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Literature from various academic disciplines indicates that in recent decades, community resilience (CR) has evolved significantly in conceptualization and operationalization. However, the relevance and empirical inclusion of CR in social and health sciences research remain sparse and fragmented. This scoping review, therefore, aimed to assess the conceptualization of CR in social and health sciences research; determine the availability of tools measuring this construct; and identify the psychometric properties of available instruments. Findings highlight how CR has shifted from a peripheral ecological concept to a central goal in the psychosociological discourse. Though several common core elements were identified in the included literature, results indicated little consensus regarding the conceptual or operational definitions of CR. Furthermore, there is minimal evidence on robust metrics that comprehensively measure CR as a complex psychosocial construct. Review results thus highlight the importance, and provide pragmatic implications, regarding the inclusion of core elements of CR in community-based strategies and development efforts. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper highlights the relevance of Marxian class analysis to understand the changing nature of agrarian classes under capital‐intensive agriculture. It is a methodological exercise that builds on Patnaik's labour exploitation index (E‐criterion) in three major respects to construct a new index, namely, the Modified Labour Exploitation Index (MEI), to differentiate peasant classes. First and most important, it incorporates the role of mechanisation, which, so far, has been ignored in the methodological attempts to differentiate within the peasantry. Second, it underscores the importance of non‐agricultural (and non‐rural) bases of simple reproduction in the countryside by incorporating hired‐out labour by agricultural households to the non‐agricultural sector into the classification criteria. Finally, it makes surplus labour exploited through land leasing empirically testable by using Marx's differential and absolute rent to differentiate between subsistence and commercial leasing. The new index is then empirically tested using primary data collected from rural Haryana, India. The paper argues that MEI is an effective criterion for understanding changing class dynamics, the shifting modes of the livelihood of the poor peasantry and the largely hidden accumulation processes in agrarian societies. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This introductory article to the volume Che Lives! provides a general primer to Che Guevara's thinking and practice in world politics. Situating Che's historical significance as a radical agent and thinker in the 1960s, it canvasses the various politicised readings of his legacy, suggesting focusing on shared textual evidence and widely agreed thematic areas can limit this problem for analysis. The article argues that, despite some apparent changes to world order, that Che's thought remains highly relevant because the so-called 'philosophy of plunder' still dictates much of the global economy and relations between states just as it did in Che's time. Focusing on Che's dialectical method that brings together class exploitation and the operations of neo-imperialism, the chapter shows how Che is of continued relevance for contemporary social movements fighting for a just world. The article concludes with a chapter summary of each contribution to the volume. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

According to class theory, social class boundaries are akin to social mobility patterns. This study explores these patterns by looking at co-occurring occupations among siblings. The author uses data from Norway's population-wide registers to analyze occupational co-occurrences among siblings across 98 occupations. The association is analyzed in relative terms: how often occupations are held by both siblings compared to what would be expected if there was no statistical association between siblings' occupations. The Mobility Network Clustering Algorithm (MONECA) identifies groups of occupations that are strongly connected. The analysis shows that siblings tend to have the same occupation. Furthermore, non-manual and manual occupations are identified as two separate groups of strongly connected occupations. The analysis also shows a more differentiated structure in occupations, with increased tendencies for siblings to be in more narrow subgroups of the occupational structure. In the non-manual group, occupations in management, finance, business, and sales form a separate cluster from administrative workers, the professions, and cultural-artistic occupations. Beyond this, the occupational structure is differentiated into smaller subgroups. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Amid renewed debates and theorizing about informality and the role of informal workers in Africa and across the globe, there remains little in the way of class-based understandings of Africa's informal workers and of informal worker politics. Marxists, especially Analytical Marxists, have been slow to study and consider the role and potential role of informal workers in geopolitics and class struggle across the Global South, and Africa, in particular. Drawing on ethnographic field work and interviews conducted in Sierra Leone, and broader informal worker-led struggles and events across Africa and the Global South, this work argues for a renewed understanding of collective action and class formation among informal workers. JEL Classification: J0, J2, J6 [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Enrollments in higher education have expanded greatly, but without elimination of all forms of inequality. Research in industrialized countries has shown that the path students follow in their transition from secondary school continues to be associated with their social class. This study provides quantitative evidence of that relationship in a non-industrial country like Chile. Multinomial logistic and linear regression of university admission data managed by the Department of Evaluation, Measurement and Registration describing 130,000 applicants for the years 2015 and 2017 were used to estimate the probability of a member of a particular social class choosing a given university and academic field of study. The results show differences regarding law programs and science, technology, engineering and mathematics programs. Class differences were particularly important in the choice of university. Working-class students were more likely to apply to public universities, avoiding elite and especially private institutions. The findings provide further support for Bourdieu's habitus explanation of class reproduction. They suggest more attention to the level of segregation in Chilean higher education and the factors that produce it. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

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Using data from 31 OECD countries, this study analyzes labor and capital incomes in the international manufacturing and finance sectors during the years 1995 to 2019. The study examines three periods: the years between 1995 and 2007, before the global crisis; between 2008 and 2019, during and after the global crisis; and the 1995–2019 period overall. In addition, the variables were subjected to general trend analysis, to analysis of the relative change between the beginnings and ends of the various periods, and to analysis of the annual average percentage changes. The results show that in both the manufacturing and financial sectors, the incomes of capital increased more than those of labor. Comparing the two sectors, it can be stated that between 1995 and 2019 the degree of class inequality in favor of capital saw a greater increase in the sector of manufacturing industry. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper examines the variety of agrarian classes of labour and the challenges they face in organizing and pursuing their interests. By taking the cotton sector in Burkina Faso as a case study, it analyses how various 'classes of labour' organize and mobilize for collective action to raise their claims: poor cotton farmers and workers in the cotton factories. Poor and middle farmers recently came to the fore when they boycotted cotton production in large numbers. The study focusses on the boycott campaign, and more broadly on class struggle and collective action by farmers and workers, on interclass alliances, and on capital's attempts to play the classes of labour against one another. The boycott campaign provides an outstanding case to analyse the interests of the various classes of labour and of opportunities for rural–urban mobilization and alliances across classes of labour. I argue that poor farmers and factory workers along the chain of cotton production can be considered as various classes of labour that are not necessarily antagonistic to one another but, first and foremost, to capital. In order to achieve radical transformation in the agrarian context, what is needed are networks and organizations to establish interclass solidarity and alliances. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article builds on the contributions of anthropologists of Europe in discovering, tracing and explaining the neo‐nationalist ascendancy of the last 20 years. It picks up on earlier publications to make a succinct case for a decidedly anthropological class analysis of this worldwide and world‐shaking phenomenon, with a view mainly on Europe and the United States. It suggests the usefulness of a notion of 'double devaluation' in understanding and explaining recent rightward shifts in popular politics in the Global North, encompassing both rural and urban spaces. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article explores recent water protests across northern Mexico which emanated from the Mexicali Valley in Baja California, Mexico. Beginning in 2015, communal farmers and industrial labourers, among other groups, aligned under the banner of Defense of Water to protest the construction of a United States-based beverage production facility. Through interviews, participant observation and archival research, we study this social movement through a class-based, historical lens to show how the meaning of water presupposes and represents a century of class politics that has allowed seemingly disparate groups to find meaning and build alliances within it. It is this history that has allowed protesters to achieve shared goals.

