inadequate people management, lack of results/performance orientation, harmful political influence, ineffective project management; misalignment with organizational culture; bureaucratization and complexity of processes; flaws in the organizational structure; unbalanced controls; and lack of cooperation and partnerships. The Integrated Reporting method could work more appropriately on the following variables, so that stakeholder perception is as close as possible to the real thing: Unbalanced controls, GS not focused on results, Inadequate People Management and Bureaucratic and Complex Processes, Harmful Political Influence, Conflicts in Partnerships/Cooperation, and Project Governance. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article seeks to understand the positions of three Rio de Janeiro journals, Careta, Fon-Fon and O Malho, in terms of a woman’s role in the concept of the “modern family” during the first half of the twentieth century, whether as a daughter, wife, or mother. Based on the concept of modern patriarchy, we seek to understand the new forms of patriarchy in republican Brazil and how these affected women’s behavior, their everyday lives in the family sphere and in social and power dynamics in private and public spaces, during this period of accelerated change. Based on this analysis, we consider how the press reported to its readers on marriages and separations and how it presented female desire through divorce. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article takes part in a larger research about Brazilian male sex work in a transnational context Brazil-Portugal. Using an escort website as a base field, we access our interviewees searching for highlights regarding these displacements over to Portugal, their strategies, expectations and dynamics. We also seek to analyze those different categorizations, under which these subjects are subordinated. From a larger theoretical point of view, we rely on debates regarding power relations, highlighting racialization/exotization/sexualization processes, besides several strainings between social markers of difference, surrounded by a sex market that privileges those known as "newcomers". [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The COVID-19 pandemic was severely aggravated in Brazil due to its politicization by the country's federal government. However, the impact of diffuse political forces on the fatality of an epidemic is notoriously difficult to quantify. Here we introduce a method to measure this effect in the Brazilian case, based on the inhomogeneous distribution throughout the national territory of political support for the federal government. This political support is quantified by the voting rates in the last general election in Brazil. This data is correlated with the fatality rates by COVID-19 in each Brazilian state as the number of deaths grows over time. We show that the correlation between fatality rate and political support grows as the government's misinformation campaign is developed. This led to the dominance of such political factor for the pandemic impact in Brazil in 2021. Once this dominance is established, this correlation allows for an estimation of the total number of deaths due to political influence as 350±70 thousand up to the end of 2021, corresponding to (57±11)% of the total number of deaths. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article analyzes the participation of reserve military personnel in political pressure groups in Mercosur countries, such as Argentina and Brazil. These groups emerge as a response to trends of civilian control and interactions between political parties and military sectors. The text discusses the relationship between the military, society, and political power during the process of redemocratization in Argentina and Brazil. The author highlights the influence of the praetorian society, defined as the increasing politicization of social groups and the lack of conflict mediating institutions. The text also addresses the creation of political pressure groups by reserve military personnel in Argentina and Brazil, as well as the actions of these groups during the redemocratization process in Brazil. [Extracted from the article]

The article discusses what it calls a chatter about inclusion, through the lens of what it identifies as a discursive explosion about the subject. The discussion is raised by this discursive explosion materialized in fragments gathered from a field diary, between 2015 and 2018, exploring the idea of chatter through the analysis of its rationality and its effects on what has been termed the imperative of inclusion. With this in mind, the effects of incessant speaking are understood as a means that can constitute the imperative of inclusion, but that also makes its emptying and the loss of its strength and meaning possible. In the current setting, it is possible to watch the proliferation of exclusion and necropolitical practices. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article focusses a reflection on the symbolic structure of class division and the power of language in social relations in Brazil. To answer the problem of this research, we will analyze the working conditions of professionals in the recyclable area, under the theoretical perspectives of Bourdieu and Bakhtin in dialogue with Maingueneau. The selected speeches are by the writer and poet Carolina Maria de Jesus, from her work "Quarto de despejo", from 1950 in contrast to current speeches by Anne Caroline, recyclable waste picker, in São Paulo. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article seeks to understand how colonial images and imaginaries travel through games, based on advertising actions around them, and create mature conditions for the proliferation of free labor based on hope. The theme is framed from theoreticalepistemological precepts that problematize the relationship between labor and leisure in video games, a phenomenon that is better understood through the lens of coloniality. The gaze focuses on the advertising strategies of Operation Chrono in Brazil, the game Free Fire, along with campaigns by major advertisers in esports and soccer. The reinforcement of the neoliberal ideology and the profitable valorization of the forms of leisure and hope of aspiring players is identified, through the reproduction of rhetoric that reiterates the colonial matrix, the precariousness, the exploitation, and asymmetries of power in the industry and the esports ecosystem. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

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This article aims to identify the Security and Information Advisory (ASI), a body created during the Civil-Military Regime in Brazil to inspect university campuses, according to the concepts presented by Michel Foucault and Giorgio Agamben about the device and the power relations established through it. At first, the state of knowledge was made to identify the object's adherence in the research field. Soon after, reflecting in a broad context, the process of the civil-military coup and its impacts on education are resumed through the legal enterprises made possible by it. Then, an overview was presented about the historical context of the selected period and the power performed by the military within the universities in this same section. By relating the authors and the bibliography referring to the field of history, the identification of ASI as a device used by the military is confirmed. As advisory the device responsible for maintaining order within universities while the military remained in power. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

