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This article seeks to understand the positions of three Rio de Janeiro journals, Careta, Fon-Fon and O Malho, in terms of a woman’s role in the concept of the “modern family” during the first half of the twentieth century, whether as a daughter, wife, or mother. Based on the concept of modern patriarchy, we seek to understand the new forms of patriarchy in republican Brazil and how these affected women’s behavior, their everyday lives in the family sphere and in social and power dynamics in private and public spaces, during this period of accelerated change. Based on this analysis, we consider how the press reported to its readers on marriages and separations and how it presented female desire through divorce. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Why do the yazheng have different shapes and production processes in different places? What is the effect of the reformation of yazheng in modern times? Based on the survived real yazheng in modern time and historical documents, this study gives an overview of the similarities and differences of yazheng found in different places and discusses its contemporary inheritance and development. Using the theoretical lens of ethnomusicology and perspectives including the origin of musical instruments and playing methods, this study investigates the development of the yazheng in the same historical context and crosscontexts. I believe the strategy for the survival of the yazheng originated from the influence of the strong culture at that time and was also driven by the social power hierarchy and historical environment. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

More than most other stone inscriptions from pre-Islamic Java, the Minto stone (Sangguran charter) has broad name recognition in Indonesia today. The story of the stone's removal, more than two hundred years ago during the British occupation of Java, from its original setting in the mountainous area north-west of Malang to its current location at the Minto Estate in the Scottish Borders, has stimulated popular imagination. Given the ever-increasing global relevance of the issue of the repatriation of heritage items to their countries of origin, this prestigious stone stele has become the object of significant media attention and is one of the highest priorities among the artefacts which the Indonesian government hopes to bring home. Compared with how much public attention is given to the issue of where the stone belongs, very little attention has been paid to the textual content of the charter engraved on it. In these pages, we attempt to recentre attention on the inscription as a document of intrinsic historical interest. To this end, we first investigate the provenance of the stone. We then review its heritage status, drawing attention to its significance for the local community. Our focus, however, is on the philological study of the inscribed text, of which we present—for the first time—a complete version. This version is based on direct inspection and high-resolution images of the stone, accompanied by an integral translation reflecting the state of scholarly understanding of Old Javanese epigraphy. The epigraphic core of this study is then followed by a discussion of some of the historical implications of the text. Among the topics we review are the chronology and nature of the shifting of political power from Central to East Java in the tenth century CE as well as the culinary and material aspects of communal feasts in that period. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

