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Introduction: Despite the relative harmony of the Western states on essential security issues, the July 2024 parliamentary elections in the United Kingdom (the UK), ending with the overwhelming victory of the Labour Party, who has returned to power after 14 years, may have a significant impact on the relationship this country has with the European Union (the EU). Since Brexit, the diminished trade has contributed to a decline in the economy of the United Kingdom and it is one of the countries most significantly impacted by the "increasing cost of living” crisis. Methods: Using an Impulse Response Function (IRF), this paper will assess the impact of a further decline of EU-UK relations as well as the policy implications of some proposals supported by significant fractions of the Conservative Party, namely tax cuts. Results and discussion: The paper concludes that a further decline in trade relations between the EU and the UK will lead to a further decline in the economy of the UK that has few feasible alternatives in terms of trading partners. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper introduces a set of papers analysing the likely economic impact of Brexit across key aspects of the UK economy as the country comes to the end of its first full year outside the European Union. The Brexit vote in 2016 was not just a vote on the UK's relations with the institutions of the European Union but was also a referendum on the fractured state of the UK as a nation. The resulting conflation of Brexit with domestic economic policy debates is reflected in this issue. A first cluster of papers focuses on the consequences of choosing to abandon the 'four freedoms' enshrined in the Treaty of Europe, the free movement of goods, services, capital, and labour across the EU, and a second is concerned with the indirect effects of Brexit in those areas of domestic policy that have been opened up by the Brexit decision. The economic consequences of Brexit are only just emerging, but these papers provide an informed perspective on the state of debate, and the likely implications of Brexit across a range of policy areas, both international and domestic. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper aims to analyse how immigration was discursively constructed as a newsworthy topic in the UK's quality papers' campaign coverage of the Brexit referendum. To do so, a corpus of four major British broadsheets (The Guardian, The Independent, The Times, and Daily Telegraph) was collected and analysed with a combination of qualitative (Discursive News Values Analysis) and quantitative (Corpus Linguistics) methods. The results show that similar patterns of news values usage appeared in the corpus across the ideological lines (left-right) and Brexit stance (Leave-Remain). Although some dissociation strategies can be observed in the left-wing or Remain backing press, the statistically significant presence of similar linguistic pointers indicates that an anti-immigrant discourse was a salient part of the coverage, even permeating into the left-wing press and the Remain camp's discourse. The adoption and repetition of such narratives could also, by themselves, lead to further acceptance and normalisation of the common anti-immigrant topoi in the broader discourse of Brexit in society, although more research is needed in this regard. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Brexit has undeniably had effects on power relations in the world economy and beyond. This article aims to measure the dimensions of power for the European Union, the United States and the BRICS countries and to provide a case study about the prospective impact of Brexit on the EU's and the UK's positions within the global architecture of power. In this regard, the paper proposes a new method of measurement of the world power by using six dimensions of power, using data before the Brexit procedures started. The highlights of the empirical findings are that the exclusion of the UK has strengthened EU's position only for the economic dimension of power, while for the UK, the most dominant repositioning within the power architecture due to the Brexit is recorded for the political & governance. The findings can contribute to raising awareness among policy--makers, companies, institutions and the population, both at European and at national level, about populist tendencies and attitudes towards potential separations of some member countries from the European community and their consequences for the European development from multiple perspectives. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The objective of the paper is to assess the resilience of UK's economy towards two economic shocks: the Covid-19 pandemic that hit the global economy in Q4 2019, in years 2020, 2021 and 2022 and the Brexit following the withdrawal of UK from the European Union on 31 January 2020. To assess the resilience of UK's economy, two sets of forecasts are generated: forecasts using historical data including the pandemic and the Brexit (from Q1 1998 to Q4 2021) and not including the pandemic and the Brexit (from Q1 1998 to Q3 2019). The computation of the difference of their averages is an indicator of the resilience of the economy during the pandemic, the greater the difference the greater the resilience. Eurozone is used as benchmark. By subtracting the average forecasted 2022- 2050 Eurozone quarterly GDP growth rate (annualized) obtained with the Q1 1998-Q4 2021 data, +2.93%, by the one obtained with the Q1 1998-Q3 2019 data, +1.59%, the difference is +1.33%, whereas with UK the difference is -2.33% [-0.24% - (-2.09%)]. Thus, Eurozone shows a greater resilience (+1.33%) than the UK (-2.33%) based on 2022-2050 forecasts. In addition, the authors pointed out that the average of the 2022-2050 quarterly (annualized) growth rate forecasts of the Eurozone is expected to be +2.93% with the 1998-2021 data whereas it is expected to be only -2.09% forUK The Eurozone economy shows better prospects than the UK economy. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper analyzes recent developments in the British and European government bond markets with reference to the UK's decision to leave the European Union. The two main goals of the study are, firstly, to examine whether the Brexit referendum result has affected the risk premium and, secondly, whether there are any changes in risk pricing following the referendum. The paper finds a significant impact of the Brexit referendum on the risk premium in selected economies. Furthermore, the results suggest that there is a considerable change in risk pricing after the announcement of the referendum result. Credit default risk and the risk aversion play a much important role in the post-referendum period than they did prior to the vote, particularly in the UK. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