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This article reflects the short story “Viagem a Nápoles”, by Sérgio B. de Holanda, from 1931, revisiting the argument from other analyzes that understand it as a criticism of the theological-political power. Our reading is elaborated with mediations of other works intertwined, like Dostoevski’s The Idiot (1869), which would influence Nietzsche’s Antichrist (1895). In the short story “Viagem a Nápoles”, the character Belarmino (etymologically, idiot) is a child at the beginning of puberty who, out of recklessness and curiosity, broke a picture of Tiradentes. Taken to trial, Belarmino, accompanied by his teacher Eleanor, flees to Naples, where he meets the city’s Emperor, a figure of a woman. Our interpretation of the boy’s adventure, a representation of Brazilian people, rather idiotic, makes notes in the sense of the critical reiteration of the tale to political theological power in Brazil, since the Empire and, in that year of its publication, to the new arrangement of political theological power, under the auspices of the Vargas Government, with the symbolic act of theNossa Senhora Aparecida’s Consecration as Patroness of Brazil. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The purpose of this article is to investigate the construction of children's identity in media texts aimed at children and published in the 1930s, in Brazil and Germany. We seek, above all, to understand the relationship between the two nationalist contexts - Nazism and Vargas Era - and the representation of childhood. The theoretical basis is made from the positions of Moita Lopes (2002), Jungwirth (2007), Keupp (1999), among others, with regard to theories of identity in the discourse. Methodologically, a contrasting study was carried out between the two magazines, in which we sought to locate nominal elements used to refer to children in both journals. The results allow to observe the strong influence of the political power in the construction of the children's identity in the studied period. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The concept of children in contemporary society is the product of long historical structuring which generated children's and adolescents' rights by specific statute (ECA) and the Constitution. It is also necessary that specific laws guarantee specific situations. Act 13.722/2018 (Law Lucas) investigates the trajectory of Law Lucas in the lower house and discusses it with Laws on integral protection and identifies the principles that guide the production and approval of the law. From the perspective of documental analysis, foregrounded on the Bowe and Ball's policies cycle theory and Laclau and Mouffe's Discourse Theory, it may be perceived that most laws in Brazil do not correspond to national needs. They were actually motivated not by popular demands or urgency but depended on latent factors, with mediatic and family influences or political interests that impose a hegemonic discourse instead of a democratic one. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Jörg Nowak's book, "Mass Strikes and Social Movements in Brazil and India: Popular Mobilisation in the Long Depression," challenges Eurocentric perspectives on class struggle and labor movements. Nowak examines mass strikes in Brazil and India, highlighting the ways in which workers came together and fractured apart in their struggles. He proposes a new theory of strikes that goes beyond traditional trade unions and workplace-focused organizing. The book also explores the politics of knowledge production and the role of the researcher in shaping the narrative. Nowak's research sheds light on the violence and power dynamics within workers' movements and challenges assumptions about migrant workers' participation in labor action. The book concludes by discussing the larger implications of these strikes and the rise of right-wing authoritarianism in both countries. Overall, this book is a significant and essential read for those interested in contemporary labor movements. [Extracted from the article]

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A lack of culturally appropriate healthcare is a common problem for colonial nations, and this can explain the different patterns of health in indigenous populations worldwide. Our study is the first ethnography realized with the neglected Pataxó indigenous people from the south of the state of Bahia, Brazil, that analyzes the representations and practices of "differentiated" public healthcare. The polysemic conceptualization and polymorphism of the healthcare practices highlight some spontaneous intercultural competences, particularly those of the indigenous professionals, within the hegemony of non-indigenous health knowledge and the lack of awareness of intercultural healthcare. Intercultural training and empowerment still remain a priority. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

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The globally accelerating environmental crisis calls for radical changes in the governance of ocean resources towards a more sustainable and socially equitable world. Transdisciplinary sustainability research and networked knowledge-to-action approaches are critical parts of this change. The effective application of such approaches still puzzles social actors (individuals and networks) willing to act in more transformative ways. We conducted twelve participatory network mapping activities to assess the perception of high-level federal government institutional entrepreneurs on the structure and dynamics of an emerging socio-political arena for marine spatial planning (MSP) in Brazil. Our informants, mostly cognizant of their own intra-governmental structures, anticipate the MSP arena to remain self-enclosed, with changes only occurring within the federal government structures in the coming years. Their perceptions were largely conservative, narrow, and unambitious and therefore unfit to generate regime transformations. The limited awareness of response capacities beyond the federal government potentially leads to the endurement of the low performance already present in the MSP arena. Results from the participatory network mapping informed a five-step functional ocean governability analysis pointing to key potential contributions to support a critical turn in MSP: 1. envision situated interactional narratives to leverage regime shifts; 2. build a shared understanding of and anticipating transformative coevolutionary dynamics; 3. build awareness of the potential synergies among disparate but innovative area-based responses; 4. specify inter-network-based limitations and the necessary changes underpinning potential leaps in performance levels of ocean governance orders; 5. make power asymmetries explicit to stir structurally tailored strategic action by less influential groups. We discuss the potential role of inter-network strategies and actions and how they may confront the symptoms of depoliticized MSP pathways and the risks of it becoming an instrument of further marginalisation and power asymmetry in Brazil. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

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Aims the work to dissert about the importance of the concept of segregation, in the evaluation of policies for reducing human deprivation. He argues that the production of discursive counterhegemonies by formulators and evaluators of the action of the Brazilian State in history is in substance a political action. It then shows the evolution of indicators of human deprivation in Brazil, Recife/PE and Natal/RN, highlighting the disparity between the reduction of poverty and inequalities between 1991 and 2010. The work makes final considerations about the concept of segregation to conclude that its incorporation in the actions of evaluation would imply the expansion of the political power and enjoyment of the cities by the target groups of the actions of the Brazilian State for the reduction of poverty and inequality. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

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