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Based on conceptual metaphors, this paper firstly screens and classifies the main features of the original corpus to determine whether it has metaphorical features. Metaphor, as a rhetorical technique, connects abstract concepts with concrete images. Then, each metaphorical corpus is assembled by a discriminator, and the conceptual structures and features mapped from the original corpus are combined with those in the target domain to form a new discourse structure. Finally, the entire generated corpus is annotated and cognitive analysis is performed according to the annotated classes. It was found that the green health concept plays an important role in the news discourse, especially with the biological environment, which accounts for an average of 66% of the reported resources, and news reports about the green health concept have a high reading volume, with an average of 2950 times per month. This indicates that the public has a high level of concern about green health and is willing to actively obtain relevant information. This is important for promoting the communication effect of bioenvironmental protection and provides strong support for promoting sustainable development and ecological balance. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper explores the path from ecological discourse (ED) to ecological behaviour (EB) in environmental protection from the perspective of the ecolinguistic continuum. ED (i.e. beneficial and destructive discourse) is taken as a new indicator for improving individual EB in environmental protection. Based on the questionnaire survey data of 992 participants from 27 (79.4%) provinces, autonomous regions, and municipalities in China, a tentative structural equation model (SEM) is established consisting of ED, ecological values (EV), ecological intention (EI), and EB. Through the path analysis (mediating and moderating effect test) by AMOS 23.0 software, the results show that ED cannot directly affect EB, which may be mediated by EV or EI, or both of the two, but the probability of an individual's ecological practice will be increased by the influence of beneficial ED as input. Furthermore, under the moderating of ED, the probability of transforming EI into EB is greater than that of EV, suggesting that ED has a bigger voice in EI→EB, and a positive and significant moderating effect of beneficial discourse is tested. Thus, ED as an indicator provides a new perspective on environmental protection and sustainable development. Potential applications for this indicator are also included. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Previous scholarship in qualitative methodologies commonly classifies researchers' status in the field into insiders or outsiders. However, the prevalence of participatory observation in numerous social science disciplines has blurred the insider/outsider dichotomy and highlighted that the levels of researchers' involvement in the field are becoming context-specific and far more complex than just insider or outsider. Inspired by this tendency in fieldwork methodology, this paper seeks insights from a theory in communication studies, role theory, to understand researchers' status regarding the roles they adopt in their interactions with research participants. Through reference to relevant sociological and psychological schools of thought, this paper highlights discourse as a crucial instrument for researchers' role-making in fieldwork. This study draws on the author's experience conducting fieldwork in a Central China city to demonstrate how a researcher engages in shifting field contexts by intentionally assuming numerous roles. To explore state-firm relations in local development, the author recruited two groups of research participants: government officials and business managers. The author actively learned and employed comparable discursive techniques in interactions with each group of participants, thereby assuming various roles in different contexts. These findings underscore the purposeful self-presentation and intentional role-playing/change as effective means for human geographers and researchers in extensive disciplines to be involved in participant groups for gathering data more efficiently. Meanwhile, the author's self-reflection also illuminates the consequent impacts on research outcomes and ethical issues due to the involvement of researchers in their participants, therefore highlighting the necessity for detachment. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Previous scholarship in qualitative methodologies commonly classifies researchers' status in the field into insiders or outsiders. However, the prevalence of participatory observation in numerous social science disciplines has blurred the insider/outsider dichotomy and highlighted that the levels of researchers' involvement in the field are becoming contextspecific and far more complex than just insider or outsider. Inspired by this tendency in fieldwork methodology, this paper seeks insights from a theory in communication studies, role theory, to understand researchers' status regarding the roles they adopt in their interactions with research participants. Through reference to relevant sociological and psychological schools of thought, this paper highlights discourse as a crucial instrument for researchers' role-making in fieldwork. This study draws on the author's experience conducting fieldwork in a Central China city to demonstrate how a researcher engages