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In this paper, I report on research about the experience of a group of English teachers who returned from the violent gang culture of Southern California to Mexico, seeking a means of changing their identities from gang members into productive, educated members of society. On returning to Mexico, the teachers had to negotiate their otherness and differences stemming from the customs and traditions they learned to perceive as normal. They learned to adapt to and blend the culture and values they had in Southern California with those of Mexico, using their English as capital to join a new community of practice, English Teaching. Through teaching they were able to gain cultural capital and bring meaning and purpose to their lives as they adapted and their identities changed through time and space. This paper offers insight into the struggle of transnational youth and how they adapt to different communities. This is especially important in a country like Mexico, where Mexican youth often grow up in the United States and have to come back to Mexico, a country they often do not feel they belong to.

Building durable peace through education requires addressing the gender ideologies and hierarchies that encourage both direct physical aggression and indirect harm through marginalization and exploitation. Although formal education systems are shaped by gendered patterns of social conflict, enmity, and inequity, schools can help young people to build on their inclination, relationships, and capability to participate in building sustainable, gender-just peace. In this paper, we draw from focus group research conducted with youth and teachers in public schools in Mexico, Bangladesh, and Canada to investigate how young people understood the social conflicts and violence surrounding them and what citizens could do about these issues; and how their teachers used the school curricula to address them. The research revealed that gender-based violence was pervasive in students' lives in all three settings, yet the curriculum the teachers and students described, with minor differences between contexts, included few opportunities to examine or resist the gender norms, institutions, and hierarchies that are the roots of exploitation and violence.

The relation between being out of school and participating in criminal economies is widely documented in the literature on youth delinquency. However, the complex connection between these two phenomena has not yet been fully unpacked. This paper draws from two studies that we, the authors, conducted separately to explore the role educational experiences play in shaping the delinquent trajectories of male youth who participate in the drug business in urban centers located in Mexico and Colombia. The first consists of in-depth interviews and surveys conducted in Ciudad Juárez, Mexico, while the second is based on long-term ethnographic engagement in Medellín, Colombia. We provide unique insights into the educational experiences of this hard-to-reach population and find that economic hardship does not wholly explain why these young people leave school and engage in delinquent activities. These youth do not "drop out" of school in search of money; rather, they are "pushed out" by a vicious cycle of stigmatization, segregation, punishment, and exclusion. By exploring these dynamics in two cities that have waged long drug wars, this article furthers understanding of the nexus between crime-related violence and educational experiences, thus making an important contribution to the field of education in emergencies.

Contemporary North American insecurities and fears are the focus of this article. In the first section, the inter-related concepts of insecurity, fear and vulnerability are theorised, and the argument put forward that these have come to constitute a dominant discourse in contemporary North American society. In the second section of the paper, the components of this discourse are presented by reviewing what North Americans fear, including terrorism, crime and violence, and the "Other". Comparisons and local manifestations of this discourse in Canada, Mexico and the US are described. The final section turns to the educational implications (effects) of this discourse as it has been taken up across the three nations. While other comparativists have focused on phenomena such as globalisation and neo-liberalism to explain contemporary education reform, the author argues that it is the discourse of fear and insecurity that now underpins educational reform. (Contains 2 notes.)

Worldwide, it is widely recognized that violent conflicts constrain economic growth and development. Thus, it is necessary to research and analyse the main causes of violence and their relationship with development. This paper analyses how violence has affected economic development in the Mexican context during the 2000–2015 period. It takes into account that in the last decade, this country has had increased levels of violence, especially since the 'war on drugs' against drug trafficking was promulgated in 2006. This study uses different econometric models that apply the assessments of the panel unit root and cointegration tests and panel cointegration estimation. The results indicate that the tests used to validate the data allow the panel data cointegration relationships to be calculated. They demonstrate the existence of a long-run relationship between violence and economic development. Specifically, the results take into account that gross domestic product per capita and public investments have inverse relationships with the homicide rate, whereas poverty, unemployment, illiteracy and the Gini index have direct relationships with the homicide rate. Moreover, violence is strongly related to the deterrence variables. The findings of this study demonstrate that drug trafficking explains the increased violence in Mexico. Thus, it is important to develop and formulate adequate policies to control this situation, take measures to control violence starting with its root causes and promote social and economic development with a strategy to strengthen legal activities in society. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The present paper analyzes, from the perspective of desecuritization theory, the manner in which Andrés Manuel López Obrador (AMLO) changed the policy of the Mexican government for tackling drug trafficking in the country from a military to a social approach. The aim is to establish whether this strategy has been successful in comparison with the open war waged against the drug cartels over the twelve years preceding the AMLO administration. Given that this desecuritization strategy resulted from political decision-making rather than social pressure, the analysis presented here focuses on the President’s position and the actions he has taken. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

