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The article focuses on the imperialism and Hitler's conquest. It is a struggle between an old, satiated, perhaps degenerate, imperialism and a vigorous, rising new one. No doubt there is a hard kernel of truth in this analysis. Hitler is too cynical a nationalist to fight a world war for ideological reasons. German policy in Hungary, Rumania, Norway, and other countries shows boldly Hitler's utter contempt for his foreign ideological fellow-travelers. He has used his fascist followers abroad not as propagandists of a faith but as instruments in his policy of German domination.

Pre-war plans were based on the idea that the standing French colonial forces would hold the lines until the British Empire could swing into action. It was foreseen that it would take at least a year for the demilitarized empire to be able to make use of its immense human and material resources. Some 100,000 French troops were therefore concentrated in Syria and probably twice as many in the colonies west of Libya, plus 1,000 airplanes. The troops in Syria were to defend the Suez Canal against the expected attack, while the Tunisian forces slowly made their way into Libya. Only in the Light of these facts is it possible to understand the problems created by the defection of France. The defense plan collapsed within forty-eight hours, and the British were left to face the whole force of the Italian armies, which numbered more than 200,000 men in Libya alone.

The next three or four months, possibly as many weeks, will decide the fate of the world. If Nazi airplanes succeed in doing to Britain what they have been able to do to Belgium, Holland, and parts of France and if Nazi dictator Adolf Hitler manages to land a sizable expeditionary force, the fight will be over and Hitler will stand master of the world. Theoretically, there would still be the British Empire to carry on the struggle, probably the empire would not lack the courage to do so, especially if the crown and the British government took refuge in one of the dominions. Actually, however, the empire without Britain would be completely ineffective. It is not only that hitherto Britain has coordinated the various parts and given them a certain amount of unity, more significant is the fact that Britain is the sole surviving possible point of attack against the Nazis.

The basis of Italy was laid in 1935, and now the superstructure has developed in the interim. It is an Italy with an insatiable thirst for power and for expansion, an Italy with a nationalism that, probably for the first time since the establishment of the regime, has become definitely and visibly pernicious, an Italy for which the earth is just too small. On the other hand, it is a hungry Italy, an Italy in which the standard of living has visibly declined, in which there is more restlessness, more criticism of the regime, and more fear than ever seen before. Italy's financial condition has certainly deteriorated during the past three years. The two wars and the preparations for a third have fallen heavily on the shoulders of the people. Italian economic life is now practically conducted on a war basis.

The war now going on in Palestine is one of the most interesting phenomena of the post-Versailles world. It is a real war: the British representative at the last session of the Permanent Mandates Commission of the League of Nations said so. From the beginning of July to the end of August about 1,200 men and women were killed or wounded by knife, bullet, or bomb--an average of almost twenty casualties per day in a population of less than 1,400,000. And this figure is without doubt an underestimate, since the Arabs try to hide their dead and wounded whenever possible.

The Arab strike, which lasted six months, is over; violence, too, has temporarily subsided. The 30,000 soldiers whom Great Britain has dextrously slipped into Palestine will maintain order as a side duty, until something happens. A leading Arab said to the author that either a European war will break out in a year or two or it will not. If war comes, people shall have their chance because England will not be able to keep so many soldiers here. A Royal Commission will soon arrive to investigate the last outbreak and suggest a solution that will prevent bloodshed in the future. But Palestine has had commissions in the past. They have issued voluminous reports but they have not brought peace. Neither Arabs or Zionists are optimistic about the results of the new commission. British commissions are designed to safeguard British interests, not to help the country.

Now that oratorical declarations of loyalty are over, the important question emerges: Can the dominions and colonies of the British Empire make a significant contribution to the struggle which they have made their own? For not one of the dominions has a war machine comparable even with the second-rate machine Poland was able to put in the field; not one of the colonies has a military organization approaching that developed by dictator Benito Mussolini in his African possessions. For the next six months or so England will receive little aid of any value from the empire. Indeed, it will find the empire a liability.

In recent developments in the Mediterranean statesmen and publicists are convinced that the occupation of Albania will turn out to be even more costly to Benito Mussolini than the occupation of Czechoslovakia has been to his opposite number in Germany. During the Ethiopian crisis in 1935 the British fleet scuttled out of Malta without waiting to count ten. Had war broken out, it would likewise have had to abandon Alexandria, where it had taken shelter. All Egyptian bases including the Suez Canal were then undefended, Italian submarines and bombers would have met very little resistance. Indeed, British naval officers made no secret of their intention to clear out of the Mediterranean in case of hostilities and take up a position west of Gibraltar.

The partition and conquest of Czechoslovakia prove that the spirit of Munich is marching still. For one hundred glorious days, from the beginning of December till the new crisis, Balkan States breathed freely. There were whispers of British and French support; that the great democracies would take a stand on the Danube; that, above all, the heroic words of U.S. President Franklin Delano Roosevelt had not been in vain. King Carol of Rumania took a determined stand and crushed German agents boring from within; Yugoslavia and Hungary were not slow to follow his lead. The little states around the Great Reich did not embark lightly on the new policy. On the contrary, there was careful analysis; and they certainly did not underestimate the extent of German opposition.