For more than a century, Cleveland Abbe was placed on a pedestal as meteorology's solitary leader. Lauded by power brokers within the developing U.S. meteorological community, directors of the Weather Bureau (predecessor to today's National Weather Service), and the American Meteorological Society, he was cited by many as the father of what is now the NWS, its first director, and issuer of its first forecast. However, a historiographical review of the literature that established the Abbe legend presented here shows the image held of Abbe today was actively manufactured; written, and supported by Abbe himself, his family, the Weather Bureau, and others within the AMS. We show that Abbe's role in the creation of the nation's first federal weather service was elevated while the contributions of others were actively downplayed. The latter applies particularly to Increase Lapham, who worked for two decades to demonstrate how a 24-h forecast of events could be generated from the collection and analysis of surface data, and whose active solicitation of Congressman Halbert Paine ultimately led to the creation of the first national weather service within the U.S. Army Signal Service on 9 February 1870. This paper is provided to shed a clearer light on those who contributed to the creation of what is now called the National Weather Service, which recently celebrated its 150th anniversary, and offer insights into how the Abbe myth was sustained as the AMS celebrated its anniversaries at 25-yr intervals over its 100-yr history. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article discusses the relations between power, memory, and the archive that surround the Malês revolt, a historical event narrated in Bahia de Todos os Santos: Guia de Ruas e Mistérios (Bahia de Todos os Santos: A Guide to the Streets and Mysteries) by the writer Jorge Amado (1977). It seeks to share reflections, tensions, and intentions that the contact with poststructuralist and decolonial studies can trigger before history, as a movement of insubmission able to potentiate a critique of official thought and the elected narratives. The Malê resistance and endeavor to protect their identity is a power expressed in Amado's book, which denounces the physical, linguistic, religious, social, and historical violence experienced by the dehumanization of Black bodies and the erasure of the national history of these popular figures who had participation in struggles for freedom and were silenced in the nation's official narratives. The work developed also aims to understand how the Brazilian novelist approaches these structures forged in the relations of power and control of history and memory used as mechanisms to erase the identities of ethnic minorities on Brazilian soil. The development of this study relied on the theoretical concepts of Derrida (1995/2001), Deleuze (1969/2009), Foucault (1969/2008), Mignolo (2003), Grosfoguel (1996), Quijano (2005), and Reis (1986). [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article presents different stories and memories of the Tina Martins Women's Referral Center. To this end, we moved away from the qualitative studies of history and memory in organizational studies that are based on the historic turn, which aims to go beyond the production of narratives that resort to the past as a tool for reproducing the power relations of the present. A vast amount of material was compiled from observing participants, including a field notebook, event records, and photographs, and individual interviews were recorded and transcribed. The results were organized into two main thematic axes: the first presents the process that led to the Center's foundation and the political disputes over its space, while the second addresses the meanings present in the group's everyday life. Given the construction of diversified and procedural historical narratives, this article proposes some critical reflections on the Center's experience that were discussed with its members, and instigates, via memories, the adoption of the historical approach to organizational studies. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article explores how historical silencing and epistemic in/justice occurs in and through the curation of UNRWA's central registry archive, now stored in Amman and previously located in Vienna, Gaza, and Beirut. Drawing on extensive work in the central registry and related archival collections, and critical archival theory, we show how the power dynamics of international aid, and the politics of the Palestine question, shape the collection's structure, content, and accessibility. We investigate the curation and selection of agency records, their organization, and their transparency or opacity to outsiders. In so doing, we illuminate how the curation of UNRWA's archive informs, shapes, and even distorts knowledge production on Palestinian refugee histories. By highlighting the interconnection between historical silencing and UNRWA's archives we expand understandings of the agency's complex, and at times contradictory, role in pursuing justice for Palestine refugees. Specifically, we unpack how the agency's curation of its archive can help promote its own preferred selfimage, and how this speaks to tensions at the heart of UNRWA's role. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Araucaria is the property of Araucaria-Revista Iberoamericana de Filosofia, Politica y Humanidades and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Revista Iberoamericana de Turismo is the property of Revista Iberoamericana de Turismo and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Manuela Sáenz de Thorne is commonly remembered for her passionate love story with Simón Bolívar, The Liberator. Although Manuela was an activist and an influential person before and after her relationship with Bolivar, she died alone and bankrupt in Paita, Peru. This paper highlights Manuela Sáenz's political influence, as well as the period of exile and the legacy, which is currently evidenced in a variety of literary, audiovisual and biographical references. In general, these productions maintain her image as a woman who was moved by passion and emphasize the character of a revolutionary leader ahead of her time. Therefore, this study focuses on the multiple biographies of Manuela Sáenz. From this perspective, we consider the role that certain memories have built about the "Insepulta de Paita". [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper analyzes the press control practices used by the provincial political powers of Entre Ríos between 1862 and 1870. This period was characterized by an increasing political dispute and the deepening of public debate. An indication of this process is the increase in the number of newspapers and the diversity of their political positions. Most of the newspapers were Federalists and supporters of Urquiza, but they maintained a space of discursive autonomy and what was published did not always go along the lines of the caudillo's interest. Also, there were Unitary and dissident Federal newspapers which were very critical of the provincial government and the figure of Urquiza. Respect for press freedom as a legitimating principle of the exercise of power prevented the development of legislation restricting that freedom and discouraged the practice of filing law suits for libel against publishers or journalist among provincial officials. Hence, the way in which political power managed to limit opinion was dominated by informal practices of political control. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Drawing on the population survey of social exclusion in Lithuanian cities, the article examines how residents' distrust of their power to change neighborhoods and influence local authority decisions reflects more general processes of sociospatial segregation and differentiation. We argue that this distrust is spatially driven, although there is a limited evidence to suggest consistent sociospatial differentiation between prestigious city areas (city centers and suburbs) and low-end zones (working-class neighborhoods and Soviet-era housing areas). Pointing to the residents' emotions of distrust and powerlessness related to 'messy' social exclusion processes, the article contributes to the research of both emotional geography and sociospatial differentiation in post-socialist cities. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article talks about Chinese president and Communist Party chief Xi Jinping's campaign on corruption dealing with the issue of the relationship between power and wealth in contemporary China. Topics include corruption in the Chinese government, post-Mao era in China and its impacts, and corruption in the People's Liberation Army (PLA). Also discussed is the economic reform and marketization in the Chinese economy.