This paper examines how intra- and inter-class relations mold the development process. Based on ethnographic fieldwork in the bauxite-rich, plateau of Gumla district in Jharkhand, a state in the eastern part of India, this paper uses an historical approach to trace the evolution of the relationship between a mining company and the local adivasi (indigenous) communities over the last three decades. It portrays how development in this mining region is operationalized through the use of compensation. This makes financial resources available to landowners, and in turn provides private capital an access to natural resources. Compensation, thus, unifies the opposing interests of capital and labor in their strife to maximize their share in the wealth generated by bauxite mining. Against the associational power of labor, private capital forges multiple alliances with power elites including the state. These alliances coalesce multiple power structures into what we term the architecture of control (AOC). Three main functions of the AOC are identified: erosion of labor's collective bargaining power, suppression and delegitimization of anti-mining voices, and the replacement of primordial loyalties by the market rationality, which facilitate capital accumulation. This paper argues that the tension between capital accumulation and reproduction of household constantly reconfigures the development process which essentially increases dependency of the local population on the market. The paper warns that the benefit-sharing mechanism will justify and deepen the exploitation of labor in mining industries, unless the working class reinvents its politics to free development thinking from the concerns of capital. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article focuses on the role of class analysis in envisioning a better world, in both the past and the present. It critically reflects on class research conducted in the second half of the 20th century in Yugoslavia, and contemporary class research from selected countries of former Yugoslavia, in order to explore the place that class analysis as systemic critique occupied and occupies in a socialist and capitalist context. This approach is informed by Wright's (2015) evaluation of different forms of class analysis through the game metaphor. According to Wright, whereas Marxist class analysis questions "what game to play," Weberian class analysis engages with "the rules of the game" and Durkheimian class analysis examines "moves in the game." Our historical case study of Yugoslav scholarship on class during state socialism illustrates that, despite its role in sanctifying the status quo, class analysis also drew on both Marxism and Weberian inspired life-chances research as tools for systemic critique. On the other hand, our review of post-Yugoslav class research suggests that, currently, class analysis as an instrument for the critique of capitalism is not prominent. Indeed, in contrast to the late Yugoslav period in which sociology engaged class analysis in order to question what game should be played, the post-socialist 1990s and 2000s brought a silencing of Marxist left critique, while sociologists transformed their research into what Wright (2015) would describe as struggles over the rule of the game: problematizing the variety of capitalism that emerged in post-socialism rather than capitalism itself. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article explores recent water protests across northern Mexico which emanated from the Mexicali Valley in Baja California, Mexico. Beginning in 2015, communal farmers and industrial labourers, among other groups, aligned under the banner of Defense of Water to protest the construction of a United States-based beverage production facility. Through interviews, participant observation and archival research, we study this social movement through a class-based, historical lens to show how the meaning of water presupposes and represents a century of class politics that has allowed seemingly disparate groups to find meaning and build alliances within it. It is this history that has allowed protesters to achieve shared goals. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The National Agricultural Census (NAC) held in Argentina in 2018 shows that the concentration and centralization of agrarian capital in this country's heartland of grain and oilseed production is an ongoing process. An extensive academic literature has attributed this trend to the dynamics of capitalist development in agriculture in general and to Argentina's political economy in particular. Tying into these discussions and based on a case study, this paper argues that an analysis of how the growth of large corporations works in and through class differentiation helps to further explain the dynamics of concentration and centralization. This includes (i) examining the strategies of big companies to diversify capital functions across various value chain links and (ii) elucidating how they have established particular relations to smaller capitals, intermediate classes, and workers, as well as the related patterns of exploitation and appropriation of surplus value. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article examines conflicting conceptualizations of the human subject in political ecology and geography: Foucauldian views of "subject-making" and Gramscian views of "the person". While Foucauldian work holds that the more complete exertion of power, the more coherent subject-making, Gramscian historical–geographical perspectives counter that, the more complete exertion of power, the more in coherent persons and their class-based collectivities. Outlining incongruities between these approaches, I argue that the "dark side" of Gramscian political ecology—with its emphasis on incoherence and fracture–allows geographers new nuance in understanding the human subject, although not without challenges to the actual writing of such scholarship. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article employs a political economy approach to offer a narrative of the rural problem of Syria. It traces the relations of production, class formation, and power as they unfolded since 1970. The Baath takeover in 1963 ended forever the liberal era which was characterized by the dominance of the traditional landlord class. The populist Baath era can be divided into a radical period characterized by the populist transformation of the rural sector, and a Machiavellian period; partially retreated from the radical course and transformed the state agrarian policy into a regime survival tool. Then came, the neoliberal era, which aimed at liberalizing markets and restructuring production relations. The paper concludes by examining the roots of the countryside participation in the revolt engulfed Syria in 2011. It argues that the rural revolt could not be explained by the drought of 2007-2010; rather the reasons are to be sought in the state-building and development strategies chosen by the ruling regime.

