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In the United States, the lack of diversity, equity, inclusion, and justice (DEIJ) in water governance and management has been identified as a serious problem that affects the validity of decisions. Because water governance and management institutions, processes, and practices at all scales involve dialogue, it is important to understand DEIJ in water dialogues. This paper reports on the results of a systematic literature survey that was undertaken to guide efforts by The University of Arizona Water Resources Research Center to improve diversity and inclusion in its engagement practices and outreach strategies. Three questions are explored: 1) How is DEIJ defined, conceptualized, and measured in water dialogues?, 2) How does a lack of DEIJ in water dialogues affect water‐related outcomes and actors?, and 3) What are the approaches that can be used to increase DEIJ in water dialogues, especially with respect to underrepresented groups? The review synthesizes definitions of DEIJ and examines theories and methods from the literatures on discourse, diversity, social learning, and environmental justice. The lens of dialogue focused these disparate literatures on how people with diverse voices can be engaged and enabled to effectively participate in water dialogues. Despite the paucity of DEIJ literature relating to water resources in general, and to water dialogues more specifically, the review identified characteristics of DEIJ, factors that contribute to DEIJ issues, general lessons, and pathways that apply to increasing DEIJ in water dialogue participation. Further, this paper articulates a conceptual framework for understanding and addressing DEIJ failures in water dialogues. A concept of "just water dialogues" emerged that integrates insights from the literature reviewed with notions of environmental justice to help with identifying and resolving "water dialogue justice" (i.e., DEIJ failures). Review results suggest that DEIJ in water resources dialogues depends on the distribution of knowledge resources, and on broader issues that include cultural, political, and other often ignored contextual factors. Importantly, addressing DEIJ problems through the creation and maintenance of just water dialogues requires tackling power imbalances, enhancing individual and organizational capacity, and building bridges through effective engagement of diverse voices, especially those of underrepresented groups. Strategies that have demonstrated effectiveness in other contexts are highlighted, and future research needed to improve practices to enhance DEIJ in water dialogues is outlined. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Max-Planck-Institut für Gesellschaftsforschung Discussion Papers is the property of Max Planck Institute for the Study of Societies and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Dokuz Eylul University Journal of Graduate School of Social Sciences is the property of Dokuz Eylul University Graduate School of Social Sciences and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Journal of Babylon Center for Humanities Studies is the property of Republic of Iraq Ministry of Higher Education & Scientific Research (MOHESR) and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

The multiple constructions of identity that define an Indian woman - as a wife, a mother, a Goddess and the thread that holds these identities together, the "good-girl" are explored in this paper. Fox's (1977) argument of the use of "nice-girl" or "good-girl" as value constructs for the social control of women is used to examine the narratives of three Asian Indian immigrant women. The discourses presented in the case studies, reflect strongly on the socialized nature of the "good-girl" construct and indicate how its influences, sources, and definitions lead women to communicatively produce and reproduce the meanings of this construct whilst undergoing the dual tensions of embodying and resisting becoming the "good-girl". [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The recent electoral successes of right-wing and far-right actors in different parts of the world have prompted discussion on various topics: the causes of their rise, their characteristics and strategies, the motivations of electorates and the depth of the right-wing shifts in a range of societies. This paper proposes key themes for systematising this debate and some clues to understanding the rise of the right in such diverse and heterogeneous national realities. It also suggests recovering a constructivist conceptualisation of "authoritarian traditions" in order to analyse the mobilisation strategies, behaviour and coordination of right-wing groups from a perspective that highlights their dynamic and innovative nature. This approach allows us to (re)think authoritarianism as the result of symbolic practices and discourses that are assembled, (re)invented and updated to serve various purposes. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper is aimed at highlighting the problem of the use of emotive-evaluative vocabulary in the English-language mass media political discourse, which is a relevant topic since the scope of media texts in English is widespread in the information community and the media language is the basic means for communication, phrasing, conveying and storing information. Political discourse is a popular area of research of linguistics, as it covers all aspects of modern life and society. Being mainly broadcasted by the politicians, it is considered a complex linguistic phenomenon, whose objectives, direct or indirect, are aimed at disseminating, implementing political authorities and obtaining the majority of votes during the election campaigns. The article is devoted to the evaluation categories, which refer to the semantic and pragmatic categories and can be one of the strongest tools of influence on the public. Within the framework of our research 29 English articles, posted on the Internet, concerning the political leaders of the United States and Great Britain, attributing the personal characteristics to them, were analysed. Using the continuous sampling method there was found 214 examples of English emotive-evaluative vocabulary. During the study, the methods of compilation, interpretation, and descriptive methods were used. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Angles: French Perspectives on the Anglophone World is the property of Societe des Anglicistes de l Enseignement Superieur and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Drawing on participant observation and quantitative analysis, this paper investigates the National Conversation on American Pluralism and Identity, a series of local conversation projects organized by the National Endowment for the Humanities in 1995 and 1996. After linking this program to debates about American political culture, the paper analyzes the observational and survey data in light of five hypotheses about the conversations. The conversations reveal fundamental, unresolved dilemmas regarding the compatibility between American identity and ethnic pluralism, although the participants sometimes cope with these dilemmas in culturally creative ways. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Public affairs and lobbying is a high status and strategically vital public relations specialism. It is a field of PR practice that generates high levels of both scholarly and public concern in regard to its perceived role in supporting corporate power and the associated impact on the functional legitimacy of democratic institutions. For this paper a content analysis was conducted of academic journals (between 2000 and 2013) to provide insights into how public affairs and lobbying have been theorised and researched within public relations scholarship and to ascertain to what degree wider public concerns have been addressed. Findings include an empirical confirmation of the low level of research activity on public affairs; that stakeholder and rhetorical theories have been the most widely used theories, but are far from constituting dominant paradigms; that scholarship has privileged functional objectives over civic concerns; and that published work originates almost entirely from institutions in Europe and the US with the Global South invisible. The paper also discusses future directions for research in public affairs and advocates the placing of discourse into definitions of public affairs, and that academic public relations should assert responsibility for this field, but in a manner that more equitably balances organisational and societal concerns. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Architecture's presence in the city acts as a mediator through which the always already historical and social contexts are articulated. Architecture can influence our ability to give a comprehensive account of ourselves in the city. Our knowledge of self, our subjectification, is intertwined in the social conditions of our emergence. In effect, we make choices about which practices, or social actions, to enact based on their commensurability with regulatory norms. In many ways our everyday performances are explicitly tied to the presence of architecture. The purpose of this paper is to explore architecture's participation in the maintenance of hegemonic discourses circumscribing appropriate uses of city space. To understand the effects of architecture on lived experiences I utilize the art of parkour as both a unit of analysis and as a method of investigation. Parkour's engagement with architecture opens up a new understanding of the city. The data for this study came from several months of my regular participation in the parkour community in the downtown area of Indianapolis, Indiana. Therefore, I was embedded as much as possible in my field site interacting with other traceurs, conducting interviews, and being an active observing participant. To interpret and analyze the potential of parkour I take the position of the critical ethnographer. The purpose is to investigate how traceurs uncover new ways of understanding themselves, not only in relation to, but also in conjunction with, the architecture of the city. Through parkour, the self then finds its expression in the interstices of the knowable city. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Communication & Culture Online / Komunikacija i Kultura Online is the property of FOKUS: Forum za Interkulturnu Komunikaciju and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Conspiratorial thought has been highly visible in post-September 11th America, manifest through the continued growth of a public ‘9/11 Truth Movement’ as well as at the state-level, through the Bush administration’s conspiracy rhetoric of Islamic terrorists intent on infiltrating the US homeland. In this paper, I demonstrate how conspiracy can be understood as a ‘knowledge-producing discourse’; dialectically engaged across multiple subject positions and through which geopolitical narratives are performatively produced and contested at interconnected scales of bodies, homes, city streets and national ‘homelands’. Through drawing on, and challenging, the conceptual and methodological approaches of a burgeoning feminist geopolitics, I ground my analysis in the embodied performances of ‘patriotic dissent’ by members of the 9/11 Truth Movement in New York City, as well as through my own situated and ethical engagement with positions of political difference. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The distinction between ideas and discourse remains ambiguous in ideational theories of political choice. In addition, the role of rhetoric, or the strategic choice of language to represent a given idea, in ideational theories of political decision making is promising but underspecified. To explore these issues, this paper studies the impact of a specific discourse (i.e. an “ensemble of ideas”) about risk—often presented rhetorically as “the precautionary principle”—in a prominent political controversy: the regulation of Brominated Flame Retardants (BFRs). Widely used chemical compounds that improve fire resistance in many commercial products, BFRs have been measured in the fatty tissue of animals and human beings in increasing concentrations. The resulting concern about the safety of BFRs has led to regulatory action in a number of U.S. states. Although some have argued that a discourse of precaution facilitates the enactment of new environmental policies, we find that the rhetoric of the precautionary principle was an impeding factor for these BFR regulations. At the same time, we find that while political actors avoided the precautionary principle by name, they relied on certain ideas often attributed to the principle. Thus, the causal role of specific ideas in politics, we conclude, is significantly contingent on their precise rhetorical presentation.Polity (2009) 41, 189–210. doi:10.1057/pol.2008.31; published online 26 January 2009 [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

How does the journalistic community negotiate its identity, boundaries, and authority in relation to individuals and cultural forms that challenge the definitions of who is a journalist and what constitutes journalism? And how does it do so against the background of a growing academic validation of these alternative news venues? This study focuses on the figure of Jon Stewart, host of Comedy Central's The Daily Show with Jon Stewart, and on the stages and strategies by which Stewart was embedded into mainstream journalistic discourse, and in which journalists negotiated Stewart's definition, authority, and position vis-à-vis the U.S. journalistic community. By examining the journalistic discourse over a period of nine years and adopting a cultural, inter-textual, process-oriented approach, the paper seeks to go beyond the framework of "paradigm repair," attempting to account for journalism's changing identity and boundaries, while paying particular attention to the ways in which those boundaries are shaped by a complex interplay among different players within, on, and outside the margins of the journalistic community. The paper also suggests that Stewart's relatively successful co-optation was due to a fit between the normative and epistemological assumptions of three central players -- the journalistic community, political communication scholars, and Stewart himself. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Few presidential initiatives have attracted more public ridicule from scientists and engineers than `Star Wars', Ronald Reagan's 1983 proposal to build a missile defense system that would render the Soviet nuclear arsenal `impotent and obsolete'. Scientists found multiple ways of critiquing what Reagan's vision became: not a working weapons system, but a dramatically escalated research and development program known as the Strategic Defense Initiative (SDI), which stalled arms-control negotiations near the end of the Cold War. This paper examines how scientists crossed discursive boundaries between science and politics as they staged a social movement against SDI: a nationwide boycott of Star Wars research funds. It argues that scientists made discursive choices that furthered their immediate challenge to practices of military-academic research, while still shaping emergent identities in line with existing institutions. Significantly, this account cannot be simply incorporated into existing traditions of research in lay-expert communication. Whereas these traditions suggest that communicative practices either enable or constrain actors, this account shows they simultaneously did both. It advances the notion of 'discursive choices' as a concept that may help mediate between structure and agency in studies of public communication with technical experts. This account suggests that an examination of discursive choices may contribute to understanding how expertise is maintained and reconfigured within a particular political culture. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper examines masculinization and colonial ideologies that immediately come to surface at the intersection of "machete" (with its connotative associations) and the suburbs in the United States. By using the lens of feminist theory, we explore the contradictions in suburban home maintenance discourse (gardening discourse in particular) and present texts and images of women using and talking about the tools identified as masculine in Western industrialized contexts. In such examples, we observe that using machetes in the maintenance of suburban homes not only subverts unspoken rules about women and technology, but also reveals a gendering process that intersects with class and race/ethnicity, as well as those power relations that distinguish "third world" from "first world" environments. We argue that masculinized and colonial images associated with machetes renders invisible some women's work as well as their involvement in technology in the global economy. Stories in this paper emerged from an experience of one of the authors using a machete in an exclusive suburban home environment. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Civil religious themes have long been integral to public discourse in Ameba. Specifically the themes of mission and destiny, best known in the form of Manifest Destiny, still carry the country through periods of foreign conflict. This paper analyzes the discourses of President George Bush during the Persian Gulf War and President Bill Clinton during the Kosovo conflict. I identify the themes of mission by example and mission by intervention and argue that these forms of mission are intertwined. The use of these themes by presidents of different political ponies indicates that while they remain useful, they are adapting for a changing political and economic world system. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