Copyright of Revista Colombiana de Educación is the property of Universidad Pedaggica Nacional and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Since the early 2000s, "soft power" has become one of the most popular analytical tools in International Relations scholarship devoted to analyzing the influence of states in the international arena. Although scholars of Russian foreign policy have also embraced the notion of "soft power", they have mainly limited the scope of their analysis to Western countries and the former Soviet republics. In contrast, this article focuses on Laos, Vietnam and Thailand, countries whose history of relations with Russia are fundamentally different from both the West and Russia's "near abroad". By analyzing the images of Russia and its soft power resources in these countries, this article seeks to create a more comprehensive understanding of the ways contemporary Russia is perceived in the world and its potential tools of influence in Southeast Asia. Drawing on the results of a survey conducted among university students, this article examines the ways young educated elites in the three countries perceive Russia. It also explores the degree of correspondence between these images and the self-image of Russia espoused by its political elites. The results of this study suggest that while overall Russia is perceived as a Great Power, and its role in the world is seen as mostly positive, there are also important dissonances between the two images. Based on discernible differences among the three groups of respondents in the ways they perceive Russia, the article also suggests that historical memory plays an important role in shaping these perceptions. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article discusses the concept of power in public law in relation to the history of the U.S. Supreme Court, and it mentions American constitutionalism and constraints in state power, as well as U.S. constitutional law. Presidential (executive) power, federalism, and a separation of powers doctrine are examined, as well as the U.S. Congress' powers and the efforts to create a constitutional balance in America. Government institutions and constitutional structure are assessed.

The maxim that the federal government is a government of enumerated powers can be understood as a "continuity tender": not a principle with practical consequences for governance, but a ritual statement with which practitioners identify themselves with a history from which they descend. This interpretation makes sense of the longstanding paradox whereby courts recite the enumeration principle but give it virtually no practical effect. On this understanding, the enumerated-powers maxim is analogous to the clause that Parliament still uses to open enacted statutes: "Be it enacted by the Queen's most Excellent Majesty." That text might imply that the Queen is a source of legislative authority, but there is no practical sense in which legislation depends on her. Similarly, it might misunderstand the American system to think that Congress is in practice-or ought, in practice, to be-limited by its enumerated powers (as opposed to the political process or affirmative constitutional prohibitions), even though we continue to repeat the traditional statement. One important difference between the two cases, however, is that in the British system there is no controversy about whether the Queen should enjoy legislative power. In the American system, where there is serious disagreement about whether the enumerated powers of Congress must be limiting, it is necessary to bring the ritual-continuity aspect of the maxim more clearly into view, thus explaining why we could be attached to the maxim even if it need not do important practical work in the operations of governance. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

It is widely believed that China’s growing links to the global economy are translating into increased Chinese political influence abroad. This article explores this possibility quantitatively by examining whether increased trade with China correlates with an increased willingness by countries to accommodate Chinese interests. I use newly collected data that capture cross-national variation in the willingness of individual countries to support Chinese government positions relating to Taiwan and Tibet, and China’s status as a market economy. I find that increased trade dependence on China is correlated with an increased likelihood of taking an accommodating stance on the economic issue (market economy status). But the evidence linking trade to an accommodating stance on the political issues is more ambiguous. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The impact of power transition on inter-Korean rivalry has yet to he thoroughly studied. Interestingly, the period of power transition between Seoul and Pyongyang coincided with an increase in cooperation between the two countries. The main objective of this article is to show how the balance of power shifted in the early 1970s on the Korean Peninsula and to explain why South and North Korea managed to execute dialogue while undergoing power transition. As Seoul was overtaking Pyongyang, the two contenders believed that a peaceful transition was somehow possible. South Korean leader Park Chung-hee became confident of his country's increasing national strength, while North Korea's Kim II Sung remained optimistic that inter-Korean relations would unfold in socialisms favor. The combination of South Korea's growing confidence and North Korea's optimistic outlook paved the way for transient inter-Korean reconciliation during a period of power transition. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