Drawing on a case study of algorithmically controlled manual labour in German manufacturing and delivery logistics, this article develops the concept of cybernetic proletarianization. It does so by joining an empirical analysis of labour processes with theoretical class analysis. Thus, it reconstructs Marx's understanding of technical proletarianization as a dialectic between expulsion and reintegration of living labour in production processes. In the cases researched here, a qualitative and quantitative expulsion of living labour could be observed in different forms: First, deskilled flexibilization via digital instructions on working steps; second, a cybernetic mode of work intensification that is based on a permanent digital evaluation of the labour process; third, data-based automation, which builds on the data collected from the labour processes. This expulsion is counterweighted by a process of reintegration of devaluated living labour due to new highly labour-intensive forms of production and distribution, which are enabled by algorithmic work control. However, these processes are highly conflictual, resulting in different 'technopolitics from below', in which workers influence or even disrupt the processes of cybernetic proletarianization. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Der Beitrag beschäftigt sich aus einer klassenanalytischen Perspektive mit der arbeitsweltlichen Dynamik der Corona-Pandemie. Auf der Basis eines Mixed-Methods-Designs, eines thematisch breiten arbeitssoziologischen Zugangs und von zwei Erhebungswellen des Arbeitswelt-Monitors „Arbeiten in der Corona-Krise" werden die Pandemieeffekte im April/Mai 2020 und im April/ Mai 2021 miteinander verglichen. Quantitativ zeigt sich eine bemerkenswerte Kontinuität in der Risiko- und Lastenverteilung. Die beiden „harten Lockdowns" unterscheiden sich kaum in den absoluten Betroffenheiten mit subjektiven Infektionsrisiken, wirtschaftlichen Lasten und verschlechterten Arbeitsbedingungen sowie im Zugang zum mobilen Arbeiten – und damit auch nicht in den vertikalen und horizontalen Klassenungleichheiten, die sich aus dem Zusammenspiel der Einzeleffekte ergeben. Zugleich deuten die qualitativen Interviews darauf hin, dass sich im Pandemieverlauf die Wahrnehmung der gesellschaftlichen Risiko- und Lastenverteilung verschiebt. In den stark betroffenen unteren Klassen bildet sich nämlich ein Spannungsverhältnis zwischen dem Stolz auf die eigenen Beiträge zur Pandemiebewältigung und den verfestigten Klassenungleichheiten in den Arbeitsfolgen heraus. Letztere werden zunehmend als Missachtung der eigenen Leistungen und als Angriff auf die menschliche Würde erlebt. The paper addresses the work-life dynamics of the Corona pandemic from a class analytic perspective. Based on a mixed-methods design, a broad thematic approach and two survey waves of the Work-Life Monitor "Working in the Corona Crisis", the pandemic effects in April/May 2020 and April/May 2021 are compared. Quantitatively, there is remarkable continuity in the distribution of risks and burdens. The two "hard lockdowns" hardly differ in absolute levels of subjective infection risks, economic burdens, deteriorated working conditions, nor do they differ in access to mobile work – and thus they do not differ in the patterns of vertical and horizontal class inequalities resulting from the interplay of these effects. At the same time, the qualitative interviews suggest that perceptions of the social distribution of risks and burdens shift over the course of the pandemic. Particularly in the lower classes the entrenched inequalities in the pandemicʼs implications are increasingly experienced as a disregard for their own efforts from the early stages of the pandemic and as an attack on their dignity as human beings. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

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Chinese cyberspace is vibrant with new expressions created and disseminated by Internet users. Generally light in tone, they have been viewed by numerous media scholars as constituting a playful and satirical form of speech which exemplifies "grassroots" netizens' carnivalesque resistance against the authoritarian party-state. Adopting a critical sociolinguistic perspective, the article focuses on the textual constructions of two online buzzwords diaosi and shamate to illustrate the ambivalent class orientation of Chinese Internet discourse. It argues that while the diaosi wordplay appears to signify an underprivileged or grassroots identity, its discursive construction is in effect characterized by an intermediate position which oscillates between identifying with the economically dominant and recognizing the truly subordinate social groups in contemporary China – such as rural migrant workers. The social stratification and hierarchy of Internet users, as well as the simultaneous cooption of digital culture by institutional forces must be taken into account so as to fully evaluate the political implications of playful online practices in China and beyond. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This contribution links the study of populism as a stylistic repertoire with Bourdieusian class analysis. The starting point is Ostiguy and Moffitt's observation that the populist repertoire draws on symbols of the 'sociocultural low' and 'the popular' produced in non-political fields like food and leisure. Borrowing from Lévi-Strauss and Bourdieu, the article proposes to view these elements as metaphors for positions in vertical and horizontal class relations. Metaphorical signification rests on homologies between the symbolic sphere ('culture') and politics grounded in the divisions of social space ('the class structure'). This perspective allows us to situate the populist repertoire in social structure and analyze its entanglement in struggles over the classification of groups, or symbolic class struggles.