As a cultural institution, the press plays a fundamental role in documenting and forging the public image of migrants. This paper analyzes two thematic axes in the post 9/11 narrative of the New York Times on migration. The image that was created during the year following the terrorist attacks presents on the one hand the Mexican migrant as a potential terrorist and on the other hand migration as a global problem. It is fundamental to problematize the rhetoric about contemporary migration by inserting it in the ideological roots that defined that moment and in the historical framework of the Mexico-United States relationship. The media rhetoric post 9/11 contributed to the emergence of a new international agenda by globalizing this representation. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article explores discursive constructions of women trafficked for sexual exploitation in newspaper articles in the United Kingdom and the United States. I draw on the results of a multimodal discourse analysis of 25 articles published in 2018 across seven newspapers. The framework of politics of pity is used to analyze the politics of representation of trafficked women. The analysis yields six categories that fall into two themes: Agency is depicted through trafficked women as deceased, controlled, and injured subjects, and visibility through the categories of strangers, victims, and survivors. These ways of appearance suggest that, in newspaper content, trafficked women are placed on a hierarchy of victimhood. Appeals to compassionate care are reserved for "ideal victims," while those lower on the hierarchy are construed as ambivalent subjects lacking a political voice. The study shows that dominant constructions of public suffering reflect a neo-abolitionist politics of representation, while marginalized identities and subjectivities are framed through ambivalence. To expand the remit of care, ambivalence could be productively used to contextualize social oppression in media accounts of human trafficking. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Foro Internacional is the property of El Colegio de Mexico AC and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

The present study assesses the relationship between religious faith, worship discourse, and military policy attitudes among White Americans. Our work suggests that religious congregations are important spaces for Whites to potentially engage in dissenting political talk. We find that the degree to which congregations inform military policy attitudes, laity must be involved in political discussions. However, this study also suggests that religious faith plays a role in the degree to which political discussions had within worship spaces associates with anti-war attitudes. White Evangelical Protestants tend to be less opposed to aggressive military policy than others. These differences become particularly pronounced among Evangelical and Mainline Protestants as members of these religious faiths become involved in and/or exposed to social-political discussions within worship spaces. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Abstract: Perceptions of the potential of emerging technologies like carbon capture and storage (CCS) are constructed not just through technical and economic processes but also through discourse, i.e. through compelling narratives about what a technology is, what a technology might become and why it is needed and preferable to competing technologies. The influence of discourse is particularly important in the innovation phases prior to commercialization when innovation activities are focused on research, development and demonstration, and when feasibility and costs of alternatives systems cannot yet be tested by market dynamics. This paper provides a state-level comparative analysis of CCS discourse in the U.S. to provide insights about the socio-political context in which CCS technology is advancing and being considered in four different states: Massachusetts, Minnesota, Montana, and Texas. This research combines analysis of interviews of state-level energy stakeholders and media analysis of state-level newspapers. In semi-structured interviews, state-level energy policy stakeholders were asked to explain their perceptions of the potential opportunities and risks of CCS technology within their unique state context. Interview texts were coded to assess the frequency and extent of various different frames of CCS opportunities and risks including technical, political, economic, environmental, aesthetic, and health/safety. A similar coding scheme was applied to analysis of state-level newspaper coverage of CCS technology. Here, the frequency of these different framings of CCS opportunities and risks in state-level print media was assessed. This analysis demonstrates wide variation in state-level CCS discourse and perceptions of the potential opportunities and risks associated with CCS technology. This mixed-methods approach to characterizing the socio-political context for CCS advancement in these four states contributes to improved understanding of state-level variation in energy technology innovation, provides valuable information about energy technology development in these specific states, and also offers insight into the very different sub-national discourses associated with emerging low-carbon energy technologies in the U.S. [Copyright &y& Elsevier]