in shifting field contexts by intentionally assuming numerous roles. To explore state-firm relations in local development, the author recruited two groups of research participants: government officials and business managers. The author actively learned and employed comparable discursive techniques in interactions with each group of participants, thereby assuming various roles in different contexts. These findings underscore the purposeful self-presentation and intentional role-playing/change as effective means for human geographers and researchers in extensive disciplines to be involved in participant groups for gathering data more efficiently. Meanwhile, the author's self-reflection also illuminates the consequent impacts on research outcomes and ethical issues due to the involvement of researchers in their participants, therefore highlighting the necessity for detachment. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In this paper, we investigate the death penalty in the People's Republic of China in the Xi Jinping era (2012-). Unlike previous administrations, Xi does not appear to have articulated a signature death penalty policy. Where policy in China is unclear, assessing both the quality and frequency of discourse on the topic can provide evidence regarding an administration's priorities. Therefore, we analyse death penalty discourse during Xi's tenure and compare it with discourse under his predecessors. We base our analysis on three large datasets assembled for this project--the collected works of China's leaders, a complete corpus of The People's Daily and a database of academic publications in China. We find no references to the death penalty in Xi Jinping's speeches. We also find a decline in The People's Daily coverage of the death penalty beginning in 2015 and a sharp decrease in academic publications on capital punishment beginning in 2011. Our findings indicate that discourse on the death penalty has declined in the Xi era. We argue that the death penalty has been demobilised under Xi as a discursive site of political signalling. Finally, we conclude with some observations about discursive silence. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Relaciones Internacionales (1699-3950) is the property of Autonomous University of Madrid, Spain, International Relations Studies Group (GERI) Law Faculty and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Since the outbreak of the COVID-19 Pandemic, China has been actively leading international cooperation in fighting the virus. However, The US and some other western countries have repeatedly passed the buck to China, which has posed greater challenges for the building of China's international discourse system against such backdrop. To this end, this paper focuses on the official discourse of the Chinese Ministry of Foreign Affairs themed on “fighting against the COVID-19 Pandemic”, and construes the strategies of building China's international discourse system against the context through the analytical tool—cognitive-pragmatic model of proximization theory, thus exposing the hidden ideology as well as the false propaganda of the western countries toward China and providing intellectual support for China to transform its development advantages in the field of hard power into those in soft power. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper responds to the call for more focus on how micro-level processes of identity regulation are shaped by, and constitutive of, wider societal institutions. We provide a case study of identity regulation in a Chinese multinational and show how senior managers in the firm draw on distinctive national and organizational contexts in China to construct, reinforce and reproduce a particular set of identities for employees. These identities draw upon discourses in the wider Chinese context which reflect the struggle of China to become a major industrial power after a century of humiliation by the West and the need for employees to provide this extra effort in the face of the existential challenges faced by the company and by the country. We demonstrate how managers create specific HR mechanisms that intertwine these discourses with the identities of employees and with the identity of the organization. This paper contributes to a better understanding of how micro-processes of identity work and mid-level processes of identity regulation and firm strategy are linked to macro-level institutional structures. Based on the framework provided, the paper discusses how far similar identity regulation mechanisms could be adopted elsewhere where similar macro-level discourses might be available, first in other Chinese MNCs, second, in other East Asian countries such as South Korea, third, more widely in emergent economies where MNCs are embedded in state-driven forms of capitalism, and finally in developed economies where populist nationalism is becoming increasingly influential. In this way, studies of identity regulation can bring organization studies into greater dialogue with other social sciences concerned with wider institutional change and continuity [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