Two years after Erik Olin Wright’s death, this article rereads one of his most famous works, Class Counts. This book, published in 1997, can be considered at the same time a contemporary classic of scientific Marxism and the manifest of neo-Marxist class analysis. The objectives of the article are manifold. Firstly, it contextualizes the author’s theoretical contribution in his biography, emphasizing his complicated relationship with sociology as a Marxist. Then, it focuses on the book’s specific contribution in terms of conceptual work, also looking at the theoretical implications of the empirical results. Finally, it reflects on the resilience of the heuristic capacity of Wright’s categories to understand social inequalities in contemporary society.

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The paper focuses on intergenerational mobility and explores the role of social origin in ending up in various class locations. Latent class analysis was applied to mapping the class structure based on economic, cultural and social assets. Parental education and occupation are used to examine how social origin operates in accumulating the various forms of capital and in getting into different class positions. Out of the forms of capital, economic resources, high cultural capital and prestige of social contacts depend particularly on social origin; these are the main channels affecting mobility into the best class locations. If coming from low educated worker class background, one may get only into one of the bottom class locations, while members of the top class positions come from families where parents hold tertiary degree and have high occupational status. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

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This article offers an initial analyses the mass protests that began in Belarus following the presidential elections of August 2020. Written 'in the heat of events' it has the character of preliminary observations. The authors begin with the background and context of events and the outcomes of the economic and social development of the Republic of Belarus during the 25 years of rule by Lukashenko. A preliminary analysis of the social and class make-up both of the protesters and of those who at the time of writing remained a 'silent majority' is situated in the context of the contradictions within the Belarusian 'power elite'. We attempt to distinguish the main factors behind the developments in Belarus and point to initial lessons of these events for social and humanitarian-oriented networks and organisations. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The main aim of this research, reappraisal the restoration of class importance and economic-class analysis in socio-political sciences literature with emphasis on two theories of street politics and sub-politics by using of theories of famous sociologists such as Antony Gidens and Asef Bayat. In this research, the author has been tried to answer to this question by analytical- explanative method and objective examples in the field of social movements: what have been the important efficient factors on restoration of class importance in two last decades in socio-political sciences? The finding of research that are same the hypothesis is that due to factors such as economic- commercial globalization and universalize and mal- decision making of governments especially in developing countries has been led to intensification of internal and international inequality between north-south countries, unemployment, increased injustice and poorness, much decrease in welfare life standards. Increase the expenditures of social services and so on. In the context of increased distrust to political parties, the social movements has been challenged the macro national and international polices by engagement and mobilization of economic dissatisfied professionals groups in public streets and fields by emphasis on the principal of ethic- social justice. In meanwhile, the demands od religious- ethnic identities and actors has been interrelated with economic- class dimensions. Although the class has been important but is not deterministic as the age of cold war.