The distinction between ideas and discourse remains ambiguous in ideational theories of political choice. In addition, the role of rhetoric, or the strategic choice of language to represent a given idea, in ideational theories of political decision making is promising but underspecified. To explore these issues, this paper studies the impact of a specific discourse (i.e. an “ensemble of ideas”) about risk—often presented rhetorically as “the precautionary principle”—in a prominent political controversy: the regulation of Brominated Flame Retardants (BFRs). Widely used chemical compounds that improve fire resistance in many commercial products, BFRs have been measured in the fatty tissue of animals and human beings in increasing concentrations. The resulting concern about the safety of BFRs has led to regulatory action in a number of U.S. states. Although some have argued that a discourse of precaution facilitates the enactment of new environmental policies, we find that the rhetoric of the precautionary principle was an impeding factor for these BFR regulations. At the same time, we find that while political actors avoided the precautionary principle by name, they relied on certain ideas often attributed to the principle. Thus, the causal role of specific ideas in politics, we conclude, is significantly contingent on their precise rhetorical presentation.Polity (2009) 41, 189–210. doi:10.1057/pol.2008.31; published online 26 January 2009 [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Abstract: United States (US) naturalization interviewers face the daunting task of determining applicants’ eligibility to become US citizens by quickly and efficiently assessing applicants’ moral character, loyalty to the United States, English proficiency, and knowledge of US history and government. Using selected transcripts of 63 audio-taped naturalization interviews collected from 1999 to 2000, examined the interaction between naturalization interviewers and immigrant applicants from 16 countries. In this paper, findings from are used to propose a discourse-based training course for (new) naturalization interviewers, aimed at raising their awareness of tools to negotiate meaning and of ways to make the interview format explicit to applicants. The training is designed using four representative naturalization interview transcripts to outline the components of the interview and then to highlight interactions where meaning is negotiated or format is made explicit. During the proposed training, examples of both successful and failed communication would be presented to the interviewing officers, with an emphasis on borderline cases. Discussions during the training course would focus on the fairness, effectiveness, and efficiency of the naturalization interview, especially in terms of the interviewer''s influence on interview outcome. [Copyright &y& Elsevier]

The article focuses on identifying and structuring the linguistic frames which are activated in relation to the representation of Kyivan Rus' in the U.S. English media discourse. The research aimed to examine the connections between the first historically recorded East Slavonic state and present-day Ukraine. The linguistic analysis is based on the rhetorical version of framing analysis, seeking to explore the ways how the rhetorical means used by the media contribute to shaping the audience's perceptions in specific historical and political areas. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Citizenship education is a complex and multidimensional construct. This article adds to the discussion of citizenship education by examining, ethnographically the ways the "vision" of a US Migrant Education Program is circulated through the program's discourse practices to Khmer American children of migrant agricultural workers. The article does not discuss the formal legal status of citizenship, but the program coordinators' beliefs about the skills and dispositions needed for the Khmer youth to become "good citizens." Within the coordinators' visions, the fixing of the youth's perceived deficiencies drive the curriculum, and as such the full participation of the youth as active citizens is not achieved. And if you do your part: Obey the rules, respect authority A good citizen is what you'll be. We're kids for character Here we stand, we're unified Side by Side Let's get together while we can ... (Music by Joe Phillips, for a children's' TV show featuring Barney. Topic of the show was Citizenship, 1996) [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article explores the dominant discourse on adult gender-specific sexually explicit material resulting from the pervasive influence of U.S. Supreme Court jurisprudence and the possible constitutional harm which may result from an abstract liberal-inspired accommodation of sexually explicit material. It notes that the obscenity jurisprudence of the court has been characterized by key features such as the subscription to an abstract concept of free speech and the assumption that all individuals have equal access to the means of expression and dissemination of ideas. The definitive impact of the U.S. obscenity jurisprudence on the thinking of the South African Constitutional Court is also tackled.