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México is powerfully associated with extreme violence. We explore why this should be in terms of the war on drugs, colonialism, oligarchic history, neoliberalism, and gender. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Journal of Politics in Latin America is the property of Sage Publications Inc. and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Revista Costarricense de Psicología is the property of Revista Costarricense de Psicologia and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Obstetric violence is a human rights violation that consists of actions or omissions of healthcare personnel that harms people during pregnancy, childbirth or puerperium. Some practices through which it is expressed are the mistreatment, unnecessary procedures, denying of medical attention or provoking damage either physically or mentally. In particular, we understand obstetric violence as the result of a colonization of the womb, that is, of the occupation of the concept of motherhood by the dictates of patriarchal ideology (Fineman, 1991; Ehrenreich, 1993) and of the Colonial/Modern Gender System, proposed by Lugones (2007). The objective of this paper is to analyze the experiences of obstetric violence and the different agency forms of women who have experienced it in hospitals in Tijuana, Mexico. To achieve this, we follow Galtung (1969, 1990, 1998) who states that direct violence is just the tip of the iceberg of cultural and structural forms of violence that are more difficult to see. Based on Bourdieu (2001) and De Certeau (1998), agency is classified in four categories: 1) unawareness, 2) passive awareness, 3) tactics and 4) strategies. The intersectional analysis of the narrative stories of 20 women leads us to conclude that both those who have privileged positions and those who experience different oppressions based on their identity characteristics perform their agency in various ways. Including modern and non-modern knowledges, relations, values and practices, Decolonial Feminism (Lugones, 2010) contributes to an understanding of the decolonization of the womb at the collective level while simultaneously influencing individual learning and promoting social justice and the formation of a culture of rights. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

BackgroundMigrant workers in the United States have extremely poor health. This paper aims to identify ways in which the social context of migrant farm workers affects their health and health care.Methods and findingsThis qualitative study employs participant observation and interviews on farms and in clinics throughout 15 months of migration with a group of indigenous Triqui Mexicans in the western US and Mexico. Study participants include more than 130 farm workers and 30 clinicians. Data are analyzed utilizing grounded theory, accompanied by theories of structural violence, symbolic violence, and the clinical gaze. The study reveals that farm working and housing conditions are organized according to ethnicity and citizenship. This hierarchy determines health disparities, with undocumented indigenous Mexicans having the worst health. Yet, each group is understood to deserve its place in the hierarchy, migrant farm workers often being blamed for their own sicknesses.ConclusionsStructural racism and anti-immigrant practices determine the poor working conditions, living conditions, and health of migrant workers. Subtle racism serves to reduce awareness of this social context for all involved, including clinicians. The paper concludes with strategies toward improving migrant health in four areas: health disparities research, clinical interactions with migrant laborers, medical education, and policy making.

Copyright of Sexualidad, Salud y Sociedad: Revista Latinoamericana is the property of Editora da Universidade do Estado do Rio de Janeiro (EdUERJ) and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Desde el Jardín de Freud is the property of Universidad Nacional de Colombia, Escuela de Estudios en Psicoanalisis y Cultura and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Social life in Mexico’s state of Michoacán is consumed by a crisis of violence. Foregrounding critical planning, this paper presents a grounded local history of the municipality of Tancítaro, Michoacán, which has the largest concentration of avocado production globally, and analyzes violence there in light of the production of space, uneven development, and the spatial politics of land. This quantitative and archival research, coupled with theoretical explanations on violence, suggests that considerations of crises and planning require situated analyses with ethnographic methods and embedded fieldwork that cross geographic scales and disciplinary boundaries as they foreground perspectives of affected community residents.

