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This article analyzes agenda setting effects of Jornal Nacional and Jornal da Record in the case of the murder of João Alberto, in 2020, in a Carrefour store in Porto Alegre (RS). We classified and described the content of both newscasts in the 14 days following João Alberto's death and analyzed the responses of 2017 individuals interviewed in an on-line survey, applied in December 2020. Our findings show that the two newscasts gave very different highlights to the case and the audience of both newscasts reacted accordingly. Our statistical analysis shows that remembering the João Alberto case is associated with more frequent exposure to JN rather than to JR. We emphasize the importance of actions to promote the agenda setting of racism in the media as a way of confronting it in the social and political spheres. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article investigates the occurrence of selective exposure in Brazil, in view of the frequency with which Brazilians said they sought information about the COVID-19 pandemic in the Jornal Nacional and Jornal da Record. It uses data from a content analysis of the coverage of these vehicles in 2020 and data from a national public opinion survey. The analyses showed that partisanship and religion were important predictors of the consumption of news of these vehicles. Evangelicals and supporters of the "Bolsonaro party" were the most assiduous viewers of Jornal da Record. Catholics, supporters of other subtitles and non-partisans consumed more the Jornal National. These results show that Brazilians consume news in line with their political convictions and that some groups may be receiving less information about COVID-19. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

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• Vaccination uptake and intention to vaccinate is generally high in Brazil. • Brazilians are less likely to vaccine when the country of origin of a COVID-19 vaccine is mentioned. • Chinese and Russian developed-vaccines are the vaccines most rejected. • Current President Jair Bolsonaro is a COVID-19 denier and has specifically expressed negative views about China, the Chinese-developed vaccine and vaccination, in general. • Rejection of the Chinese-developed vaccine is particularly strong among those who have positive evaluations of President Jair Bolsonaro. This study examines the effect of the country of origin of the vaccine on vaccination acceptance against COVID-19. More specifically, we show how the political context in Brazil has affected acceptance of vaccines produced in China, Russia, the US, and England at the University of Oxford. Our data come from a survey experiment applied to a national sample of 2771 adult Brazilians between September 23 and October 2, 2020. We find greater rejection among Brazilians for vaccines developed in China and Russia, as compared to vaccines from the US or England. We also find that rejection of the Chinese-developed vaccine is particularly strong among those who support President Jair Bolsonaro—a COVID-19 denier and strong critic of China and vaccination, in general. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article presents a crucial test for the theory of party cues by investigating the association between the legislative positions of the Brazilian political party system in a government-opposition dimension and the governmental assessment made by their supporters. The context of the test is the Fernando Henrique Cardoso government (1995-2002), characterized by successive economic crises, which would tend to reduce the parties' influence over public opinion, in face of the traditional explanatory power of theories of economic voting and VP-functions. The results, based on multilevel models built upon seven surveys, suggest that party cues work even in a country like Brazil and in the adverse context chosen for this empirical test. The findings also indicate that party cues were stronger according to the media relevance of each political party. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper presents an empirical, methodologically oriented proposal for the identification and measurement of cycles of political image crisis (CCI-pols, in portuguese). These events describe the overexposure of the image of an authority associated with reprehensible facts, which threaten its individual reputation and, indirectly, that of its hierarchical superior. The unit of analysis used in this research was news published in the newspapers Folha de S. Paulo, O Estado de S. Paulo and O Globo on the ministers who formed government in the first term of Dilma Rousseff (2011-2014). Using the proposed methodology, 40 cycles of political image crisis of State ministers in the period were detected. These cycles recorded more news and lasted more days when (i) the minister in crisis belonged to a left-wing allied party, (ii) the accusation was a conflict of interest, and (iii) the event unfolded at the beginning of the mandate. In addition, (iv) political ministers faced more-publicized crises when compared to non-political ministers; and (v) ministers faced for the first time in a crisis were exposed to cycles that lasted more days compared to recurrent crises. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article analyzes the effects of cognitive judgments and emotional reactions to the state of the economy and the personal finances of respondents in two surveys on the approval of the Brazilian federal government. Based on the theory of affective intelligence, the work measures and compares the influence of these two perspectives on Brazilian public opinion in two different contexts. In November 2014, President Dilma Rousseff had recently been re-elected and the prevailing perception of the state of the economy was quite good. As early as April 2015, the government announced harsh measures of fiscal adjustment and increased public prices, completely reshaping the opinion of Brazilians on the economy. Our results confirm the expectation that reason and emotion act in a complementary way in forming public opinion about the federal government and that, in times of crisis, the relative influence of emotions is greater. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

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This article analyzes 156 pre-election surveys conducted in 2010 on candidates for President and Governor in the 27 Brazilian Federal Units. The main objective is to describe and explain differences between survey and ballot results. The study uses Mosteller's Method 3 (MM3) to calculate the overall accuracy of each pre-election survey and suggests the Candidate Error Estimation Method (MEEC) to investigate a possible bias against a party or a group of parties during that election. The results show errors greater than that informed to Brazilian electoral authorities but do not justify calling into question the accuracy or partisan neutrality of the whole set of surveys analyzed. Greater differences were found: i) in surveys conducted many days before the vote, ii) during the first round, iii) in low competitive races, iv) when there were few candidates and v) in elections for Governor. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Journal of Politics in Latin America is the property of Sage Publications Inc. and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)