To the economic difficulties of settling millions of Jews in Palestine must be added conflicting political ambitions and racial and religious differences. The most striking political factor is the rise of Arab nationalism in Palestine. From a mass of half-civilized, restless tribes with no common aim or interest, a self-conscious national entity has developed. The World War, contact with Western imperialism, and most of all the presence of the Jews have brought about this change. In the cities and towns among the Arab intelligentsia and particularly among the youth, a deep-rooted hatred of all imperialisms now exists. The recent events in Palestine, repeated in essence in Egypt and in Syria, must be viewed as part of a movement sweeping across the Arab world.

If only to recapture lost prestige in its colonial possessions England must win a war. But hat is not the sole reason. The conquest of Ethiopia has only whetted Mussolini's appetite. Both to England and to Italy control of the Mediterranean is important more as a means than as an end in itself. The Mediterranean has again become what it was in the Middle Ages, the center of the world developments in air transportation since the World War have greatly enhanced its importance. The air route from France and England to the Far East and India is over the Mediterranean.

Religious and anti-fascist forces in Germany should join their counterparts in the Reich this week in marking the beginning of protestant leader Martin Niemöller's third year of martyrdom in Nazi prisons and concentration camps. Niemöller's arrest on July 1, 1937, on Nazi dictator Adolf Hitler's personal order came as a surprise to no one, least of all to himself. In a sermon Hitler had delivered a few days before as the sole member of the Prussian Council of the Confessional Church still at liberty, Hitler had attacked the fundamental principles of the regime with unprecedented vigor.

This article discusses about the social condition in Poland. According to a comprehensive study made in 1933, 23 per cent of all workers receive wages of less than $2 a week; 30 per cent get between $2 and $3.50. The cost of living is abnormally high. Housing conditions in industrial centers are among the worst in Europe. Unemployment is chronic. Progressive social laws have been placed on the statute books, but very few are enforced. A law of 1920, for example, declares that every city must provide a livelihood for all its inhabitants.

The article presents information about the book "The Arab Awakening: The Story of the Arab National Movement," by George Antonius. Never has the story of the origin and growth of the Arab national movement been told with such brilliance or with such a wealth of detail. That the author had to do his own digging at almost every point, since Near Eastern history is still a "tabula rasa," only heightens his accomplishment. The story begins, as it should, with the premature and disastrous attempt at national unification under Ibrahim Pasha. Aided by Great Britain, Turkey then not only succeeded in recapturing the Arab provinces but in tightening its grip on wider areas. Stimulated by the new ideas of nationalism brought by European Christian missionaries, Arab writers and poets began to dream of a cultural and linguistic rebirth; the literary roots of the new Arab nationalism are clearly traced here.

For eighteen weeks, Palestine has been the scene of destruction and murder. At least 1,000 Jews have been killed by the Arabs. For these happenings, the British government alone is responsible. The disturbances could have been stopped in any week of the past eighteen. For eighteen weeks Britain has taken no decisive action. It has not adopted the stern measures necessary to end the disorders nor has it yielded to the Arabs. So many inexplicable things are done here that if one did not assume an imperialistic method behind the madness, one would be forced to doubt Britain's sanity.

Presents letters to the editor on the socio-political issues in different parts of the world. Response to the decision of the Second Circuit Court of Appeals in the Associated Press case; Study of increasing cases of abortion in the United States; Clash of interests between the Arab and the Jewish populations in Palestine.

This article presents the author's views on the Arabs hatred for the Jews. The Arab youth movement cannot be trifled with, and the sooner the West learns to respect it, the better. In Palestine nearly every village now boasts a patriotic youth society; the Scout movement, in the vanguard of the new nationalism, was unheard of before 1920, but now it has a membership of about 4,000; so great is the demand for education that some 60 per cent of the applicants have to be turned away every year for lack of accommodation. though the British have been opening about seventy new schools each year.

The author says that he was arrested by the French secret police on the Beirut, Lebanon-Damascus, Syria train before arriving in Damascus, and was shipped back, guarded by four black French-African soldiers under a French superior, to the Palestine frontier. For the last thirty-two days not a shop, not a restaurant, not a cafe, not a theater has been open in Damascus. Not a worker has been at his bench, not a clerk at his desk. A foreigner arriving in Damascus without any Arab friends is likely to starve. Food simply cannot be bought.

Well-informed Italians have no illusions about the economic value of Ethiopia. They realize that had Ethiopia been as rich as sensationalists would have us believe, Great Britain would not have abandoned the country in 1868, nor would the French company, Bayard Brothers of Roubaix, have given it up after sinking millions in exploration. The cost of developing the country and of transporting the raw materials which might be found there would be disproportionate to their value on the world market. As a field for colonization Ethiopia would not be productive either.

Evaluates the resources of Great Britain which can be mobilized for a total war. Lackadaisical approach regarding the war in the colonies of Great Britain; Information regarding enormous population of the British empire; Proceeding of recruiting campaign at a snail's pace in India for the World War II; Official explanation for the failure to utilize the empire's manpower that it is of no use having volunteers unless one has equipment for them; Information that the British Empire contains vast deposits of all sorts of vital raw materials necessary for production of war equipment; Failure of the British administration to carry out promises made during the World War I.

The article presents a critical analysis of key events taking place in the Near East that will probably affect the outcome of World War II, specifically Great Britain's strategic position. Cut off from the homeland by the British navy, Italian forces in Libya and East Africa rely on military and food stocks accumulated before the war. Moreover, Axis propaganda among the Arabs is continuing. Adding heat to the conflict is the possibility of German reinforcements, especially in the air.

Presents several letters to the editor. Farm production of small manufacturers; International laws for a foreign government; Armed power of dictators.