Copyright of Desafíos is the property of Colegio Mayor de Nuestra Senora del Rosario and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Salud Mental is the property of Instituto Nacional de Psiquiatria Ramon de la Fuente and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

ABSTRACTWorldwide, it is widely recognized that violent conflicts constrain economic growth and development. Thus, it is necessary to research and analyse the main causes of violence and their relationship with development. This paper analyses how violence has affected economic development in the Mexican context during the 2000–2015 period. It takes into account that in the last decade, this country has had increased levels of violence, especially since the ‘war on drugs’ against drug trafficking was promulgated in 2006. This study uses different econometric models that apply the assessments of the panel unit root and cointegration tests and panel cointegration estimation. The results indicate that the tests used to validate the data allow the panel data cointegration relationships to be calculated. They demonstrate the existence of a long-run relationship between violence and economic development. Specifically, the results take into account that gross domestic product per capita and public investments have inverse relationships with the homicide rate, whereas poverty, unemployment, illiteracy and the Gini index have direct relationships with the homicide rate. Moreover, violence is strongly related to the deterrence variables. The findings of this study demonstrate that drug trafficking explains the increased violence in Mexico. Thus, it is important to develop and formulate adequate policies to control this situation, take measures to control violence starting with its root causes and promote social and economic development with a strategy to strengthen legal activities in society.

Around the world, non-state armed actors have been linked to the illegal extraction of energy resources. This research note explores the case of Mexico. Anecdotal evidence suggests that criminal groups have been gaining control of energy infrastructure across the country. At the same time, oil tapping has been directly associated with criminal violence. Yet, there has not been a systematic effort to causally identify the relationship between illegal extraction and criminal violence. In this research note, we use the exogenous variation in international oil prices—as a measure of potential profits—to assess the effect of access to energy infrastructure on criminal-related violence. Our results show that increases in oil prices are associated with higher levels of homicide rates in municipalities with pipelines and in neighboring municipalities. Specifically, a standard price increase during this period is associated with approximately 20% more homicides per year in municipalities with gasoline pipelines. A locality-level analysis suggests a non-linear distance effect. Finally, we also explore criminal fragmentation as the mechanism connecting access to resources and violence. We find that access to pipelines is associated with higher presence of organized crime groups, but not necessarily with more fragmentation. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The monopoly of violence in the hands of the state is conceived as the principal vehicle to generate order. A problem with this vision is that parts of the state and its law enforcement apparatus often become extensions of criminality rather than solutions to it. We argue that one solution to this dilemma is to “opt out from the state.” Using a multi-method strategy combining extensive qualitative research, quasi-experimental statistical analyses, and survey data, the paper demonstrates that indigenous communities in Mexico are better able to escape predatory criminal rule when they are legally allowed to carve a space of autonomy from the state through the institution of “usos y costumbres.” We demonstrate that these municipalities are more immune to violence than similar localities where regular police forces and local judiciaries are in charge of law enforcement and where mayors are elected through multiparty elections rather than customary practices.

