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This article explores how the idea of teachers as agents of change is historically constructed through the institutionalisation, secularisation, and normalisation process of professional teacher knowledges. Authors comparatively examine eighteenth-century Habsburg Monarchy literary sources and nineteenth-century US documents on the formation and expansion of public elementary teacher education institutions. The analysis highlights two points. First, the focus of teacher training was changed from the religious tradition to secularised practices by adopting modern science in teacher education; second, the construction of professional teacher knowledges in the form of "teaching methods" made it possible for the teacher to be a social agent. Despite the differences in time and place, teacher education institutions during the nation-building periods commonly adopted and used modern science for teacher training, emphasising sensory knowledge and empiricism as alternative means of professional development. Highlighting the training of teachers through modern science and methodical practices as a normalising process to make the "ideal(ised)" teacher, this study shows how teachers were constituted as a profession for the nation, whose salvific agential roles still remained in the scientific forms of teaching methods and secularised notions of teacher agency.

Characterized by specific and rigid boundaries of institutional practices and expectations in the academy, student writing is a synergistic literacy practice where students are required to construct generically diverse texts by yoking concepts with appropriate linguistic resources. This empirical study involving 196 first-year ESL students at a university in Sri Lanka explores why conceptual incongruities occur in argumentative essays constructed by them, and how they defend their arguments. We analyzed all their timed essays and noticed that 72 out of them contained conceptual incongruities. By "conceptual incongruities, we refer to instances where students" conceptualization process is not aligned or coherent with the essay topic. For our analysis of student texts, we have introduced two social cognitive perspectives: untutored competencies and tutored competencies. The former includes inherited, social, and ideological identities emerging from societal epistemologies whereas disciplinarity and interdisciplinarity constitute the latter. This empirical research demonstrates how students' conceptualization process is mediated by a labyrinthine repertoire of knowledge premised in students' untutored competencies and tutored competencies, signaling deviations from their essay topic.

Scout Rally at Birmingham and Imperial Scout Exhibition organised in July of 1913 by the Boy Scouts Association constituted educational propaganda of the British Empire. The term "imperial", which was used in the British press, reflects the ideological meaning of this outsized event which gathered scouts from the United Kingdom and its dominions, and much smaller groups of scouts from Europe, including quite numerous groups from Poland. In the eyes of Poles, British "imperialism" or "patriotism" confronted as an ideal compared to Russian and German rule, and their attitudes were enthusiastically Anglomaniacal. This is the psychological key to understand the attractiveness of performing on the British arena for the representation of the young generation of Poles who were invited. For Polish scouts, the Scout Rally in Birmingham was an opportunity to demonstrate not only their skills but also patriotism as a function of political presence. This is how the Polish press understood these things, and which after the British -- what needs to be emphasised -- paid the most attention to the events in Birmingham. The most important Polish dailies publishing in Cracow, Warsaw, Poznan, and Lvov (now Lviv) closely followed the course of the rally, which was given the rank of success by a two-sentence "depeche" from London and a lengthy letter published in the "Czas" daily paper. The object of interest for the author of the article is the book written by the founder of Polish scouting, Andrzej Malkowski, which constitutes a noteworthy record of observations made by him during the Scout Rally as well as those made by other organisers of the Polish delegation's trip and of letters from journalists who accompanied this delegation and sent their correspondence to the Polish press from Birmingham, London, and Paris. Only one journalist broke out from apologetic opinions about the excellent performance of Polish scouts, who noticed shortcomings in performance and wrote about them. The article introduces the content of these letters and interprets and compares them. The opinion about the triumphant rally in Birmingham rooted firmly in Polish public opinion, constituting an important element of the founding myth of Polish scouting, which in the history of this movement is worth noting.

Conviviality has travelled and been taken up in various national socio-political and historical narratives. We aim to add to this by examining conviviality in Finland where discourses of 'Nordic innocence' regarding colonial histories and racism has created an illusion of 'Nordic exceptionalism' regarding race and racism. Here we position media as a form of societal curriculum and a site of learning that reinforce innocence and exceptionalism. We build on their work by using comfort to attend to the affective underpinnings through which these national discourses are maintained. Finally, we use a media example to show how Finnish media use a comfortable conviviality to create and ideal of unthreatening difference.