This article focuses on social closure by way of marital homogamy within the upper class. It offers new insights into the social structuring of romantic partnerships, while drawing on research on assortative mating and contemporary elite and class analysis. The analysis is based on detailed data covering the entire Norwegian population. Our main point of focus is the upper class, whose patterns of partner choice have been little studied. By drawing on Bourdieu's model of the social space, we move beyond conventional operationalisations of class. The analysis demonstrates that romantic partnerships within the upper class are structured along three dimensions of class: (i) vertical inter-class closure (upper-class individuals are disproportionately more likely to have partners in upper-class positions); (ii) horizontal intra-class closure (a tendency for marrying within the same upper-class fraction); (iii) closure by class trajectory (upwardly mobile newcomers are disproportionately more unlikely to have upper-class partners). We also demonstrate how class divisions intersect with gender divisions. Among the men, there are important differences between the upper-class fractions: the cultural fraction is more homogamous than the other fractions, and the economic fraction is comparatively more likely to have partners from lower down in the class structure. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

A theory of the state presupposes the conceptual demarcation between "internal" and "external" actors to the state. In Resnick and Wolff's theory of the state, the contestation between "external" actors (classes/groups) and the conflict between internal actors (state institutions) remains underexplored. This essay expands Resnick and Wolff's analysis by drawing from a case study of the postcolonial state of Pakistan in which the conflict internal to the state, the civil-military contradiction, plays an important role in mediating the political economy of the state-society. To make visible how internal conflict regulates state-society interactions, the essay synthesizes Resnick and Wolff's class analysis of the state with Henri Lefebvre's theory of state spatiality, arguing that the postcolonial state of Pakistan can best be characterized by the notion of "uneven state spaces" and thus illustrating that the state as a "site" is contested from both "external" and "internal" forces. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article provides a theoretical discussion on the possibilities of conjunction of gender analysis and class analysis for the sociological study of mobility and social reproduction. Reviewing a tradition that has resulted in the separation of those fields and the lack of consideration of gender as a relevant factor in classical studies of social mobility, it presents the possibilities for a conceptual net capable of supporting empirical studies that articulate gender and social origin as explanatory sources of social inequality. That, moreover, has been fuelled by the proliferation in recent decades in Europe and Latin America of researches on mobility that, when including both men and women, convey that conclusions about social reproduction become more complex. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Two years after Erik Olin Wright's death, this article rereads one of his most famous works, Class Counts. This book, published in 1997, can be considered at the same time a contemporary classic of scientific Marxism and the manifest of neo-Marxist class analysis. The objectives of the article are manifold. Firstly, it contextualizes the author's theoretical contribution in his biography, emphasizing his complicated relationship with sociology as a Marxist. Then, it focuses on the book's specific contribution in terms of conceptual work, also looking at the theoretical implications of the empirical results. Finally, it reflects on the resilience of the heuristic capacity of Wright's categories to understand social inequalities in contemporary society. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The subject-matter of the paper is the theory of class struggle proposed by Hans-Hermann Hoppe, one of the leading representatives of libertarian political philosophy in the radical tradition of Murray N. Rothbard. The author reconstructs and critically comments on the theory at hand. The author's remarks focus on the ethical and methodological background of Hoppe's approach, the main question being whether the latter theory is consonant with the thinker's positions on ethics and methodology, as well as with his political standpoint. The author argues that not only does class analysis not contradict other core beliefs of Hoppe but it also represents an indispensable element of his libertarian philosophy. There is, however, a significant tension between the class approach and Hoppe's secondary philosophical position - his historical idealism. The article is concluded by indicating some further issues in the Hoppean theory of class that, in the author's opinion, should be subject to future inquiry. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Intended to capture the entangled history of Marxism, Alvin Gouldner's two Marxisms also frame the intellectual biography of Erik Olin Wright. In the 1970s Wright's Scientific and Critical Marxisms were joined, but later they came apart as each developed its own autonomous trajectory. Erik's Scientific Marxism was the program of class analysis that first brought him international fame. Begun in graduate school, it tailed off in the last two decades of his life, when it played second fiddle to the Critical Marxism of the Real Utopias Project that Erik began in the early 1990s. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Erik Olin Wright's scholarship is often considered to be formed by two entirely disjoint projects represented by his early work on class analysis and his later writings on "real utopias." This essay uses Michael Burawoy's recent formulation of the "two Marxisms" thesis as a foil to argue for the continuities rather than discontinuities in the body of work produced by Wright. More particularly, the critical spirit of the real utopias project infused Wright's work on class analysis from its inception. It is further argued that the limitations Wright encountered in realizing those critical aims directly seeded the search in his later work for institutional design principles and an explicit articulation of normative values that could undergird alternatives to capitalism. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Guided by life course and resource perspectives, this study investigated patterns of middle-aged adults' giving of time and money within and outside their immediate family. National data from Midlife in the United States II (MIDUS II) were analyzed for 759 middle-aged adults. Latent class analysis provided strong evidence for a 4-class model of giving patterns. The four types were (a) General Benefactors (30%), (b) Time Benefactors (28%), (c) Financial Philanthropists (26%), and (d) Uninvolved (16%), revealing that the majority of midlife adults give time and/or money within and outside their immediate family while fewer give money outside their family only or not at all. Middle-aged adults' contextual factors, resource availability and demands, and perceptions of family relationships and non-family roles predicted giving pattern membership. The heterogeneous giving patterns of midlife adults have implications for research and practice. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In the early 1990s Chilika Lake saw a conflict over aquaculture practices that culminated in a process of de facto privatization of the lake waters and the implementation of illegal shrimp cultivation. An earlier article explored the class dynamics of the conflict and the present paper, based on a 2015 fieldwork revisit, reviews the unfolding of the socioeconomic dynamics underlying the illegal aquaculture activities. Looking at recent developments in the implementation of illegal shrimp cultivation in the lake, it interrogates the underlying balance between coercion and consent, and the implications for the livelihoods and protest politics of the fishing people. The paper draws attention to the reality of occupational displacement, analysing its implications for the viability of the fisher people's oppositional movement. Through doing so, it draws renewed attention to the complexity of state–society relations underlying the dynamics that govern conflict and critically contributes to recent debates on subaltern politics. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

How do we make sense of the ways in which COVID-19 has developed and been responded to in the United States? How can nondeterminist class analysis help us to understand why the pandemic has impacted the United States so severely compared to other nations? What do these policies and experiences reveal about current capitalist economic and social relations within the United States today? Are there possibilities for interventions through a nonessentialist Marxist analysis and understanding? On a beautiful June afternoon, Rethinking Marxism coeditor Vin Lyon-Callo discussed these questions via zoom with his former professor, long-term RM board member, and host of the quite popular public intervention Economic Update, Richard Wolff (lightly edited for content and clarity). [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

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Across the last decade we have witnessed a growing wave of resistance across the globe. In this article we argue that it is critical to utilise class analysis to understand contemporary social movements. We maintain that class analysis begins with understanding class as a series of relations and/or processes that condition both the objective and subjective dimensions of class. Following this, we illustrate how sectors of the contemporary working class are in struggle, yet struggle differently, based on their structural location as well as differing nature of their resistance. In taking this approach to class and social movements, we argue that scholars can begin to unmask the central role of capitalism and the attending regimes of accumulation in the current wave of resistance even when they appear disconnected.

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We examined the item properties of the Two Peas Questionnaire (TPQ) among a sample of same-sex twin pairs from the Washington State Twin Registry. With the exception of the 'two peas' item, three of the mistakenness items showed differential item functioning. Results showed that the monozygotic (MZ) and dizygotic (DZ) pairs may differ in their responses on these items, even among those with similar latent traits of similarity and confusability. Upon comparing three classification methods to determine the zygosity of same-sex twins, the overall classification accuracy rate was over 90% using the unit-weighted pair zygosity sum score, providing an efficient and sufficiently accurate zygosity classification. Given the inherent nature of twin-pair similarity, the TPQ is more accurate in the identification of MZ than DZ pairs. We conclude that the TPQ is a generally accurate, but by no means infallible, method of determining zygosity in twins who have not been genotyped. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Radical right voters and parties are often characterized as conservative and traditionalist on issues of gender, sexuality, and morality. Common wisdom is that they reject the progressive sociopolitical shifts that began in the 1970s and early 1980s. However, some radical right parties, such as the Dutch Party for Freedom, maintain moderate positions on morality issues. Are radical right supporters still traditionalist? Latent class analysis applied to European Social Survey data from 10 West European countries reveals that radical right supporters belong to three ideologically distinct classes. The fastest growing group is the sexually-modern nativists, who make up about 45% by 2016. Contrary to extant literature, traditionalism no longer appears to be a major motivation for today's radical right. Instead, immigration and nationalism are now the core common concerns for radical right supporters in Western Europe. This development may be due to the Euro crisis and the migration crisis, which have increased the salience of national borders. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The relevance of workers' mobilisations in the 2011 Arab uprisings and – more recently – in the Algerian movement for democracy and social justice has encouraged a renewed interest in labour–state relations in the region. This article presents a class-based perspective on labour institutions, taking Morocco as a case study. In contrast to institution-based approaches, this research argues that it is problematic to treat the trade unions as analytical proxies for the working class, because this heuristic move conceals how class struggles – from below and from above – can transcend and transform labour institutions. The article proposes a framework to study labour–state relations, highlighting the relative autonomy of union officials from workers and vice versa. In this way, it shows how, in the neoliberal phase, the Moroccan state increased inducements to the unions while decreasing those to the workers and maintaining significant constraints on workplace organising. To use a simplified formulation, the regime included the unions to exclude the workers. In such a context of low union representativeness, the dangers of reducing the working class to the trade unions emerge clearly. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Revista de Indias is the property of Consejo Superior de Investigaciones Cientificas and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

This essay responds to "Money as Art: The Form, the Material, and Capital" by the Marxist economist Costas Lapavitsas with reference to the triple manifestation of crisis in the United States during the spring months of 2020. By triangulating the role of money in the COVID-19 pandemic, the ensuing mass unemployment, and the historical nationwide revolt in response to the police murder of George Floyd predicated on a counterfeit twenty-dollar bill, Nicholas Huber makes a three-part claim. First, that acceptance of the Marxist theory of fetishism forecloses the possibility of conceiving of capitalist money as art in the sense developed by Lapavitsas, insofar as the latter tends toward transhistorical concepts of both art and money. Following from this, any aesthetic function of money in the capitalist mode of production is inseparable from its total social function; that is, capitalist money is at once an economic, political, cultural, and aesthetic mediation unlike any other. Finally, Huber draws on Louis Marin's typology of the frame in correspondence with Erik Olin Wright's integrated class analytic framework to argue that the question of whether money is art or not leads us to a dead end. Huber suggests that a crisis such as the one unfolding in 2020 raises instead the more challenging question of what social system must come into being, such that a theory of capitalist money as art becomes intelligible. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The paper presents a critique of the discourse of precarity that assumes that regulated era labor relations in advanced capitalist economies represent the norm, while 'irregular work' represents a historical aberration under capitalist employment. We argue that this approach fails to inform labor theorists in any meaningful way as it conceals the differences in the social relations under which work is performed. The catchall term 'precarious labor' makes it difficult to design policies for specific social groups who are non-homogenous in social relations. We propose a Marxian socio-spatial class framework that gives visibility to three key dimensions: 1) the manner in which surpluses are produced, appropriated, and distributed during the labor process; 2) the spatial component of where work is performed, and 3) the degree of market-orientation. Recognizing on the one hand that precarity will always be a ubiquitous feature of capitalist labor markets, and that there are differences within forms of work depending on the social context and location of work on the other, has a number of benefits for contemporary debates. These include a better appreciation of the multiplicity of processes in which labor participates and generates radically new ways of thinking about anti-capitalist resistance across national boundaries. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article addresses polemically, perhaps, the most prominent class analyses today – the occupational and stratification approaches (OSAs) developed by various sociologists and economists. Strongly opposed to the "big class" of conventional Weberian and Marxian typologies, the stratification and occupational models have, unsurprisingly, claimed more realistic grounds. By contrast, key dimensions of social relations such as domination, exploitation and oppression are purposely overlooked. Moreover, the lack of theorization – even marginally regarded, does not take into consideration the qualitative explanatory strength for the analysis of social structure. Alternatively, the underlying optimistic market-oriented belief of the "realistic" class framework overestimates the role of institutions and economics. Thus, this "Smithian" background unveils a market fetishism as well as a functionalist and naturalized vision of class structure. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]