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In this paper we present the importance of detailing the contextual conditions of a qualitative study to highlight any potential participant-researcher tensions. We emphasize the importance of understanding context in rich detail to expose societal complexities while maintaining positive participant-research rapport. Through two cases, this paper considers that bracketing, reflexivity, and transparency can be applied to form appropriate strategies to deal with external disruptions to qualitative fieldwork. The cases draw on Brexit's impact on two studies conducted in the United Kingdom. In so doing, we argue that time, relevance, and the individuals involved can coalesce to express varied influences on a study. Thus, bracketing, reflexivity and transparency become vital to dealing with such influences; particularly when they are disruptive to a study. Overall, the strategic approach outlined by this paper can be used to maximise awareness of potential sources of tension in the field and to deal with any tensions that do arise. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In this introduction, we review the previous literature, present mostly in political science, on how Brexit has been perceived, discussed and instrumentalized outside of the UK. We provide an overview of the papers that make up this special issue, pointing out the various media (e.g. news websites, online discussion fora, TV programmes) and discourse domains (politics, banking) that the contributors address, along with the discourse aspects covered by the articles, such as narrative, humour, emotion, blame allocation, framing, and reference and predication. We conclude by highlighting possible future research, especially beyond the national level. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The initial stage of the COVID-19 vaccine rollout has been slow-moving and marred by supply disruptions in the EU. These problems have triggered severe criticism toward the institutions and highlighted a stark contrast compared to Britain's vaccination campaign, which, at the beginning of 2021, was one of the fastest in the continent. In the ensuing debate between the EU and the UK on their uneven vaccination rates, the Brexit argument has been repeatedly invoked: Some political commentators have argued that the reason why COVID-19 vaccination campaign could run so smoothly in Britain is that the country was not held back by the EU's slow approval process. This paper observes the way in which Britain emphasized its blistering vaccination pace to deflect criticism against Brexit. From a discursive perspective, Britain's vaccine success was used to vindicate the Brexit project, providing a new argument in favour of its indispensable and timely nature. At the other end of a binary rhetoric, the EU officials attempted to shatter confidence in the 'British vaccine', while also depositing blame on other factors triggering the EU's delay, such as the shortage of pharmaceutical supplies. The analytical part of this paper foregrounds strategies of discursive legitimation to observe how, and to what extent, the Brexit debate is being reshaped in UK and EU media by looking at a corpus of political tweets. The rhetorical strategies adopted by UK political leaders and EU officials to (de)legitimise national and supranational choices with reference to the COVID-19 vaccination campaign are observed through the lens of Critical Discourse Analysis as it embraces the idea that discursive acts are in dialectical relation to the social and institutional structures in which they are framed. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The UK left the European single market in energy on 31 December 2020, having been a leading light in its promotion. It entered into a new energy relationship with the EU-27 as outlined in the EU–UK Trade and Cooperation Agreement (TCA) on 1 January 2021. This paper discusses what has happened to the UK energy sector since the Brexit referendum of June 2016. Since our previous paper on this topic in 2017, there has been a significant clarification in the impact of Brexit on the energy sector in the UK. We outline what the TCA says about energy. We then discuss the current and potential future effects of Brexit on the UK electricity and gas systems in turn. We observe that the likely economic welfare impacts on electricity are larger than the impacts on gas, but the overall microeconomic impact appears likely to be modest (but negative). We offer a number of concluding observations. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Research background: The Brexit referendum had a profound effect on the economic relations between the United Kingdom (UK) and continental Europe. Major economic and financial determinants were affected, including the impact of the GBP/EUR exchange rate volatility on the dynamics of UK exports to the Eurozone. Purpose of the article: This paper seeks to assess the extent to which these dynamics have changed since Brexit and to estimate the magnitude of their impact. Methods: To this end, the volatility behavior of the GBP/EUR exchange rate before and after Brexit is captured using EWMA, GARCH(p,q), and EGARCH(p,q) models for the period of January 1, 2010 to August 31, 2020. The post-Brexit change in the volatility structure of GBP/EUR exchange rates is then tested by including a dummy in the optimal volatility model. Finally, the Autoregressive Distributed Lag (ARDL) Bounds Testing approach is employed to analyze the relationships between exchange rate volatility and exports. Findings & value added: GARCH(1,1) was selected as the winning model and used to examine the volatility structure of the post-Brexit exchange rate, which revealed no significant change. By incorporating a well-grounded proxy for exchange rate volatility into the demand function of exports, and controlling for the industrial production index, terms of trade, and real exchange rate, the analysis showed that exchange rate volatility had a negative impact on export volume to the Eurozone in both the long and short run. Additionally, the industrial production index had a positive effect on export volume in both the long and short run, while an appreciation in the value of the pound relative to the euro adversely affected the competitiveness of UK exports in the Eurozone market in the long run, with no impact in the short run. This paper serves as a benchmark for future studies, as it follows a three-step modeling approach and provides valuable insights into the potential economic and financial consequences a European Union (EU) member state may face should it choose to exit the EU. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper provides an empirical analysis of the novel Autumn by Scottish author Ali Smith, published in 2016. Our study seeks to contribute to the understanding of the way the author has chosen to represent the cultural and generational gaps on the background of Brexit in the UK in her novel, by providing an in-depth stylistic analysis dwelling on the author's linguistic choices. The applicative part of our study will provide a stylistic investigation of the selected literary text, bringing to the fore the main linguistic features and the symbols the author has chosen in order to depict the general state of the nation and to underline the divisions and the fractions born as a consequence of the 2016 referendum in the UK. This study addresses several issues related to the cultural and generational gaps already existing in the pre-Brexit period in the UK, which are reflected in Ali Smith's novel. Smith, who considers that all Brexit did was to reveal these gaps, underlines the fact that these misuderstandings and differences had already been there before the UK's decision to withdraw from the European bloc. The main objective of this paper is to provide a stylistic analysis with special focus on the symbols and symbolism identified in the selected literary text, be they people, marks, locations, or material objects, representing something beyond the literal meaning. Our analysis fosters a more in-depth understanding of the selected literary text, uncovering the hidden yet essential aspects of the novel. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Introduction: It is well-known that after the most significant enlargement of the EU in 2004, a great number of migrants from the Visegrad countries (V4), including Slovakia, decided to seek new opportunities in the UK. This has been reflected in numerous studies illustrating the consequences for British society and particularly the negative shift of Britons' attitudes towards migrants. The fatal mixture of political populism, media influence and social issues subsequently led to a referendum with the unexpected outcome of Britain leaving the EU, otherwise known as Brexit. Objectives: The main objective of the research presented in this paper was to examine the social, economic, legal and political consequences of Brexit and its impact on the migrant strategies of the Slovaks living in the UK. Methods: We used qualitative-research methods in the form of 30 in-depth semi-structured interviews online after the Covid-19 pandemic forced the original plan of interviewing the participants face-to-face to be abandoned. The approach used in the interviews was biographical, addressing the migrants' personal history (in respect to migration), present (in respect to Brexit) and future (in respect to both Brexit and migration). However, the final themes and questions included in the interviews was also affected by the pandemic which had largely replaced Brexit as the main cause of the migrants' concerns and had to be reflected. Results: A qualitative analysis of the collected data showing that Brexit did not alter the migration strategies of those 30 Slovak research participants, especially those from the post-EU-admission migration wave. They did not intend to go back to Slovakia and did not perceive any immediate negative impact of Brexit on their lives. Moreover, they believe that Britain would easily sustain and deal with any potential trouble resulting from Brexit. However, the focus of this paper is on those who emigrated before 2004 and can see the UK, their own lives and consequences of major political decisions in a broader perspective. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The aim of this paper is to explore the impact of Brexit on national identities. Particular focus is on British expatriates prior to and in the aftermath of the Brexit referendum held in June 2016 in the sense that Britain's withdrawal from the EU raised concern about their identities in Europe. The paper uses media framing as a methodological tool in order to gain a better understanding of the way British daily newspapers represented British expatriates' worries about Brexit. Corpus of the study, consisting in a selection of 200 articles from the Sun and the Daily Mail, is qualitatively analyzed in a bid to find out the way such newspapers framed Brexit in relation to British expatriates. Media frames are also juxtaposed to Ipsos Mori and YouGov polls dealing with Brexit and related issues to gain a better insight into media effects. Results of the study reveal that media frames seemed to have had a major impact on British expatriates, increasing their concern about their national identity to the extent that some of them decided to apply for another citizenship within the EU to keep their rights as EU citizens. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

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Brexit, i.e. the withdrawal of the United Kingdom from the European Union, is a major event in European and global politics. It has been debated from a multitude of social, economic, and cultural angles. This paper offers a cognitive linguistic perspective on Brexit, and investigates its metaphoric conceptualization on the first days after the 2016 referendum. That period seems especially important as, arguably, it was then that for many UK citizens, Brexit suddenly became more than just a hypothetical possibility. The investigation is quantitative and follows Socio-cognitive discourse studies principles. It registers frequencies of source-domain use in UK online media, and traces preferences as to general source-domain semantics. The findings strongly suggest the presence of negative source-domain preferences. This negative metaphoric construal comes in stark contrast with the 3-year par between the Leave and Remain stances in the UK. To explain that discrepancy, the paper argues in support of the importance of 'levels' in source-domain use. Admittedly, throughout Lakovian works (e.g., Lakoff and Johnson, 1980, 1999), conceptual metaphoric transfer has