Prior to the 1980s, Turkey experienced a period of vicious political polarisation and even violent conflicts. The 1980 coup administration strived to reach an agreement regarding nationalism, religion, and Kemalism. Following the military coup of 1980, the Social Studies course was abandoned in secondary schools in 1985 and the National History, National Geography, and Citizenship courses were reconstituted. Thus, the word national was placed in the front of the History and Geography courses for the first time in Turkey. The notion of National Geography in National Geography lessons mostly highlighted geographical areas settled by Turks. The overall course content was shaped by Kemalist ideology. This study therefore critically evaluates the National Geography lessons taught in secondary schools in the aftermath of the 1980 coup. Official documents from the period and textbooks are the primary resources for this research.

This paper explores the governmentality in Macao's higher education (HE) by exemplifying how neoliberalism and Chinese nationalism simultaneously inform the governmental rationalities and technologies in the city. Like many other systems, neoliberalism has substantially shaped Macao's HE. However, owing to post-colonial identity, Chinese nationalism has become a significant driving force in the development of Macao's HE after the handover. On the basis of governmentality and a qualitative single case approach, this paper demonstrates how the neoliberal logic and nationalist discourses frame the governmentality in post-colonial Macao's HE. The paper further argues that the recent development of the Guangdong-Hong Kong-Macao Greater Bay Area signifies an intensification of national integration that is deliberately associated with a wave of marketisation in HE. These developments represent the economic and political imperatives of Macao's HE policy and provide insights into Chineseness in HE within the contemporary political context.

This paper aims to explain the path of higher education development and governance in (post-colonial) Hong Kong in light of the concept of hybridity. The paper begins with a historical review, delineating the establishment of major universities in Hong Kong, thereby illustrating how hybridity informs the trajectory of higher education development in the city. Considering the tensions and conflicts that emerged during the post-colonial transition and underlining the influences of managerialism and political activism, the paper draws on data from interviews with university council members and student leaders to outline the issues on university governance in Hong Kong. This paper argues that the response of the Chinese central government to the social unrest in the city represents a re-Sinification process that redefines the idea of the university in postcolonial Hong Kong.

This paper explores how Australian literature mandated for study in the Victorian senior English curriculum creates opportunities for problematizing central myths about Australia. We engage with Homi Bhabha's notion of ambivalence to demonstrate how representations of colonization, rurality and migration reflect discursive formations of Australia. We consider how each discourse serves a pedagogic function, essentializing a set of myths about Australia: as having redeemed the violence done to Indigenous Australians in the colonial period, as embodying a white, rural masculine ideal, and as a welcoming nation open to migrants. Here, we show the points of orientation these texts provide, in their rearticulations of "the scraps … of daily life", and further consider how the texts can problematize nationalist narratives.

Purpose: The goal is to explore the role of international education in a developing country's nation building in a mostly indigenous process. Design/methodology/approach: This study reviews China's history of international education set in the larger context of different nation building tasks in the past two centuries. Findings: The unique case of China with dramatic ups and downs in national fortunes in the past two hundred years serves to show that an open attitude to and an active engagement in international education are contributing factors for national prosperity. The case of China also serves to show that a self-determined agenda is of paramount importance in international education as a tool for nation building. Originality/value: Few studies so far have paid attention to the specific relationship between the internationalization of higher education and nation building, so the topic of the paper is an important one and a necessary addition to the existing literature. What has been the role of international education in China's national transformation? What contributions has international education made to China's achievement of nation building goals at different stages of this transformation process? What implications can other developing nations draw from China's case with regard to the role of international education in nation building? These are the questions the researchers hope to answer in this study.