What is the impact of China’s official human rights stance on international human rights discourses/norms? Will China’s ambition to change the international human rights framework succeed, resulting in a new normative order in the world of human rights? The article attempts to address these questions. First, it identifies the state’s practice pursuing different standards when dealing with human rights issues internationally and domestically. Second, it argues that China is no different from other states when it behaves in a double standard way. The paper maintains, however, that China’s double-standard human rights approach is critical for the future development of the international human rights regime since the CCP leadership intends to redefine human rights in its own interests. While China’s interests align with most states in the third world, its pursuit of normative design is a threat to the current notion of universal human rights. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Quetes Litteraires is the property of Katolicki Uniwersityt Lubelski Jana Pawla II, Wydzial Nauk Humanistycznych, Institut Filologii Romaj and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Warnings that a breakdown in multilateral trade liberalization would bring about an upsurge in protectionist sentiment, the possible collapse of the multilateral trading system and, in the most doomsday of scenarios, the fragmentation of the global economy have been an intrinsic part of trade negotiations since the General Agreement on Tariffs and Trade (GATT) was first negotiated. What is seldom acknowledged, however, is the role that this language of crisis and collapse--what might be called a 'crisis discourse' --has had on framing trade negotiations and in maintaining forward momentum in the liberalization process. This discourse has played a role in facilitating the kind of institutional development that the GATT and the World Trade Organization (WTO) has undergone--helping to push through bargains among GATT contracting parties and WTO members that have been (and remain) deeply asymmetrical--and driving the trade agenda forward at moments when the institution appears deadlocked; and it has continued to play a role in the current round of negotiations. The aims of the paper are twofold. First, the paper explores the content of the crisis discourse. Second, it examines the way in which the discourse has been deployed as a means of reframing trade negotiations in such a way that the likelihood of their continuation and ultimate conclusion increases. The paper does this by focusing on the collapse and resumption of the negotiations in the wake of the WTO's 2005 Hong Kong ministerial meeting, though the crisis discourse and its intensification at moments of intransigence has been a key feature of trade negotiations since the Allies first sat down to develop a trade architecture in the wartime and early post-war years. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Journal on Masculinities & Social Change / Masculinidades y Cambio Social is the property of Journal on Masculinities & Social Change / Masculinidades y Cambio Social and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

ABSTRACT: This paper studies the critical role of the microscope in subject formation of early 1950s People's Republic of China. The campaign against alleged germ warfare (xijun zhan...) in 1952 politicised the action of seeing the enemy through the discourse of science. Widely used for science education and mass mobilisation for the campaign, the microscope was at once visual technology and an apparatus of power, magnifying hidden and invisible enemies that threatened the new regime. This paper argues that "seeing the enemy" was the hygienic practice of weisheng (...), which took on a new meaning of abjection in the early 1950s. By looking into news reports, visual materials, and science writing from this period, this paper proposes a transdisciplinary methodology for studying PRC history that brings together psychoanalysis, visual culture studies, and the history of science and technology. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper argues that new interpretations of "eating bitterness" (..., chiku) have firmly entered the landscape of China's social organisation. Whereas the bitterness eaten by heroic types in China's revolutionary past was directed towards serving others, now the aim of eating bitterness is self-awareness. Furthermore, bitterness- eating, which once pertained to rural-urban migrant workers as opposed to discourses of urban "quality" (..., suzhi), has now also been taken up by the urban middle classes. A new cultural distinction, therefore, adds dignity to migrant workers while potentially marginalising a wide range of unproductive people, both urban and rural. This distinction ultimately mitigates risk to the Chinese regime because the regime makes sure to reward those who eat bitterness. This paper is based on ethnographic data gathered in Anshan, from the rural areas surrounding Chengdu, and our analysis of a TV show about a peasant boy who becomes a Special Forces soldier. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper engages with China's currently most prominent environmental policy concept: ecological civilisation. As this concept is becoming a cornerstone of China's strategy of socialist modernisation, we examine whether and how the term can enable ecological protection in China and beyond. We argue that ecological civilisation, while a recently emerged discourse, builds on established environmental governance practices in China that shape its manifestation in political action. To illustrate this argument, we explain how two philosophical principles central to ecological civilisation discourse, "holism" and "harmony", have been expressed in environmental political practice in Communist China. Building on this analysis, we suggest that ecological civilisation discourse may have a profound impact in certain policy domains (e.g., resource conservation and ecologi cal conservation redlines), but limited transformative capacity in others (e.g., environmental litigation and resource extraction). [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Through analysis of the evolution of the Japanese, Chinese and South Korean narratives of the Silk Road, this paper argues that the content and the nature of these Silk Road strategies changed with time and the international environment. Thus, this paper claims that, the notion of the Silk Road has changed from a static concept of a historical trade route into a product of social construction of a number of powerful states – strategies that are constantly shaped, imagined and re-interpreted. In this sense, the Silk Road is not a foreign policy doctrine but rather a discursive strategy of engagement that largely exists in the realm of narration. This narration is also a matter of social construction that is subject to change depending on the international environment of the country (China, Japan, Korea, etc.) that produces such narratives, context of a receiving region, the alternative narratives that compete for wider international acceptance and the country's vision of “self” and the “other” in the international context. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Abstract: In several sign languages, it is observed that sometimes a nominal expression appears twice within the same sentence, once in its regular syntactic position and once sentence-finally as a pronominal pointing sign. This paper investigates how these sentence-final pronouns are used in Hong Kong Sign Language (HKSL), which is the natural sign language used by the Deaf community in Hong Kong. Previous studies of sentence-final pronouns in sign languages put forward three major accounts: these pronouns serve as focus/emphasis markers, agreement markers, and right dislocations. On the basis of elicited and spontaneous discourse data collected from deaf native signers, this paper argues that sentence-final pronouns in HKSL are right dislocated ‘aboutness’ topics. Given that pronouns in HKSL, as in other sign languages, are directed towards the locations associated with the intended referents, sentence-final pronouns can help secure the attention of the addressee towards the topics in discourse by upholding their visual prominence via spatial indexing. This strategy is most commonly used in conversational interactions. [Copyright &y& Elsevier]

Abstract: This paper aims to contribute to a fuller understanding of professional communication by focusing on the intertextuality and interdiscursivity of the request e-mails exchanged among a group of professional English language teachers of a public education institution in Hong Kong. The types of intertextual and interdiscursive elements incorporated in the request e-mail discourse produced by the teachers, and the possible reasons for such incorporation, are discussed in the paper. It is found that the intertextual and interdiscursive elements drawn upon by the teachers in constructing the request e-mail discourse serve four pragmatic functions: (1) distancing themselves from the discourse and thus diverting the possible forthcoming resentment to others; (2) convincing others to comply with the requests they made; (3) emphasizing selectively and strategically the various roles they were playing; and (4) managing rapport with the e-mail recipients. [Copyright &y& Elsevier]

Since the early 1990s, urban neighborhoods have seen a rapid growth of protests by homeowners for their "rights." This paper tries to study the origin and development of the rights movements from the perspectives of political process and mobilization structure. Based on field work in several homeowners committees in Beijing, the author argues that the rapid changes of the social structure, mobilization structure and general discourse on the movements contribute to the increase of homeowners' rights movements. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

China's political environment offers limited space for critical debates on domestic politics. In such a constrained environment, people tend to represent and articulate climate change issues without explicitly addressing their political aspects. The aim of this paper is to examine this political ambiguity in climate change discourses. Q methodology was employed to elicit the subjective positions of forty-five young and educated Chinese individuals. Three discourses were extracted: namely, prosaic environmentalism, co-operative economic optimism and actor scepticism. These discourses do not indicate critical intent and deep engagement in the political arguments regarding climate change. This raises concern about the growth of climate citizenship within the country. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Since the turn of the 21st century, China has leveraged the international environment in its favour to achieve a spectacularly rapid rise, a success that Chinese strategic policymakers attribute in part to 'seizing the strategic window of opportunity'. How has China perceived the international environment and shaped the narrative of its macro-strategy? What impact has it had on China and the world? The article explores the evolution of the strategic narrative of the 'window of opportunity' in three stages since the 21st century and explores its impact in terms of quantity and keyword mapping by analysing the narrative texts of China's 'discourse coalition' (government, official media and intellectual elites). The study found that China's macro-strategic narrative is primarily driven by the official political and semi-official intellectual elites and places a premium on domestic political persuasion rather than external displays of strategic intent. It combines classical and modern philosophical thinking and methodology with the two core objectives of 'maintaining peace' and an 'economic priority'. Over 20 years, the trend of narrative production of the 'strategic opportunity period' has shown a concentrated emergence and fluctuating decline, and its narrative elements have been enriched, interlinked and aligned with the narrative of the CPC's core policies. The narrative of the 'strategic opportunity period' has been a powerful force in building domestic legitimacy, guaranteeing partial fulfilment of strategic objectives and offering lessons for other countries to learn from. Inevitably, the narrative faces a number of dilemmas and challenges. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Classroom teaching is a kind of social activity system. Thus, as a form of classroom learning, collaborative problem solving has a strong social attribute. It is extremely common to choose the conflict discourse in the context of cooperation. The verbal characteristics of the conflicting discourse level in cooperative mathematics problem solving directly affects the cooperative learning between students and the classroom teaching of teachers. This article focuses on the overall linguistic characteristics of conflict discourse in solving cooperative problems and the discourse style and language characteristics of the three stages of conflict discourse. The main research conclusions are as follows: (1) The classification of language features of conflict discourse includes extreme summaries, negation, discourse markers, and so on. Among them, the frequency of Indexical 2nd-person pronouns is the highest. (2) The language expressions at the “initial stage of conflict” include Explanatory statement Negative response, instruct refuse and Seditious inquiry Confrontational answer. The language shows the characteristics of using emphatic words or phrases, negative words, imperative sentences and so on. Meanwhile, rebuttal questions, direct responses, explanations, and negative avoidance are the main forms language expressions at the “conflict stage.” It also exhibits the verbal characteristics of rhetorical questions, negative comments, and direct negation. Lastly, topic-shifting, compromise, thirdparty intervention, and one-sided wins are the linguistic expressions at the “end of conflict.” The language features are the appearance of tone relaxation and language easing, and the conflict ending utterances reflect cooperation. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article confronts a puzzle regarding the People's Republic of China's foreign policy: during the Mao era, China adamantly upheld the principle of non-intervention/non-interference (buganshe), while at the same time actively engaged in national liberation movements in the Third World. Rather than treating it as a case of political hypocrisy, this article shows that the apparent inconsistency between China's rhetoric and behaviour can be resolved with a post-structuralist perspective. Its analysis of Chinese official, dominant discourses reveals that a moral-historical teleology is at play within the texts, which absolves China of moral responsibilities and presents its worldwide involvement as a legitimate exception. Furthermore, by presenting Chinese discourses on (non-)intervention as a potent instrument of resistance, this article seeks to decentre and remedy the Eurocentrism in the International Relations scholarship. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper investigates the discoursal strategies of four teachers in providing feedback to student responses in English classrooms in Xi'an, People's Republic of China. The findings indicate that the teachers provide positive feedback for students English learning in various ways, including using the most common strategies such as accepting, encouraging, and repeating, as well as the strategies of extending and prompting. This study indicates that these strategies are beneficial to the students' linguistic and cognitive development because they provide comprehensible input and require English-speaking on the part of students. Although some of the strategies appear to be common among teachers in English-speaking educational systems, they are identified explicitly in this study because they are strategies different from those used in traditional language classrooms in China. In addition, this study differs from the previous work done in that it posits the analysis of discourses in extended exchanges within one thematic topic. These exchanges usually consist of more than one round of initiation response followup (IRF) sequence. Such broadened IRF sequences provide a rich and meaningful situated context from which the education on the function of classroom discourse can be made. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Abstract: This paper examines the usage patterns of two passive constructions, the emerging zao construction and the conventional bei construction, in Chinese media language where the distributional ratio of the zao construction to the bei construction is conspicuously higher than in other genres. The difference is especially dramatic in Internet news headlines. To account for the uses, we adopt a corpus-driven constructionist approach, seeking to identify the semantics of the two constructions by means of collostructional analysis. Based on the corpus data, we argue that the two constructions differ primarily in the speaker/writer''s subjective experience of the event in which the patient is affected. Specifically, we invoke the psychological constructs of empathy and sympathy to account for the respective functions of the two passive constructions. The genre-specific usage patterns of the two constructions in the Internet news headlines are attributed to the pragmatic manipulation of semantics for the purpose of constructing stance and creating sensationalism. Cognitive psychological insights on human emotion, cognition and morality are discussed in support of embodied semantics and pragmatics. [Copyright &y& Elsevier]

After decades of military reform, how does the Chinese military justify its persistent role in politics and social life? This mixed-methods study examines the discursive strategies used by military deputies to understand how a semi-professional military speak to its relations to the Party, its own organizational missions and goals, and potential conflicts between them. Computer-assisted text analysis is combined with targeted deep reading to identify and examine latent topics in comments made by military deputies between 2001 and 2017. The findings show that the military deputies simultaneously mobilize a political discourse and a discourse of professionalism. This duality of discourse constitutes a source of legitimacy for the military's pursuit of corporate interests. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

During the ongoing COVID-19 pandemic, institutional communication has been playing a crucial role. For instance, WHO (World Health Organization) has been involved in criticism concerning information related to the origins of the pandemic delivered or not in due time. Starting from this assumption, the study is aimed at investigating the WHO Director-General communication concerning news related to the pandemic through the analysis of speeches delivered by Dr Tedros Adhanom Ghebreyesus, the WHO Director-General, from 22nd January to 29th May 2020. From a methodological perspective, the approach of Critical Discourse Analysis will be adopted with particular emphasis on semantic / syntactic relations. Furthermore, the representation of social actors will be explored in order to better understand the roles played by both WHO and China in the news concerning the pandemic. In short, this work will try to explore the processes involved in the communication concerning the pandemic and the representations of the roles played by both WHO and China in order to understand legitimation strategies enacted by these two social actors. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Classifiers in Mandarin Chinese typically occur after a numeral and before a noun. In this paper, we examine the interactions that the Mandarin general classifier, ge, has with its neighboring elements as they form constructions. Taking the usage-based approach, we investigate post-verbal constructions involving ge, i.e., ‘V yi ge N’ and its variations. Because of repeated use, the prototypical ‘V yi ge N’ gives rise to some variant constructions through formal reduction and some other through reanalysis and decategorization. Some of the variant constructions can express the speaker’s stance, and we analyze the pragmatic inferencing steps that derive these evaluative meanings and study how some of these meanings are strategically exploited in clause structure and in discourse interaction. Our analysis points to the significance of the collocational/metonymic association between co-occurring linguistic elements in forming constructions and developing constructional meanings. Our study also shows that frequent use is the source for the establishment of the prototype, which in turn provides a point of departure for the application of pragmatic principles, formal reanalysis, and the inclusive interpretation of non-prototypical, extensional uses. [Copyright &y& Elsevier]

Prior research indicates that just 4.5 percent of mainland China's higher educational institution leaders are female. This article extends theory and research by drawing attention to identity and Discourse as an important, yet under-researched, aspect of the problem of women's underrepresentation in higher education leadership. Drawing on in-depth qualitative interviews with nine female academics in Chinese universities and informed by discursive approaches to identity and constructionist views, we analyze how women construct multiple identities, the interplay of identities, and the influence of broader societal Discourses of gender and leadership. The findings highlight the interplay between competing multiple identities, and illustrate how the women's identities are shaped and constrained by dominant historical and cultural Discourses in Chinese society, which results in identity regulation (Alvesson and Billing 2009), notably identity positioning that is congruent with social norms and conventions. A key finding is that the female academics reject the leader identity. This is true for those in middle management positions, as well as women in early career stages, who might otherwise aspire to leadership. Implications for the leadership pipeline in China's universities is discussed and recommendations are made for future research directions. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Sino-American discourse on the nature of the press as a social institution is a historical subject in addition to one for our times. This article locates today's Sino-American discourse on the role of the media in a broad historical context before observing the degree to which the globalization of media technologies has complicated what for a century was typically a confrontational discourse between the two countries over the appropriate role of the press in society. It reveals that China and the United States sparred over that question from the early 20th century forward and that each country has served as a foil for the other insofar as attitudes about the media, as well as media practices, have been articulated and justified. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In China, the emergence of WeChat--a comprehensive mobile application--has introduced millions of older adults to the digital world. This study conceptualizes the use of WeChat among Chinese older adults from the theoretical framework of alternative media. Based on four focus group discussions in Shanghai, China, with 35 individuals aged 50 years or older, the study found that WeChat exposes many Chinese older adults--for the first time--to a large amount of controversial information and viewpoints that are critical of the official discourse; it also enables some of them to participate in civic life online. The research also reveals a number of constraints such as Internet censorship and WeChat's profit-driven environment, which to a large extent limit the potential of the mobile application to facilitate alternative communication among this group of people. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This study investigates eight TEFL pre-service teachers' reflective thinking on their classroom discourse in a middle school in China. The data comes from reflective journals, interviews and classroom observations. Three major themes emerge from the journals: physiological aspect, interpersonal aspect and pedagogical aspect of discourse. Moreover, the features of their reflective thinking on classroom discourse are explained. It is concluded that conceptualization is the most prominent feature. Additionally, the study finds out three influential factors on the focuses and features of pre-service teachers' reflective thinking: lack of teaching experience, lack of knowledge on students and teachers' identity dilemma. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article examines the views of Chinese collaborators on Pan-Asianism, race, and culture during 1939—1945. It depicts the changing attitudes of Chinese collaborators toward the Anglo-American nations, and discusses how the Pacific War led to the revival of the concept of Pan-Asianism and the appearance of a racial and cultural discourse among Chinese collaborators. Also, it analyzes the nature of collaborators’ discourse on race and culture. This is an uncommon episode in twentieth-century Chinese history in which Chinese propaganda gave vent to racial sentiments. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Qiye wenhua/'enterprise culture' has emerged as a new paradigm in China's economic reforms. Hailed as China's new 'culture' it featured in an interview with certain executives of non-state owned enterprises. In the examination of this discourse, the concept of 'communicative action' (Habermas, 1998) is adopted as an analytical tool. The main contention in this exploratory examination is that there is speaker intent to justify China's model of socialist market economy. This justification is mainly reflected in the semantic content of the discourse, which stresses what is 'unique' and 'characteristic' in China's economic reforms. The rationale for this contention rests primarily on the argument that given the context of skepticism and criticisms leveled at the Chinese model, and the fact that the speakers themselves are key players in the new market economy, it would be likely that in a public discourse of this nature there would be grounds for attempts at legitimizing the Chinese economic model. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Transboundary rivers are increasingly difficult to govern and often involve issues of national security, territoriality, and competition. In developing countries, the management and governance of these rivers is dominated by a particular decision making group, often comprised of politicians, bureaucrats, and engineers. These groups perpetrate a technocratic paradigm towards the management of transboundary water, with limited genuine international cooperation. The transboundary water situation in South and Southeast Asia is becoming increasingly fraught as the geopolitical context is changing due to China's increased involvement in regional issues and climate change. With over 780 million people dependent on these rivers, their governance is vital to regional and international stability. Yet, the technocratic management of transboundary rivers persists and is likely to become increasingly unsustainable and inequitable. A discourse-based approach is applied to consider transboundary water governance in the shifting South and Southeast Asian context. The result is an alternative perspective of why governance approaches on transboundary rivers have resisted meaningful reform. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]