Over the last 12 years, Mexico has become one of the most dangerous places to be a journalist. We examine how this risk-environment influences the content and strategies of reporting at one of Mexico's most well known national newspapers, Reforma. We argue that as the risk environment worsens, journalists use less specific language about armed actors to report on violent events. To test our claims, we turn to three novel sources of data: the first captures granular information about attacks against journalists, the second uses natural language processing to measure changes in reporting overtime; and the third incorporates interviews from journalists themselves. We show that as violence against journalists increases, news story specificity decreases. Importantly, our findings reveal the ways in which journalists develop protection strategies to ensure high quality reporting, even under risky conditions and highlight the critical link between risk and information environments in areas of protracted violence. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Correspondencias & Analisis is the property of Universidad de San Martin de Porres and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Background: Research on women who inject drugs is scarce in low- and middle-income countries. Women experience unique harms such as sexism and sexual violence which translate into negative health outcomes. The present work aims to provide insight into the experiences of women who inject drugs at the US–Mexico border to identify social and health-related risk factors for overdose to guide harm reduction interventions across the Global South. Methods: We recruited 25 women ≥ 18 years of age accessing harm reduction and sexual health services at a non-governmental harm reduction organization, "Verter", in Mexicali, Mexico. We employed purposeful sampling to recruit women who inject drugs who met eligibility criteria. We collected quantitative survey data and in-depth interview data. Analyses of both data sources involved the examination of descriptive statistics and thematic analysis, respectively, and were guided by the syndemic and continuum of overdose risk frameworks. Results: Survey data demonstrated reports of initiating injection drug use at a young age, experiencing homelessness, engaging in sex work, being rejected by family members, experiencing physical violence, injecting in public spaces, and experiencing repeated overdose events. Interview data provided evidence of stigma and discrimination toward women, a lack of safe spaces and support systems, risk of overdose-related harms, sexual violence, and the overall need for harm reduction services. Conclusion: Women who inject drugs in Mexicali describe experiences of violence, overdose, and public injecting. Women are particularly vulnerable in the Mexicali context, as this area faces a noticeable lack of health and social services. Evidenced-based harm reduction strategies such as safe consumption sites and overdose prevention strategies (e.g., naloxone distribution and training) may benefit this population. Evidence from local organizations could help close the gap in service provision in low-resource settings like Mexico, where government action is almost nonexistent. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper evaluates correlates of trichomoniasis among female sex workers who inject drugs (FSWIDs) in two Mexico-US border cities. HIV-negative FSWIDs aged 18 years or older were enrolled in a study between 2008 and 2010 in Tijuana and Ciudad Juarez (Cd.), Mexico. All participants underwent a baseline interviewer-administered survey and did a rapid test for trichomoniasis. Using regression to estimate prevalence ratios, we examined sociodemographics, sex work characteristics, sexual health and behavior, substance use, and police and violence exposures as potential correlates of trichomoniasis. Of 584 women (284 in Tijuana, 300 in Cd. Juarez), prevalence of trichomoniasis was 33.6%. Factors associated with trichomoniasis in multivariable analysis were having money stolen by police in the past six months (adjusted prevalence ratio [aPR] =1.448, 95% confidence interval [CI] = 1.152-1.821), recent methamphetamine use (aPR = 1.432, CI = 1.055-1.944), lifetime syphilis infection (aPR = 1.360, CI = 1.061-1.743), ever use of a home remedy to treat vaginal symptoms (aPR = 1.301, CI = 1.027-1.649), and number of regular clients in the past month (aPR = 1.006 per client, CI = 1.004-1.009), while controlling for age and city of interview. Alongside the need for trichomoniasis surveillance and treatment programs, findings indicate that both structural and behavioral factors serve as primary correlates of trichomoniasis among FSWIDs in these cities.