Following a period of close to a century when the Irish language was placed at the margins of the education system under British rule, there was a radical change in curriculum provision following political independence in Ireland in the 1920s. The importance of the Irish language in defining sovereignty, national identity, and nationhood in the Irish Free State was central to these curricular changes. Within months of the achievement of political independence, curriculum policy was revised to include provision for the teaching of the Irish language to all pupils in primary schools as well as the use of Irish as the medium of instruction in infant classes (the first two years of primary school). The education system became the linchpin in the political and cultural campaign to restore the Irish language as the vernacular. This paper critically examines how nationalist thinking in Ireland, which had its origins in nineteenth-century European discourses, impacted on curriculum decisions pertaining to the Irish language in the early 1900s. Focusing on the interrelationship between nationalism, language, and education, it traces the process and provisions of curriculum development in Ireland in the 1920s. Overall the paper argues that the influence of nationalism as understood in the wider European context of the time shifted emphasis in Ireland away from bilingualism (Irish and English languages) to the revival of the Irish language in the 1920s, primarily through the education system, to add political legitimacy to the new Irish Free State.

This article explores new nationalisms as part of the conflicting political interactions constituting the post-Cold war governance arrangements in higher education. Drawing on policy documents, archival sources and interviews and against the backdrop of a historical perspective on the university and the EU's role as an education actor, the article investigates the development from internationalisation to national protectionism in Danish higher education policy. The article suggests that current practices concerning the nation-state are reshaping international collaboration and that these new nationalisms are characterised by post-Cold War readjustments and displacements in the relation between the university, the nation-state and international alliances.

Methodological nationalism (MN) pervades higher education scholarship and practice, particularly in the arena of globalisation of higher education (HE) (Shahjahan and Kezar 2013). MN refers to the assumption that national boundaries define the natural category or unit of analysis for society. Drawing on affect theories, this conceptual article aims to problematise how the 'nation state' as a natural category (or container) pervades global HE practices and policies. Affect refers to emotions, responses, reactions and feelings that are relational and transpersonal, and an object's (e.g., nation-state) continuous emergence and unfolding in a world driven by intensities and feelings. Based on three real-life examples in/about South Asian HE, we demonstrate how the 'nation-state' category comes into being (and becomes 'sticky') through the experienced and imagined encounters among: (a) individuals, (b) national policy and (c) transnational actors. We show how, through imaginaries and practices, the 'global' manifested through using the 'nation-state', indicating a strong and evolving relationship between the two categories, informed by emotional and imaginative futures. We argue that an affect lens illuminates how MN is perpetuated as the nation-state becomes a naturalised container for (potential) encounters in the enactments of HE globalisation and moving beyond MN requires an ontological shift.

The centralized compilation and use of educational materials for the three subjects of language arts, ethics and the rule of law (ideology and politics), and history are important moves in the fundamental task of creating educational materials to build up the state's authority and instill virtue and nurturing the young. Here, centrally compiled educational materials for language arts have unique advantages with respect to strengthening education in the standard spoken and written Chinese language, enhancing the cohesion of the Chinese nation, and so on, and they play an irreplaceable role in forging a sense of community for the Chinese nation. Centered on the "Five Identifications," this study sets out from the three-dimensional perspective of cognitive factors, affective factors and behavioral factors, to build a framework for analysis of educational materials based on the connotations of the sense of community for the Chinese nation. The characteristics of the representation of the connotative factors of the sense of community for the Chinese nation in centrally compiled educational materials for language arts are: The educational materials comprehensively and emphatically embody the educational content of the "Five Identifications"; the educational content for the different types of identification comprehensively addresses educational objectives in the three areas of cognition, affection and behavior; and educational content on cultural identification is the most enriched. Among the inherent mechanisms for forging a sense of community for the Chinese nation through the centralized compilation of educational materials for language arts, the first is organically integrating the connotative factors of the sense of community for the Chinese nation on the basis of the patterns of the subject of language arts as well as curriculum standards; the second is to use cultural identification as a focal point in promoting education for the "Five Identifications," while highlighting the unique value of the subject of language arts; and the third is to comprehensively strengthen education for identification with the community of the Chinese nation centered on the text selection system, in combination with the design of form factors and educational activities. The main pathways for forging a sense of community for the Chinese nation through the centralized compilation of educational materials for language arts are: (1) Synchronously strengthening identification with the community of the Chinese nation in the process of improving students' language arts skills and accomplishments, based on the learning situation; (2) Creating three-dimensional educational objectives for education in the community of the Chinese nation on the basis of cognitive patterns, to build firm ideological foundations; (3) Applying diverse teaching methods and educational techniques to promote consolidation of the sense of community for the Chinese nation in language arts studies and in life. [Translation by Carissa Fletcher.]