In the United States, undergraduates-regardless of their field of study-generally must complete a mathematics course to meet breadth-of-study requirements. This report is aimed at providing a research foundation for practical efforts to improve teaching and learning in such college mathematics service courses (e.g., college algebra, liberal arts mathematics, business calculus). The case participant, Professor Kale, was a PhD mathematician with 12 years of college teaching experience, 6 years as a graduate student and 6 years after the doctorate. He and students in both of his classes agreed to the daily video recording of their meetings for an entire semester. Through constant-comparative analysis of videos and extensive interviews with Professor Kale, as well as brief interviews with his students and other members of the department, we derived a description of discursive patterns in Kale's classes. We conclude with possible implications for future work in college mathematics service course research and teaching. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article presents an analysis regarding the transcended role of paramilitarism in Latin American discourse and society and internationally. The author is critical on the privatization of security and the morphology of wars of consolidation particularly the post-neoimperial adventures. The author suggests that people should not be surprised by the long-standing relation between the U.S. and paramilitarism, given the country's central role in the rise of the modern liberal republic.

By drawing on interviews with administrators, faculty and staff at one school in the northeastern United States, this qualitative work considers the ways in which school leaders negotiate, resist or draw upon discourses associated with health, weight, nutrition and fitness to understand and experience their own bodies and interpret their roles and responsibilities at the school. Analysis of the narratives suggest that school leaders saw themselves as public examples from which students might resist and/or mimic (ill-)health. Further, school leaders believed that it was only through their active engagement in and display of health that they were able to effectively evangelize their commitment to the social project of self. Thus, while schools could provide an important venue for young people to experience diverse notions of health and well-being, without a school leader's knowledge of or commit to exploring these alternatives, this outcome is unlikely. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Government, media, and medical accounts of Emma Goldman converged to create her public presence in the U.S. as a "dangerous individual." The prevailing discourses constituted Goldman as violent, utilizing her alleged menace to distract attention from far more egregious violence against labor by state and corporate forces. Goldman responded by denying, confronting, and redirecting the alarmed gaze toward greater risks left underarticulated in hegemonic accounts. Goldman's bold confrontations with authorities constituted a kind of anarchist parrhesia, fearless speech, a relentless truth-telling practice that risked her own security in pursuit of her "beautiful ideal." The labor of remembering America's history of class violence hones our attention to the complex discursive processes by which some historical facts come to count in prevailing narratives, while others fade into obscurity. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

To mobilize support for war and to control dissent, governments draw upon deeply engrained discourses regarding soldiering and the citizen's duty to support the troops. We identify the cultural and political evolution of the discursive legacy of "support the troops" from the Vietnam War through the Iraq War. Using longitudinal and comparative organizational analyses, we analyze how this discursive legacy was engaged by U.S. peace movement organizations (PMOs). PMOs frequently made positive references to U.S. troops during both the Gulf War and Iraq War, creating a stable discourse centered around supporting the troops. Moreover, during the Gulf War the movement expanded the web of support by asking who else should be cared about beyond the troops, thus de-coupling the support discourse from the nation and the state. During the Iraq War, PMOs also developed an elaborated "discourse of betrayal" by redefining what it means to support the troops. Here they deployed proactive, anticipatory discourses, turning the tables on the Bush administration. PMOs also increasingly criticized the troops during the Iraq War due to well publicized human rights abuses. The findings demonstrate that movement discourses are both stable and flexible, influenced by past rounds of discursive contention as well as contemporary political events. We highlight the cultural constraints imposed on movements by dominant discursive legacies, and the strategic responses made by movements in response to emerging discursive opportunities. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article theorizes and begins to explore the extent to which academic and nonacademic discourses contribute to the reproduction and legitimacy of the economic status quo. The author argues that economic practices in the United States are often depoliticized in at least two different ways: They are naturalized or essentialized conceptually, and political control over them is limited. Drawing on antiessentialist Marxian economic theory, Gramsci's theory of hegemony, and poststructuralist theory, the author constructs a framework for conceptualizing economic practices in a more politicized manner. The author also provides some specific examples of depoliticized discourses and a few examples of more politicized discourses. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article focuses on the counter-hegemonic discourse of Salim al-Hoss which is the rhetorical offensives determined as politically motivated writings that consists on the political, economic, social and moral flaws of the hegemonic power particularly U.S. and its foreign policy. Many see language as an alternative to violence but the article points out to a more complicated relationship between language and violence. Depending on the context and personality of the reader, rhetorical offensives as language may urge or discourage violence.