According to Dasan Jeong Yak-yong, a ruler was chosen by the people as a chief who could resolve conflict. People in a community chose group leaders and then finally chose a ruler. Therefore, rulers could be ousted if they did not play their roles properly, which equated to righteous power in Dasan's thought, because the ruler would be ousted for not supporting the people or developing harmony among them. If a ruler abused his power or failed to carry out his responsibilities, provincial leaders could replace him, a mechanism rooted in the people. Therefore, the people could supplant the ruler. However, Dasan did not state implicitly that the people could replace the ruler, but rather that provincial leaders should decide, because Dasan advocated strengthening sovereign power in the case of King Jeongjo. Dasan illustrated the exemplary relationship between the people and the ruler through examples of rebellious subjects during Chinas Yin Dynasty. Dasan acknowledged that even a good ruler might encounter opposition. He believed that power and violence, or righteous authority and violent force, should be used according to the presence or absence of communal support and harmony. Support and harmony meant peace and thus determined the implementation of authority. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Saúde e Sociedade is the property of Universidade de Sao Paulo, Faculdade de Saude Publica and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Passagens: International Review of Political History & Legal Culture is the property of Passagens: International Review of Political History & Legal Culture and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Prometeus: Filosofia em Revista is the property of Prometeus: Filosofia em Revista and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

The Bethlens acquired an estate in Bonyha/Bahnea located by Kis-Küküllo/Târnava Mica River at the turn of the 16th century, but their presence can be documented with certainty starting 1545: they remodelled their manor-house the very same year. However, the over 400-year-old local history of the family took a sudden turn and was almost completely disrupted in 1946 and the subsequent years as being moved to an assigned residence. Apart from the introduction and some theoretical and methodological considerations, this study is divided into three parts and aims both at tracing what the 400 years meant, the role of the family in the life of the village, and the area and the macro - and microprocesses that accompanied the liquidation of the family's estate in Bonyha. Finally, the most important part of the paper attempts to examine the way in which the Bethlens are still present in the life of the village. This study starts from the premises that the major political events (wars, regime changes, border changes) represent the environment of everyday life, and people should react to these apparently external and remote conditions in order to shape their own day-to-day horizons. In this context, the seemingly objective statement that an agrarian reform took place in the year 1921 meant for the Bethlen family of Bonyha the first stage in the tragic process towards the liquidation of the estate and ultimately the family's disappearance. Thus, this study analyses the dynamic interrelationship between macro history and the small, local stories. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Chronic communal conflicts embody prisoner's dilemmas. Both communities prefer peace to war. But neither trusts the other, viewing the other's gain as its loss, so potentially shared interests often go unrealized. Achieving positive-sum outcomes from apparently zero-sum struggles requires a particular kind of risk-embracing leadership. To succeed leaders must: a) see power relations as potentially positive-sum; b) strengthen negotiating adversaries when tempted to weaken them; and c) demonstrate hope for a positive future and take great personal risks to achieve it. Such leadership is exemplified by Nelson Mandela and F. W. de Klerk in the South African democratic transition. To illuminate the strategic dilemmas Mandela and de Klerk faced, we examine the work of Robert Axelrod, Thomas Schelling, and Josep Colomer, who highlight important dimensions of the problem but underplay the role of risk-embracing leadership. Finally we discuss leadership successes and failures in the Northern Ireland settlement and the Israeli-Palestinian conflict. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article discusses India's foreign relations from 1947 through 2014, with a particular focus on the relationship between globalization and India's soft power. An overview of the influence that Indian culture and civilization has on foreign countries, including in regard to Indian films, art and dance, is provided.

As captured by neorealist theory, military power became increasingly relative through into the twentieth century, leading to a concentration of power within and between states—and enabling the buildup of huge colonial empires hardly a century ago. Yet since 1945, due to the overproportional effectivity gained by weaker and in particular nonstate actors it has become less relative, leading to a dispersion of power—resulting in an often violent decolonization, the problems US and North Atlantic Treaty Organization forces have faced in Iraq and Afghanistan in dealing with comparatively small insurgencies and a growing number of failing states. Military power has a selective function: the more relative it is, the more it restricts patterns of conflict as well as the number and nature of actors relevant to international and domestic security. Today, it is because military power is becoming less relative that security policy has to adapt to increasingly asymmetric challenges. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

As China turns increasingly to the cultivation of soft power in the course of developing its foreign policy, the use of political rhetoric and its explicit and implicit audiences become more and more important, both on a bilateral level and within the international arena at large. Using the case of China's relations with African countries, this article examines key themes within China's diplomatic narrative regarding its role on the African continent and contrasts with Western and African responses. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article discusses the relationship between property rights and power through referencing history from the 1830s through the early 2010s. The author contends that economic development under capitalism often results in governments' expropriation of the natural resources and land from marginalized, poor people.