The cause of ethnic unity progress is a foundational cause for forging a sense of community for the Chinese Nation, and progressive education for school ethnic unity is an important, integral part of the cause of ethnic unity progress. Progressive education curricula for school ethnic unity are school curricula explicitly stipulated by the state. It is an important, integral part of the system of school thought and politics curricula and a completely new curriculum form. Progressive education curricula for school ethnic unity plays a critical, important role in firmly establishing the correct view of the motherland, ethnicity, culture, and history for students of all ethnicities and is also a basic path and vehicle for building a common spiritual home for all ethnicities and firmly molding a consciousness of the community of the Chinese nation. There is a solid theoretical foundation, rich practical explorations, and real need for building progressive education curricula for school ethnic unity. Properly building a system of progressive education curricula for school ethnic unity with Chinese characteristics is an important responsibility for education workers in the new era. [Translation by Jeff Keller.]

Forging a sense of community for the Chinese nation is an important innovative thesis put forward by General Secretary Xi Jinping. It is a continuation, development, and innovation of Marxist ethnic theory with rich, deep content. Systematically looking at the key theories of General Secretary Xi Jinping's important accounts of forging a sense of community for the Chinese nation with regards to the background of the era, the significance of their status, the characteristics of their content, and their practical requirements and deeply studying and understanding their spiritual nature and practical requirements can promote the high-quality development of ethnic affairs work in the new era and unite the people of all ethnicities in commonly striving to realize the Chinese Dream of the great rejuvenation of the Chinese nation. [Translation by Jeff Keller.]

This article argues that it is important to understand militarism in schools as an affectively felt practice that reproduces particular feelings in youth and the society. The analysis draws on affect theory and especially feminist scholarly work that theorises "militarism as affect" to consider how militarism is affectively lived in schools. In particular, the article examines the ethical and political implications of affective militarism in schools and suggests an 'affective methodology' for exploring militarism's affective logics in schools. It is also suggested that resisting militarism in schools involves a serious ethico-political dilemma, namely, how to engage with the value of honouring fallen soldiers without inadvertently condoning the moral and political ideology of militarism. In seeking insights into the affective dimensions of militarism in schools, it is crucial to identify the complicated, productive "and" ambivalent intersections between militarism in schools and broader moral and political economies of military cultures.

Forging a sense of community for the Chinese nation is the main line of ethnic affairs in the new era, and also a hot topic of research in theories about the Chinese nation today. The scientific connotations of education about forging a sense of community for the Chinese nation includes three aspects: conceptual content, theoretical content, and practical content. The core of the conceptual content lies in forging the conscious sense of community for the Chinese nation, to internalize the concept of national unity. The theoretical content includes the theory of ethnic affairs with Chinese characteristics in the new era and the theory of modernization of national governance. This focuses on the "discursive consciousness" of forging a sense of community for the Chinese nation to give national unity a sound basis. The practical content of forging a sense of community for the Chinese nation includes using education about national unity, national unification, and national rejuvenation to forge a sense of a united community for the Chinese nation, to make the ideal of national unity apparent in action. Only with a comprehensive and in-depth understanding of the scientific content of education about the sense of community for the Chinese nation can we effectively implement the ideal of the community of the Chinese nation "that shares good or ill, that shares honour or disgrace, that shares life or death, and that shares a common destiny." [Translated by Desmond Cheung.]