As a marker of national identity, the term “American“ is culturally meaningful but also difficult and contradictory. In the first part of this article, we develop the claim that analyzing nationalism as discourse provides a meaningful lens for the study of this boundary-making process. In particular, the distinctions between civic/ethnic and inclusive/exclusive forms of nationalism have proved nettlesome for a consideration of American nationalism. In the second half of the article, we use data from the Southern Populist movement of the late nineteenth century to provide both relational and cultural analyses of the use of the term “American.“ Although its use was primarily “civic,“ it had important but complex racial implications. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

An intricate network of collaborative relationships surrounded and supported nineteenth-century American women's public discourse. Antebellum women worked closely with families, friends, and hired help to create and deliver rhetoric, negotiate conflicting private and public obligations, accommodate gender norms, and construct "feminine" ethos. However, despite collaboration's central importance to women's rhetoric, scholars currently lack a model that accounts fully for its many forms and multiple functions. This article introduces a new model of collaboration capable of explaining how and why this cooperative method offers marginalized groups their most effective means to the public forum in resistant surroundings. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This essay explores the rhetorical education of nineteenth-century women attending the Westfield State Normal School, the second public and first co-educational normal school in the United States. Archival research reveals that Westfield developed a program of rhetorical study that aimed to prepare both men and women to use oral and written persuasive discourse in their work as teachers. Westfield justified its progressive curriculum by arguing that advanced study in rhetoric would help future teachers to foster learning, win respect, and achieve meaningful moral influence among their pupils. While traditional gender ideologies at times complicated the efforts of female students to master oral and written persuasive discourse, Westfield's faculty and students remained committed throughout the century to the idea that study in rhetoric would aid the future teacher in cultivating a powerful public voice. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article discusses health care costs, which has expanded beyond the technical domains of accountancy and entered the realms of public discourse. The article analyses this discourse through an examination of all the stories published in The New York Times between 1 April 1992 and 1 May 1993, which contained the phrase "health care costs". The article describes the current discourse and examines how antagonistic social interests strive to inscribe the concept of health care cost with conflicting meanings and ideological accents. Health care costs in the United States totaled $940 billion in 1992, up 12 per cent from 1991. Spending on health care accounted for more than 14 per cent of the nation's total economic output. The article catalogues the multiplicity of meanings conveyed by the words, "health care costs" and describes how the meaning of the term changes from one context to another within contemporary discourse. The quote illustrates the extent to which the term "health care costs" has, in common usage, become identified with the cost of employee health benefits paid by US business. A significant portion of the contemporary discourse on health care costs is devoted to employee health care benefits. "Health care cost" is a symbolic form whose meaning is shaped in popular discourse as much as in the technical spheres of accounting education, research and practice.

This study examines some similarities in the discourse organization of episodes of verbal conflict and verbal questioning that occur during American family dinners. Questioning and conflict both often exhibit a "chaining" or "recycling" discourse pattern which involves use of the same kind of interactional move in successive turns at talk. This similarity of discourse structure is used to develop a sequential recycling principle which attenuates the duration of both conflict and questioning sequences. This principle is closely related to Mishler's "exponential law of successive questioning." Conflict and questioning sequences collected from field video and audio recordings of family dinners are used to test the attenuation predictions from the recycling principle. The recycling principle is found to hold for conflict and questioning sequences. The influence of generational status and age on attenuation is examined. Some implications of the results for understanding verbal family conflict are developed. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]