been argued to take place at what Rosch et al. postulate as basic-level categorization (1973). However, as the present paper suggests, Rosch's 'levels' in prototypology can be seen as functioning through conceptual metonymy. That, in its turn, combined with the all-pervasive cognitive mechanism of spreading activation (first introduced into linguistics by de Beaugrande and Dressler in 1981) suggests all semantic levels can be co-activated in the process of metaphorization, regardless of which level is currently being highlighted and drawn on. As a consequence, different semantic levels are believed here to have the potential to co-influence inferences and connotations resulting from conceptual metaphorization. Thus, the approach adopted in the present study also has the potential to explain why it has been so difficult for scholars to pinpoint and formulate metaphoric transfers. Importantly, the 'levels' proposed here should be differentiated from, although not interpreted as contradicting, the metaphor-relevant levels specified in Kövecses (2010). [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper documents a significant association between the exposure of an individual or area to the UK government's austerity-induced welfare reforms begun in 2010, and the following: the subsequent rise in support for the UK Independence Party, an important correlate of Leave support in the 2016 UK referendum on European Union membership; broader individual-level measures of political dissatisfaction; and direct measures of support for Leave. Leveraging data from all UK electoral contests since 2000, along with detailed, individual-level panel data, the findings suggest that the EU referendum could have resulted in a Remain victory had it not been for austerity. (JEL D72, F15, F60, H53, I38) [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The Brexit vote in 2016 caused consternation in higher education circles. Financial and reputational questions were raised concerning: the number of students from EU countries coming to study in the UK; the ability of the sector to retain and recruit staff from the EU; the threats to research funding; and the ability of UK students to study abroad. This paper tracks developments since then. Much remains uncertain and the picture has been complicated by the impact of Covid-19. Though enrolments of EU citizens for the 2021–22 academic year have fallen dramatically, this has been more than offset by larger numbers of UK entrants and entrants from non-EU countries. The main immediate threat is to research funding, partly because of restricted access to EU programmes and partly because of constrained government spending. The longer-term threat is to the sector's relationship with European academia. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The paper reviews the implications of the EU–UK Trade and Cooperation Agreement (TCA) for the control of subsidies. Controls will be less strict than under the EU state aid regime but tighter than with no deal and WTO rules. A subsidy control authority will be established by the UK which will oversee the application of broad principles set out in the TCA. A well-designed authority would help to prevent a repeat of the UK experience in the 1970s and 1980s, when subsidies were detrimental to economic performance. Regrettably, however, the government has decided to adopt a politicized approach to subsidy policy. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The Global Forest Products Model was applied to forecast the effect of Brexit on the global forest products industry to 2030 under two scenarios: an optimistic and pessimistic future storyline regarding the potential economic effect of Brexit. The forecasts integrated a range of gross domestic product growth rates using an average of the optimistic and pessimistic projections from recent reports. According to the results, Brexit caused a sustained modest decline in UK demand for wood products through 2030. The consumption of sawnwood in Britain was 1.0-2.1% lower by 2030, 2.9-6.1% lower for wood-based panels and 1.9-4.1% lower for paper and paperboard. With Brexit, the UK net trade deficit in sawnwood decreased by 4.8-9.9% by 2030, 4.4-9.1% for wood-based panel and 5.5-10.8% for paper and paperboard. The effects on industrial roundwood consumption and production within the UK were negligible. Both scenarios had a modest adverse effect on the global market for wood products. The consequences of Brexit were mostly within Europe and driven predominantly by reduced consumption within the UK itself. While the effect was greater under the pessimistic scenario, the overall impact on the global wood products industry was small, and it had no discernable effect on prices. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Culture, Language & Representation / Cultura, Lenguaje y Representación is the property of Universitat Jaume I and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

The possibility of the UK's withdrawal from the European Union has never been more realistic and upto- date since joining the European Communities (EC) as it is today. The UK is facing a unique situation. At present, this depends solely on the capabilities of European and British government officials, who negotiate the terms of withdrawal and future cooperation between the two entities. The main goal of this paper is based on the British - Slovak trade relations development analysis to figure out their impact within the Brexit consequences on the future Slovak economy and its current status in international economic relations. The paper also provides a basic overview of Brexit process and its possible impact on the EU's further functioning. Basic data will be drawn from generally accepted institutions, evaluating the UK and Slovak trade and economic performance. To accomplish this goal, methods such as analysis and comparison to illustrate the UK-Slovak foreign trade development, synthesis and logical deduction to discuss the Brexit impact on Slovak economic environment in the future are to be used; data from scientific and professional publications, periodical and non-periodical press. The paper presents the results of an empirical analysis, which showed that because of the size of economic relations between Slovakia and the United Kingdom and the number of goods and services being exported to the UK, the «hard» Brexit will be very unfavourable for Slovak foreign trade due to the possible tariffs being imposed. The research empirically confirms and theoretically proves that it can cause a significant weakening and slowdown in the Slovak economy. Either way, the upcoming Brexit process, that is the withdrawal of Great Britain from the European Union, would have a major impact not only on British, European but also on the world economy. The impact of Brexit on Slovakia's economy will not only be in reducing the possible growth of the economy, but also in employment and price increases. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper uses a small and simple theoretical DSGE model in order to conduct some exercises in comparative dynamics of shocks that can be associated with Brexit. We do so by comparing two policy environments, one where a flexible macroprudential regulation (FMR) is in place and one, where this is not the case. This enables us to evaluate whether and to what extent FMR helps to mitigate the Brexit related shocks. We conclude that FMR would indeed be helpful, although in quantitative terms only slightly so. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

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Copyright of Foro Internacional is the property of El Colegio de Mexico AC and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

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The paper focuses on the European Parliament (EP) elections seen as a tool for migrant political participation. When migrating for work, EU migrants do not always consider naturalization as an optimal arrangement, being satisfied with rights connected with their EU citizenship. Therefore, in terms of voting strategies, they often limit their voting rights to those connected with the institutions of their country of birth. However, the particular political context might create additional motivation for participation in EP elections. I would argue that such a particular situation did occur in the United Kingdom in May 2019, when many EU migrants decided to exercise their right to vote in EP elections. Furthermore, many of them were then denied this right, which has been attributed by some to the lack of efficiency on part of British institutions. The paper will look at the institution of the European Parliament elections, analyzing both the normative justification of the formal arrangements and the empirical dimension of 2019 EP Elections in the United Kingdom in the context of the ongoing processes of Brexit. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The relationship between the United Kingdom and the European Union has always been tumultuous and problematic, and European integration has always been a controversial topic in the UK's contemporary politics. However, current research on the Brexit referendum's news discourse hardly addresses this topic directly. Therefore, this paper analyses the discursive construction of the UK versus the EU during the campaign coverage of the Brexit referendum in major British broadsheets. To do so, a corpus of four major British broadsheets along ideological lines (left-right) and Brexit stance (Leave-Remain) was analysed by applying a mixed method approach of Corpus Assisted Discourse Studies (Discursive News Values Analysis along with some Corpus Linguistic tools and techniques). The way news values were adopted in the campaign coverage of the British broadsheets shows a certain continuation of historical discourses around the relationship of the entities. The results show that news values during the campaign coverage were adopted by the pro-leave outlets to construct a highly negative and elite-associated image of the EU in contrast to the UK, while the pro-remain broadsheets mostly focused on a limited, practical and economic argument in favour of the EU, maintaining and highlighting the importance of UK independence. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper analyses the effect of trade policy uncertainty in a customs union on export‐platform foreign direct investment (FDI). First, I develop a partial equilibrium framework with heterogeneous firms based on the proximity–concentration trade‐off that involves trade policy uncertainty about trade costs inside a customs union. Second, I derive an empirical equation that I test by exploiting the 2016 Brexit referendum as a natural experiment and using data on manufacturing greenfield FDI projects. The results show that trade policy uncertainty impacted negatively the decisions of firms to invest in export‐platform activities in the UK following the Brexit referendum. Moreover, I find that extra‐EU manufacturing firms preferred EU countries as opposed to the UK for new investments after the 2016 referendum. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Background: Beyond Great Britain, Brexit could also have ripple effects on the electricity systems of certain other EU member states. This paper investigates the possible effects of reduced growth in interconnectivity between Great Britain and mainland Europe by 2030 on the electricity system in GB and across other EU member states in addition to the effects of Pound depreciation. Effects are analyzed across a "Green Scenario" and "Blue Scenario" in 2030, based on the ENTSO-E (European Network of Transmission System Operators-Electricity) 10-year development plans. There is a greater expansion of nuclear and renewables in Green than in Blue and, in Blue, the British CO2 price is higher than in the EU. Within each scenario, there are four variants: full vs. reduced expansion of interconnection capacity, in combination with no devaluation and 10% depreciation of the British Pound. The EMME (Electricity Market Model for Europe) is used to model these impacts across the different scenario variants. Results: Interconnector utilization is more volatile in the Green Scenario variants, leading to concerns about investor incentives, especially given the increased uncertainty under Brexit. In terms of electricity prices, GB consumers lose out across both Blue and Green scenario variants, whereas EU and GB producers both gain and lose in different variants. Across the Green Scenario variants, EU neighbors' trade balances with GB deteriorate slightly, but the impact is far stronger in Blue due to a loss of opportunities to export power. GB sees significant increases in electricity costs across scenario variants. Green scenario variants offer potential for modest emission reductions in certain EU nations, whereas Blue Scenario variants lead to greater emission reductions in the EU neighbors which contrasts with a sharp rise in GB emissions. Conclusions: There is a significant link between NTC expansion and wholesale prices. Delayed or cancelled NTC expansion could negatively affect the GB power system's low-carbon transition. Pound depreciation and reduced expansion of NTCs lead to shifts in generation-related CO2 emissions. A higher cost burden for electricity is a risk for GB, whereas, for EU neighbors, their trade position with the UK risks deteriorating. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In this paper, a sustainability framework with a case application for UK's Scottish fisheries has been developed which integrates aspects related to economic growth, social development, governance, biology, environment, and logistics. Scotland is the centre of UK's commercial fishery sector however it faces challenges such as overexploitation, and changes in the governance structure following Brexit. The contributions of this study are threefold including (i) collecting and analysing primary data gathered from a diverse group of stakeholders in the Scottish fishery sector and scientific community, (ii) prioritising a diverse range of criteria in terms of importance in decision making from industry and scientific community perspectives, (iii) elaboration of the key management objectives in this region within the context of sustainable management of fisheries in the UK. The results of this stakeholders' survey show that the key management objectives are reductions in overexploitation of stocks, inclusive governance, increase in transparency and simplicity of policy measures, reduction in marine litter, and increase in the efficiency of vessels. The analysis also shows that the industry group places a higher importance on socio-economic objectives such as increase in profit and employment compared to the scientific group. On the other hand, the scientific group prioritised the objectives such as reducing discards, bycatch, and impact on seafloor compared to the industry group. This study provides insight for the UK's fisheries sector, and scientific advisory groups for the enhanced implementation of sustainable fisheries management policies. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The aim of this paper is to investigate the impact of Brexit on the dependence between European financial markets. We use the Diebold and Yilmaz (2009, 2012) approach to better map the relationship between the three main European markets and we propose an Optimal portfolio weighting to gain insights into the portfolio design dynamics in the period between 2013 and 2019, in particular any changes due to uncertainty surrounding Brexit. First, the findings show that between September 2015 and September 2016, the high level of volatility and spillover confirms the strong degree of market integration, with uncertainty surrounding the referendum outcome having a clear impact on the three main European markets. Second, the direction of spillover in the pre-Brexit period was from the UK market to the French and German markets in anticipation of uncertainty regarding the outcome of the referendum and the period immediately following it. Third, only the conditional correlation between the pair (CAC40–FTSE100) is characterized by an asymmetric effect. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Infrastructure is central to many aspects of policy, and this focus has survived the impact of Covid-induced expenditure. The paper examines the scope for Brexit to allow infrastructure planning to be more devolved, consider demand-side and nature-based solutions, and become more competitive. It concludes that Brexit offers the opportunity for a more system-based approach to infrastructure planning and delivery. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

One of the key questions facing immigration policy-makers is which jobs should be eligible for work visas. This question has dominated discussions about the post-Brexit immigration system, which has focused in particular on the issue of shortages. While the UK government resisted calls to open labour migration routes in low-wage or low-skilled jobs with high demand for foreign workers, workers in middle- and high-skilled jobs that are deemed to face a labour market shortage can qualify with significantly lower wages. This paper examines the arguments for and against using immigration policy to prioritize labour migration in 'shortage occupations'. It argues that the idea is politically appealing but problematic in practice. Shortages are more difficult to measure satisfactorily than policy-makers may imagine, and different methodologies produce different results. This makes it unwise to develop an immigration policy that depends too heavily on the notion that the shortage list is an accurate reflection of what is really happening in the labour market. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

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Copyright of Carta Internacional is the property of Associacao Brasileira de Relacoes Internacionais and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Discourse related to any political event is a portrayal of the views of the participants involved. These views in turn are based on the underlying ideologies, beliefs and, concepts. Intertextual connections, among other aspects of discourse, make a discourse more meaningful and understandable in a given context. This article is an attempt to bring to light the various shades of discourse of Brexit, in terms of its participants and characteristics that emerged on the canvass of British political scene in the wake of 2016 EU Referendum campaign. Moreover, it goes on to explore instances of intertextual connections in post referendum Brexit discourse. For this purpose, a number of placard images from the "People's Vote march", an anti-Brexit march organized on October 20, 2018, were selected. This paper brings to light the dichotomy of Britons into Leavers and Remainers during Brexit referendum and further bisects them into senders and receivers to elaborate the participants of Brexit discourse. A review of the literature reveals Leavers' discourse to be chiefly based on populism, Euroscepticism, British sovereignty, global Britain, anti-immigration, racism, misrepresentation of facts and discreet handling of language by the leaders of leave camp. On the contrary, it is found that Remainers' discourse mainly relied on regarding immigrants as strength of UK and EU membership as a source of imparting stability and productivity to the UK on the one hand and on highlighting the loss of healthcare benefits to the UK and NHS and prevalence of unemployment on the other hand. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Nowadays, increase of analyzing stock markets as complex systems lead graph theory to play a key role. For instance, detecting graph communities is an important task in the analysis of stocks, and as planar maximally filtered graphs let us to get important information for the topology of the market. In this study, we first obtain correlation network representation of UK's leading stock market network by using a novel threshold method. Then, we determine vertex clusters by using modularity and analyze clusters in planar maximally filtered graph substructures. Our analyze include a new measure called weighted Gini index for measuring the sparsity. The main goal of this paper is to study the hierarchical evolution of the market communities throughout the Brexit referendum, which is known as the stress period for the stock market. Hence, the overall sample is divided into two sub-periods of pre-referendum, and post-referendum to obtain communities and hierarchical structures. Our results indicate that financial companies are leading elements of the clusters. Moreover, the significant changes within the network topologies are observed for insurance, consumer goods, consumer services, mining, and technology sectors whereas oil and gas and health care sectors have not been affected by Brexit stress. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Collected Papers of the Law Faculty of the University of Rijeka / Zbornik Pravnog Fakulteta Sveučilišta u Rijeci is the property of Pravni fakultet Sveucilista u Rijeci and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

This paper addresses how a group of predominantly EU citizens discussed Brexit, the UK and its relationship with the EU between 2016 and 2020. These discussions took place on Debating Europe, an online platform that invites EU citizens to debate topics relating to the EU and, thereby, aims to strengthen the EU-wide public sphere (H. Rivett, personal communication, June 11, 2019). Against the backdrop of past discourse analytical research on the UK-EU relationship and considerations regarding the EU/European public sphere, I home in on discussions posted between the 2016 referendum and 'Brexit day' in January 2020. Using NVivo's case classification, I exclude postings that identify the poster as a UK national. The resulting data set consists predominantly of postings by EU citizens and is examined with a focus on various linguistic and discursive parameters, such as referential and predication strategies and intertextual references. Findings indicate that Brexit is understood as particularly disadvantageous for the UK. While Brexit is also depicted as negative for the EU in some postings, there are also postings that suggest that the UK has never been an integral part of the EU and that Brexit might not be problematic for the EU at all. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The purpose of this article is to investigate the effect of the Brexit on the IFRS and GAAP UK in the post-Brexit period. The article considers three possible options for such development: 1) continued application of IFRS (EU) by the UK listed companies; 2) creation of a national mechanism for approval of IFRS, similar to the EU; 3) adoption of IFRS without any intervention by the British authorities. As a result, each of the possible development of IFRS and GAAP UK was observed with an estimation of advantages and disadvantages. The research methods based on the quantitative collection of primary data, positivism research philosophy, deductive research approach with elements of descriptive content analysis are considered as important contributions to the research methodology of the Brexit impact investigation. As a result, it was obtained that the British government will choose the path of approval of IFRS in the UK after Brexit similar to the Australian scenario. This study is a novelty that covers not only the current state of development of accounting, auditing, financial reporting in the transition period Brexit, but also reveals the forecasts and expectations for further changes after the post-Brexit period. However, the research of the accounting system in the UK after the post-Brexit period (after 2021) might be the subject of future studies. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The impact of Brexit is strategic. Several governmental institutions must redefine and revise their relations with the European Union (EU); and consider some critical resolutions to avoid prejudicial fragmentation in the post-Brexit security cooperation model. Focusing on internal security and law-enforcement co-ordination with the EU, the paper argues that the EU's approach to future security partnerships reflects common concerns, such as the fight against terrorism and other types of trans-national organised crime. On the other hand, the United Kingdom (UK) will no longer be bound by the EU Charter of Fundamental Rights (CFR) after the Brexit transition period. This poses substantial challenges for the EU and the UK, concerning future agreements on judicial co-operation in cross-border policing and trans-national criminal investigations. From this perspective, it is vital to decide how the data exchange regime and operational collaboration between the British authorities and respective EU agencies are organised. It would be rational to expect that the UK will actively search for closer bilateral ties with several EU member states and potential new partners, to maintain its international position and cross-border security interests. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Introduction: The UK Pharmaceutical Industry is arguably one of the most important industries to consider in the negotiations following the Brexit vote. Providing tens of thousands of jobs and billions in tax revenue and research investment, the importance of this industry cannot be understated. At stake is the global leadership in the sector, which produces some of the field's most influential basic science and translation work. However, interruptions and losses may occur at multiple levels, affecting patients, researchers, universities, companies and government. Goals: By understanding the current state of pharmaceutical sector, the potential effect of leaving the European Union (EU) on this successful industry can be better understood. This paper aims to address the priorities for negotiations by collating the analyses of professionals in the field, leading companies and non-EU member states. Research methods: A government healthcare policy advisor and Chief Science Officer (CSO) for a major pharmaceutical firm were consulted to scope the paper. In these discussions, five key areas were identified: contribution, legislative processes, regulatory processes, research and outcomes, commercial risk. Multiple search engines were utilised for selecting relevant material, predominantly PubMed and Google Scholar. To supplement this information, Government documents were located using the "GOV.UK" publications tool, and interviews and commentaries were found through the Google News search function. Conclusion: With thorough investigation of the literature, we propose four foundations in the advancement of negotiations. These prioritise: negotiation of 'associated country' status, bilaterally favourable trade agreements, minimal interruption to regulatory bodies and special protection for the movement of workforce in the life sciences industry. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article looks at the possible implications of Brexit for approaches to open access (OA) in the UK. It begins by sketching current issues in Brexit debates at the end of 2016 as the context into which discussions about open access are then placed. Issues in four thematic areas are analysed: OA policies and mandates, EU copyright reform, new OA publishing models and open science. The level of dependence in the UK on European developments is assessed in each case and its contribution to Brexit issues identified. The paper concludes that Brexit presents not only challenges, but also opportunities which the UK could seize. In open access, the UK is already playing a leadership role. In areas of open science, particularly in relation to the European Open Science Cloud, it is the European Commission which is asserting leadership. The UK needs to consolidate its current activity and ensure that, whatever the nature of Brexit arrangements, its freedom does not lead to isolation. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

External economic exchanges are the most important component of economic relations. No country, regardless of the level of development, can cover all its needs only from its own production. Consequently, all countries are required to participate in foreign trade. The aim of the present paper was to provide visibility on Romania's trade relationship with Great Britain. The data used in the analysis of the evolution of the indicators are represented by the series of import values and by the series of export values. Also, another topic that was given importance in this paper is the impact of Brexit on Romania's foreign trade. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article addresses the issue of Brexit in the context of economic analysis of law using a qualitative method, namely the textual analysis of selected papers devoted to both the process of secession of Great Britain from the European Union and the aforementioned research school. The hypothesis of this work is as follows: economic analysis of law reveals limited applicability to the exegesis of the Community disintegration mechanisms, including Brexit, which is one of the symptoms of these processes. According to the author, it reveals certain shortcomings in the research procedures regarding the phenomenon of EU decomposition, although, on the other hand, some of its components still remain valid. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

On 31 January 2020 the UK formally withdrew from the EU, with disengagement to become effective after a period of transition and uncertainty, aggravated by a global health crisis. By analysing the shifting profile of British aid since the Brexit vote and also the terms of the withdrawal, this article intends to shed light on its future course. Building on previous research, three scenarios on post-Brexit aid are considered in section 1: the nationalist; the realist; and the cosmopolitan. Considering the most recent changes in the UK's aid budgets and policy papers, it can be concluded that the country has a realist approach to development cooperation (see section 2). Finally, the paper assesses the impact these changes will be likely to have on European and global aid, ceteris paribus (section 3). Our data show that the UK's volume of aid has remained stable since the Brexit vote in 2016. This has come hand in hand with a shifting pattern of aid allocation: aid provided for health research programmes in the UK, companies and universities has increased, while aid directed at LDCs and DFID programmes has decreased. Our main argument is that the changes match a realist scenario, rather than a cosmopolitan or even a nationalist approach, which would result in decreasing aid and weaker links with partner countries. As a result, and despite the UK's new allocation pattern to countries, sectors and channels, there should be no major impact on aid at the European and global levels. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Brexit raises a whole range of legal issues in multiple areas. The consequences on the EU framework for jurisdiction, recognition and enforcement of judgments are of particular interest for private parties involved in cross-border commercial agreements. This paper explores the legal basis for the jurisdiction of courts and the enforcement and recognition of judgments between the UK and EU-27 courts after Brexit. In addition, it broadly contrasts the main differences of the proposed solutions compared to the EU system. The paper argues that international conventions can provide answers to some of the questions as they set out rules for the jurisdiction, enforcement and recognition of judgments. However, there are factors that can have an impact on possible legal outcomes, such as the framework of the future deal between the UK and the EU-27, the moment of the commencement of proceedings by the parties in the transition period, or the fact that the parties did not opt for exclusive jurisdiction in their agreements. The Withdrawal Agreement provides for some clarity on which EU law provisions apply during the transition period. In addition, the EC Notices and the UK Brexit legislation provide for guidelines as to the rules applicable in and immediately after the transition period. Nevertheless, as the paper analyses, there is still a need for further clarification. Therefore, other methods of dispute resolution proposed in the article such as moving to arbitration instead of English court jurisdiction could provide legal certainty for private parties. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]