Patriotism is controversial in moral education across contexts. In China, patriotism is highly politicised by the government and heavily promoted in education. In the last few decades, the moralisation of patriotism, which refers here to the framing of patriotism as a virtue, has become the focus of teaching patriotism in China. This paper demonstrates how patriotism is moralised and promoted in Chinese moral education textbooks. The paper begins by providing a theoretical introduction to patriotism in moral education and defending a rational approach to teaching patriotism given its controversial nature. Then it elaborates on the Chinese context of teaching patriotism and analyses patriotism as part of moral education in Chinese textbooks. Our findings indicate various ways in which patriotism is promoted in Chinese education as a non-controversial virtue and moral duty. Finally, the paper discusses the limitations of this way of teaching patriotism and argues for the adoption of the rational approach as an alternative.

International education is a popular educational strategy among middle-class and affluent families in China and is pursued at increasingly younger ages. Yet, we do not know the implications of this family strategy for the identities and worldviews of privileged Chinese youth and what this may mean for the future of the Chinese nation-state, given the important role of the middle and affluent classes in the trajectory of a nation. To investigate this question, the current study draws on data collected at two high schools that cater to socioeconomically advantaged Chinese families: an international school in Beijing and a standard curriculum school in neighboring Tianjin. Despite unusually high levels of international travel and contact with non-Chinese groups, students at the international school were markedly similar to their counterparts at the standard curriculum school in identities and worldviews. Overall, findings suggest that families that engage with international education for strategic purposes cultivate mundane and strategic forms of cosmopolitanism in their children, as opposed to moral-ideological cosmopolitanism or a sense of global citizenship. Consequently, this study raises issues with arguments that international education will result in more globally-oriented individuals, and with theories that pit the forces of globalization and cosmopolitanism against the nation-state.

By examining the widespread enthusiasm for education during the Japanese occupation of Korea (1910-1945), this article sets out to contribute to historiography on so-called 'education fever' (kyoyungyol), which so far has largely concentrated on researching the period after 1945. In the 1920s and 1930s the term was used to describe a multifaceted phenomenon that was driven by a striving for upward social mobility and the idea of national self-strengthening. Based on a wide range of sources including newspapers and journals, official documents as well as missionary reports, the article argues that 'education fever' was, on the one hand, closely linked to Korean nationalism, whose proponents made frequent recourse to the ubiquitous phenomenon in order to strengthen Korean political power through education. On the other hand, despite efforts to restrict school access, colonial authorities to a certain degree were forced to respond to these demands for education, highlighting Korean agency in the process.

The concept of national identity in the nation-state is influenced by ethno-cultural identity. However, the decline in understanding and awareness among the younger generation in Indonesia has led to a national identity crisis, especially in the border areas. This research becomes a pioneer study investigating the forms and teachers' involvement in strengthening students' national identities at the border areas. The ethnographic approach reveals the depth of teachers' involvement, including students and school communities on the Indonesia-Malaysia border. This study shows that teachers' involvement is mainly through cultural festival activities, in which ethno-cultural identities that contain knowledge of ethnic groups in Indonesia are introduced. The teacher's success brings psychological changes shown in students' awareness and behaviour. This study provides insights and solutions that can be used to reduce the impact of the crisis and reflect views related to national identity. As input, ethno-cultural identity is paramount to strengthen the concept of national identity in the nation-state, especially for the younger generation.

'Christian pyrexia' and 'education fever' have contributed greatly to the empowerment of women in Korea and helped with the transformation of Korean society more broadly. This article begins with an overview of the Confucian gender constructs and delimiting social expectations of women in the pre-modern period. It then focuses on the changing socio-political landscape in the late nineteenth century, which set the stage for the arrival of Protestant missionaries, who would transform the educational system. "Han'gul," the 'vulgar' script of women, was soon the evangelising tool of the Protestants who established various institutions to educate 'modern' Korean girls and women. This radically transformed their place in society, from passive bystanders in a history that had ignored them. The fever for Christianity, linked with education as a tool for equality amidst the burgeoning of nationalism, was palpable in schools set up in Korea as the dark period of Japanese rule drew near.