Global histories commonly attribute the secularization of the state exclusively to Europe. However, the church state conflict over these issues has been an important thread in much of Latin America. In Mexico, questions about the role of religion and the church in society became a major political conflict after independence. Best known for the Mexican case are the disputes over the constitution of 1857, which laid down the freedom of religion, and the Cristero Revolt in the 1920s. However, the history of struggles over secularization goes back further. In 1835, the First Republic ultimately failed, because of the massive protests against the anticlerical laws of the government. In the paper, this failure is understood as a genuine religious conflict over the question of the proper social and political order, in which large sections of the population were involved. Beginning with the anticlerical laws of 1833, political and religious reaction in Mexico often began with a pronunciamiento (a mixture of rebellion and petitioning the authorities) and evolved into conflicts over federalism vs. centralism. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper addresses two issues that are key to Mexico's violence and crime prevention policy. The first part reviews how the prevention policy has been shaped over the past 10 years. In the second, the effects of Mexico's Programa Nacional de Prevención del Delito (PRONAPRED, National Crime Prevention Programme) is analysed using Propensity Score Matching. Using data at the municipal level and taking the homicide and gun-related injuries rates as output variables, we found that PRONAPRED only significantly affects the homicide rate; however, that effect is the opposite of what is expected. The results of this research show that, in order to achieve the intended results, violence and crime prevention policies in Mexico require significant changes. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In the 2016 World Economic Forum, Ciudad Juarez stood out as one of the Latin American cities that achieved a remarkable reduction of drug trafficking-related crimes and violence, leaving thus behind the stigma of being the most dangerous city in the world. Taking this into consideration, the question could be raised: how did such change emerge? During the war on drugs (2006-2012), former President Felipe Calderon deployed the army in critical areas besieged by drug cartels. However, and following a massacre in Juarez –a border city shaken by drug trafficking-violence–, the Federal Government took a new turn in its militarized approach. As a result, the military operations were accompanied by an unprecedented socio-economic aid program: Todos Somos Juarez aimed at building resilient communities to the penetration of organized crime. Based on the concept of «competition in state-making», this paper first analyzes the design and implementation of the above-mentioned initiative; then, it performs an assessment of the results obtained after his execution; and finally, it identifies some key lessons that can be drawn from the Mexican experience. The amin conclusion of the article is that Todos Somos Juarez was based on three strategic pillars: holistic approach, active citizen participation and coordination between the three levels of Government (federal, state and municipal). [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Journal of Politics in Latin America is the property of Sage Publications Inc. and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Background: The syndemic approach allows the analysis of clusters of diseases that affect a population in contexts of geographic, social and economic inequalities at the same moment and time. This study aims to analyze, from a syndemic perspective, the relationship between type 2 diabetes (T2D) and depressive symptoms in Mexican adults and its association with individual, contextual and structural factors.Methods: Observational, cross-sectional study based on secondary data from Mexico's National Health and Nutrition Survey 2018-19. The sample of this study consisted of 16 835 adults, which represented a total of 78 463 734 persons aged ≥ 20 years. Bivariate descriptive analyses were performed and logistic regression models were estimated to analyze the association between T2D and depressive symptoms with various co-variables. In addition, interactions between T2D and depressive symptoms with obesity, educational level, and socioeconomic status were tested.Results: In the study population, 12.2% of adults aged 20 years and older self-reported having T2D, 14.7% had depressive symptoms and 2.8% had both diseases. There was a statistically significant relationship between T2D and depressive symptoms. The prevalence of T2D and depressive symptoms was higher compared to people who did not have these two conditions. Obesity increased the probability of having T2D, while violence was statistically associated with people having depressive symptoms. A low level of education increased the odds ratio of having T2D and depressive symptoms.Conclusion: The availability of analytical frameworks such as the syndemic perspective could help to identify areas of opportunity for decision making and actions for population groups that-because of their individual, contextual and structural disadvantages-are at greater risk of experiencing poorer health outcomes due to the presence of T2D and depressive symptoms. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The present paper analyzes, from the perspective of desecuritization theory, the manner in which Andrés Manuel López Obrador (AMLO) changed the policy of the Mexican government for tackling drug trafficking in the country from a military to a social approach. The aim is to establish whether this strategy has been successful in comparison with the open war waged against the drug cartels over the twelve years preceding the AMLO administration. Given that this desecuritization strategy resulted from political decision-making rather than social pressure, the analysis presented here focuses on the President’s position and the actions he has taken.