This article examines the characteristics of cattle raiding in La Pampa during the first decades of the 20th century. The main objective of this research was to recognize the spread of social values regarding cattle theft in the fields of justice and press. We analyze the mechanisms of the state to control cattle theft and the social actors involved in stealing, commercializing, and transporting cattle, to make more complex the interpretations that only associate this crime to subordinate sectors of the society of La Pampa [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

One of the key aspects to understanding the dynamics of power of the American colonial system is how the local authorities managed to put into practice the royal decrees sent by the King. This article analyzes the viceroyship of the Count of Chinchón, looking to show that his administration of the intense taxation policy elaborated in Madrid to be carried out in Peru determined the alternatives of the entire fiscal process. In fact, it not only affected the rhythm with which the royal decrees were put into practice but, also the selection of the fiscal mechanisms that were effectively used, the institutional dynamics and the conditions under which the vice royal elite accepted this process. In this way, the king's representative became the principal agent of the negotiation and obligated the central power to tolerate the delay of the enforcement of fiscal measures for almost a decade, compromising before the interest of the local elite. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The aim of this work is to analyze the elections for governor of the province of Mendoza in 1873 —which account for a division of elites almost unheard since 1852— in order to show the strategies used by the leaders in their quest for victory. Starting from a review of the rules and a description of the facts, are then analyzed the representations and practices organized by the government sector as well as the opposition, postulating that was the possibility or not to control the state apparatus and the associated resources, which conditioned the strategies used by each of the fractions in dispute. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In his 2011 novel, titled Wish You Were Here, contemporary British author Graham Swift abandons his usual depiction of world wars as silent witnesses of times gone by and of a more structured, if questionably nobler, British past. Wish You Were Here explores contemporary warfare, both literal and metaphorical, at the same depicting a nation crumbling into itself. In this novel - history, instead of providing a coveted sense of structure, ceases to matter. In a way, it is non-existent. The main characters inhabit the world of the here and now, a world at war in more ways than one. The centre and the periphery shift, and the margin stands within Britain itself. While outsiders are nothing but a faraway threat, other Britons are the ones the main protagonists, being of a rural background, have to look out for. In this sense, Wish You Were Here presents a shift in the binary power relationship. The main protagonists fall outside of the hegemonic power structure, and the marginality that marks their existence is one within familiar territory. Consequently, otherness is characterized by feelings of disunity with the nation, and the aforementioned shift of the periphery is twofold, the main protagonists being both dislocated and displaced. The British men in the story almost resemble subalterns whose stories need to be heard. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article discusses the concepts of sovereignty, political legitimacy, and political power as established by the Cortes Generales (General Courts) of Spain during the early 19th century. The author comments on the influence of this enacted legislation on Spanish territories in the Americas, including Argentina and Chile. Civil and political rights in these regions are also examined.

A large literature emphasizes that elite capture of political institutions hampered the spread of mass schooling in the nineteenth and twentieth century. We collect new data on investments in elementary education and the distribution of voting rights for more than 2,000 local governments in nineteenth‐century Sweden and document that educational expenditure was higher where the distribution of political power was more unequal. In particular, areas governed by local landed elites—even those where a single landowner had de jure dictatorial powers—invested substantially more in mass schooling relative to areas where political power was more widely shared, or where it lay in the hands of capitalist elites. Our findings lend quantitative support to an earlier literature produced by economic and social historians which argues that landed elites advanced mass schooling as part of their historical role as patrons of the local community and as a response to the increasing proletarianization of the rural population, while also furthering our understanding of how Sweden maintained a high level of human capital despite its low level of economic development and restricted franchise in the nineteenth century. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Turkish History Education Journal (TUHED) is the property of Ahmet Simsek and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

In this article the author examines the motivation levels of employees and the methods that employers are allowed to use to motivate their workers. He suggests that, on the employee level, the United States is no longer as motivated as they once were. He also points out that, historically, when the American worker was motivated the methods that employers used to motivate were largely authority-oriented. Employers are no longer making use of these methods and the author questions whether this is because management has outgrown these methods or if people have talked them out of it. He examines how the U.S. has gone through this process and urges employers to find new motivational methods before it is too late.