Linguistic plurality is a situation in which a speech community speaks more than one language. It is a complex sociolinguistic phenomenon that helps explain the complexity of human nature. Human beings cannot exist in isolation and are therefore inclined towards interaction and transaction. The need and desire to interact leads to language contact, where two or more languages co-exist and are constantly used by people who share definitive interests. Linguistic homogeneity is illusory, since there is hardly any linguistic community that is absolutely monolingual. Despite the complexity of linguistic diversity, the world has recorded tremendous developments in the arts, sciences, and technology. This highlights the strength that lies in diversity. The utilitarian nature of multilingualism can be explored for the growth and development of human society, as language is a key factor in development. Although multilingualism might pose a threat to nationalism, it is apparently the basis of nationhood in Nigeria, having existed even before colonization. The purpose of this paper is to explore the importance of linguistic plurality for sustainable development. This study uses a descriptive and qualitative methodology, heavily relying on the nativist theory and the framework of Role and Reference Grammar (RRG) as its major underpinnings. Drawing from these frameworks, the paper observes that language acquisition occurs naturally with the presence of the Language Acquisition Device (LAD), and consequently, languages are used to perform functional roles. The scope of this work is limited to multilingualism and sustainable development in Africa, with particular emphasis on Nigeria.

This paper looks at the role of English in Brunei and the sociocultural structure of Bahasa/language in Brunei Darussalam. The aim of this research is to critically analyse sociocultural theory from Vygotsky's "peak psychology" approach and understand depth-knowledge of sociocultural theory from other scholars' perspectives. The scholars' views on education, language and sociocultural importance-related topics have been analysed by Barry, Goode, Jones, Haji-Othman, Sharbawi and Gardiner. These scholars' ideas give a better understanding of the sociocultural importance of Bruneian's individual development. For this research, a qualitative method applies and collected data is critically analysed in detail. This research has the potential to discuss the link between language evolution and Bruneian sociocultural development. The "Citizenship Acts 1961" is relevant to discuss the theoretical concepts like, 'nationality' and 'ethnic identification' from the Bruneian context. To put it in a nutshell, the ratification of "Melayu Islam Beraja" or "Malay Islamic Monarchy" and the impact of linguistic diversity in Brunei consist of a Bruneian identity. In bilingual education policy, Bahasa Melayu and English have a major role in the child development. Although a balance of regional languages and English is essential to maintain the "Bruneian" identity. Brunei is a small country but it is diverse, multilingual and multicultural.

Citizenship education in Denmark is considered as having a long history, not least as an important part of the folk high school tradition. More recently, it has become an important ingredient in the process for immigrants to obtain Danish citizenship. The focus of this paper is to analyse how the above types of citizenship education build on a particular imagining of the nation by engaging with the tradition and content of citizenship education as linked with the folk high schools and the preparation for the citizenship test. This is analysed within a critical interculturalist perspective and with Denmark as case.

Intercultural communicative competence has been offered as an open-minded replacement for ego-centric biases stemming from dogmatic national prejudice and its associated self-aggrandisement. While being a commendable proposal, its implementation in foreign language education has not been a widespread success story. Recent attempts to theorise intercultural communicative competence seem to emphasise negotiability in communication at the expense of some persistent issues, such as (cultural/national) identity. This article examines the prospects of intercultural communication in Iranian language policy as a country with a history of troubled encounters with foreign powers, culminating in protectionist approaches to nationalism, identity and the treatment of Others.

Identity issues have been an area of focus in language learning motivation scholarship. However, the role of national identity in language learning motivation has not received sufficient attention. In response to the timely call for reflections on nationalism and language education, this study examines how political nationalism and cultural nationalism shape Chinese learners' motivation to learn Japanese. Our analysis suggests that cultural nationalism considerably enhances Chinese learners' motivation whereas the motivational impact of political nationalism is bifurcate. Our research helps illuminate the mechanism of the rooted L2 self and national interest in language learning motivation, especially in the Chinese context.

English language learners should become successful intercultural speakers and global citizens promoting qualities that go beyond national boundaries. Supposed to be globally appropriate, global course books from Global North publishing houses reproduce coloniality and are neither neutral nor free of nationalism. Local(ised) teaching materials allow contextualised content but fall short, with negligible adaptions. Interviews with lecturers at Savannakhet University show: the global course books barely leave room for Lao students to express their experiences. In a return to the nation and to decolonise education, I argue for local(ised) material including pluralistic and multicultural forms of nationalism, building on the learners' diverse backgrounds.