With 33 journalists killed since the beginning of Andrés Manuel López Obrador's presidential term in December 2018, Mexico heads the list of the most violent countries for journalists in Latin America—and that of countries not at war. While journalist organizations demand a meaningful protection apparatus to safeguard their physical safety, official corruption, and criminal impunity continue to escalate the pressures to which media staff are exposed, especially in Mexican states where cartels and criminal groups have the largest footprint. This study aims to precisely identify the pressures, both internal and external, facing journalists who report on organized crime in Mexico. To do this, we drew from the Hierarchy of Influences Model, and interviewed 22 Mexican journalists who work on the organized crime beat in the country's capital and in the most violent states in the Republic. The results suggest that the most influential forces they face are associated with the organizational level (such as editorial line or institutional censorship), and the extramedia level (e.g., anti-press violence from cartels/authorities, and government advertising contracts). [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article is based on ethnographic work about migration, which took place in the colony of Lechería in Mexico State. It seeks to understand the problems of discrimination, exclusion and violence that arise in the relations between the inhabitants of the colony and migrants on their way to U.S.A. Based on the tenets of psychoanalysis, the text discusses the notions of discrimination and violence in relation to language, as well as the discourses of science and capitalism as catalysts for the phenomena associated with mass segregation. This paper proposes a dialogue on the commonalities between the psychoanalyst and the social researcher. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of IBEROAMERICANA. América Latina - España - Portugal is the property of Vervuert Verlag and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Ciudad Juárez (Chihuahua, Mexico) has recently been experiencing the effects of a worldwide economic recession and a wave of drug-related violence, making it a difficult environment in which to raise children. This paper focuses on the work of a local community group, Gente a favor de gente, related to a child development intervention in poor colonias (neighborhoods) in the city. Promotoras (community health workers) visited parents with children 0 to 3 years old and administered a pre-test of the child's developmental age. Parents were then given an intervention that targeted their child's developmental needs. After the intervention, the child was given a post-test to measure his/her developmental age to determine its usefulness. This field report explores the success of the intervention in improving children's development. The analysis and discussion focus on how community groups can benefit underprivileged communities through interventions for children, with university support. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Journal of Politics in Latin America is the property of Sage Publications Inc. and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Studies on the symbiosis of crime and COVID-19 have analyzed government-mandated lockdown effects. However, it is unknown to what extent previous crime rates determined a larger and more mortal spread of the pandemic. We study how homicides and robberies in the pre-pandemic year of 2019 are associated with 2020 mortality rates due to COVID-19 in urban municipalities in Mexico. Considering sex differentials in health, exposure to the virus and experiences of violence, we study whether gender differences in mortality exist in 2020. Using publicly available data on deaths due to COVID-19 provided by the Mexican Secretariat of Health, along with a series of indicators to characterize local pre-pandemic conditions of urban municipalities, we estimate a series of ordinary least squares (OLS) regression models on age-standardized crude death rates (ASCDR) by sex. Findings show that homicides--a proxy for criminal violence that might encourage people to stay home--show significant negative associations with mortality rates. Comparatively, robberies--a proxy of local violence and safety--were positively associated with mortality rates for both sexes. Sex differences in the determinants of ASCDR are discussed. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Anduli: Revista Andaluza de Ciencias Sociales is the property of Anduli: Revista Andaluza de Ciencias Sociales and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Background: Mexico has the second-highest index of crimes motivated by transphobia in the world. Transphobic violence manifests in a pervasive and complex manner in a country where violence permeates all aspects of social life. Some progress has been made to improve transgender rights and fight discrimination, but this has had an unequal impact in different geopolitical and cultural contexts within the country, particularly outside of metropolitan centers. Aim: The study explores how transphobia is experienced in the conservative province of Colima and how transphobic practices play a part in shaping transgender subjective experience and identity construction. A psychosocial theoretical framework is adopted to attend to the relationship between cultural, institutional and interpersonal practices in this process. Methods: A qualitative approach is used to explore how different forms of transphobic violence are experienced by trans women in Colima. A purposive sample of 12 trans women, aged 22-38 years took part in narrative interviews which were analyzed thematically. Findings: The analysis is organized into three themes: (a) narratives of gender identity construction (b) gender expression and experiences of transphobic violence in Colima (c) sites for social support and change. Discussion: We argue that the psychosocial processes related to transphobia are context specific shaping transgender identities and limiting and regulating gender expression. Family, education, LGBT community and the police were identified as key sites for support against or source of transphobic violence. Conclusion: Despite the challenging socio-political context interventions are needed in policy and institutional practices to tackle stigma, transphobia and, trans-misogyny and improve the lives of transgender people living in regional areas in the global south. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Objectives: We analyze the degree to which community violence in Mexico, largely due to organized crime violence, affects health care service utilization. Methods: This study exploits temporal and geographic variation in monthly county-level homicide rates, matching outpatient service utilization from individual longitudinal measures. Sensitivity analyses test for an age specific concentration of violence, respiratory conditions that are likely unrelated to violence, insurance status and health center availability per capita. We test for distributional responses to violence by urban and rural localities. Results: The likelihood of service utilization increases by 5.2% with each additional homicide per 100,000. When we include self-reported health conditions in the model, our main coefficient remains significant at 4.5%. We find no added effect to our results from interaction terms for age specific concentration of violence, respiratory conditions, insurance status, or health center availability. A substantial increase of 11.7% in the likelihood of service utilization occurs in localities with > = 100,000 inhabitants, suggesting that service utilization is sensitive to the location of violence. Conclusions: Results highlight the relationship between and increase in violence at the local level and an increase in health care service utilization. This study is among the first to examine this relationship empirically in Mexico. Future research is needed to shed more light on this relationship and its mechanisms. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]