Scholarship on factional warfare during the first two years of the Cultural Revolution has long portrayed a struggle between "conservative" factions that sought to preserve the status quo and "radical" factions that sought to transform it. Recent accounts, however, claim that the axis of political conflict was fundamentally transformed after the fall of civilian governments in early 1967, violating the central tenet of this interpretation. A close examination of Nanjing's abortive power seizure of January 1967 addresses this issue in some depth. The power seizure in fact was a crucial turning point: it removed the defenders of local authorities from the political stage and generated a split between two wings of the rebel movement that overthrew them. The political divisions among former rebel allies intensified and hardened in the course of tortuous negotiations in Beijing that were buffeted by confusing political shifts in the capital. This created a contest that was not between "conservatives" and "radicals" over the restoration of the status quo, but about the respective places of the rival radical factions in restored structures of authority. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

An introduction to this issue about power, identity and history is presented.

This article aims to analyse the exercise of political power of Mendoza's elite between 1831-1852. This period is determined by a remarkable political stability together with the Legislature's prominence, which expresses the cohesion of the political and economic elite in this Cuyo's province. This case provides a new example that relativizes the traditional perspective that describes the territories of Río de la Plato as subsumed by «despotic caudillos» who made institutions become void of content. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This work aims to propose a discussion on a classic problem: using the past to legitimize power; in other words, the relationship between history, politics and memory. In order to analyze this problem, our attention will be focused on a single figure: San Martín, regarded as father of the Fatherland, and who was sought in all historical periods and by actors from different ideological tendencies; and in one institution in particular, which occupied a privileged place in managing the memory of the utmost hero: the San Martín National Institute. In this text, we will analyze, comparatively, the place occupied by the aforementioned institution during two periods: the latest military dictatorship in Argentina, 1976-1983; and the so-called "transition to democracy". Specifically, we will consider the reassignments of the leader's images due to the established political projects: the "National Reorganization Process" in the first case, and the reestablishment of democracy in the other. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article explains how the concept and the practice of gift-making evolved in Spanish Italy in connection with power. Contemporary chronicles, avvisi (newsletters), and letters enable us to reflect upon how gifts were seen, given, and received in the period at the Spanish embassy in Rome and in the viceroyalty of Naples. It aims to establish how the exchange of presents affected the wielding of power and how it contributed to shaping the political culture of the Spanish in Italy. The seventeenth century and Italy were the time and place that witnessed the greatest experimentation in gift-making practices. This experimentation and the polysemic nature of gifts can also be explained as a result of the low level of professionalization that still characterized diplomacy in seventeenth-century Europe. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article discusses power as a key aspect of the globalization process existing in recent history through the colonial diffrence approach. It states that power relations keeping cultural differences have been integrated by the coloniality of power. According to the author, the dissemination of hopelessness is an important condition for the stability of hegemonic globalization.

The last three decades have witnessed a radical transformation in the political and social make-up of Southern Africa, evidenced especially than in the areas of race and power relations. ‘Narrating a White Africa: autobiography, race and history’ examines the ways in which life-writing forms are being ‘conscripted’ to make sense of the fraught and traumatic political and historical conditions of postcolonial Africa. That in the context of life-writing this occurs through the highly charged notions of intimate suffering and traumatic aftermath highlights the significance of the link between race, identity and history in contemporary memoirs by White African writers. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The different phases of the leadership long cycle are hypothesized to significantly alter the number of great power rivalries that terminate and initiate. Specifically, the global war phase is expected to "shock" dyads into and out of rivalry. Bivariate and multivariate event history techniques are used to show that periods of capability deconcentration are associated with increased great power rivalry terminations but not initiations. Furthermore, terminations are less likely to occur during phases of systemic capability concentration than in other periods, as the theory predicts. The expectations concerning rivalry initiations are not supported. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]