This article considers the potential of language-focused online teaching platforms (OTPs) for fostering intercultural communication among their users. Drawing on interviews alongside an analysis of two OTPs websites, I argue that OTPs' webpages (re)produce banal nationalism grounded in nation-language congruence and instrumentalist language ideologies that conceive of language learning in terms of potential socioeconomic gains. However, I also find that: (1) learners' experiences can result in them questioning essentialist language ideologies; and (2) many users embrace a language ideology of conversational cosmopolitanism, which is premised on open-minded interaction with others and is consistent with the goals of intercultural communication educators.

Although language education should be ideally positioned to help students develop a nuanced understanding of languages, cultures, nations/countries, and identities these concepts have often been conflated in practice (see, e.g. Reagan & Osborn, 2021). This can result in othering in depictions of speakers of the language being learned (e.g. Osborn, 2021; Palfreyman, 2005) and delegitimizing certain language use(r)s. We share preliminary results from a study in which language educators who adopted critical approaches, such as teaching for social justice (Osborn, 2006) or intercultural citizenship (Byram, 2008, have addressed these questions in practice and discuss ways to disrupt harmful practices.

This study focused on the experiences of three Asian undergraduate students at a private urban institution in the United States. The findings indicate that the participants' racial, cultural and linguistic identities are dynamic and complex, echoing features indicated by the concept of superdiversity. Yet, under the influences of the rising nationalism and the strong grip of monolingualism, participants have been constantly under the pressure from English-only ideologies and the so-called forever-foreigner stereotype against Asian Americans. This study sheds light on rethinking higher education teaching and learning from the perspectives of marginalized students in the era simultaneously featuring superdiversity and nationalism.

This study demonstrates ways that geopolitics may interfere with the pursuit of global science. In particular, the study sought to understand the impact of the U.S. Department of Justice's China Initiative on the U.S. scientific community, especially among those of Chinese and other Asian descent. Based on a survey of about 2,000 scientists in top U.S. research universities, findings show a consistent pattern of neo-racism, neo-nationalism, and the consequences for future international collaborations and maintaining highly skilled talent. The findings show how neo-racism and neo-nationalism may be sabotaging the efforts of the U.S. to be globally competitive.

Many universities in non-English speaking countries have been adopting English as a medium of instruction to internationalize their education. We set out to compare the language policies of a Finnish and a Japanese university using the lens of language ideology -- a set of normative beliefs about the social dimension of language. Data were collected from selected documents of the two universities, and analyzed utilizing critical discursive psychology. This social constructionist approach allows mapping out language ideological landscapes -- interrelationships among different co-occurring language ideologies -- from which students may draw ideas about how they orient themselves towards their peers on international campuses today. Our analysis shows that different language ideological landscapes are constructed in the language policies of the two universities, affording them different positioning in the phenomenon of internationalization. The findings suggest that both multilingualism and languaging would be important discursive resources for universities to maintain ethnolinguistic nationalism and ensure equality among students with different linguistic backgrounds, in the process of internationalization of higher education through English. On international campuses where multilingualism is prevalent, students are likely to be constructed as cosmopolitans for inclusion, locals and foreigners for exclusion, or 'native/native-like and non-native speakers' for hierarchy through different monolingual language ideologies.

Reviewing the historiography of education provides insights into both the past and present of this growing area of research across the UK and Ireland. In the nineteenth century research reveals a close association with national identities. These were often Whig histories that celebrated the present and emphasised the progressive nature of educational development, sometimes characterised by an 'acts and facts' approach. From the 1960s, it is possible to identify a series of revisionist histories, which diversified further in the coming decades and morphed into the familiar patterns that we can identify today: theoretical and conceptual complexity; a concern with inequalities; an eclectic and widening interest in primary sources; a focus on schooling but moving beyond it, for instance to childhood, welfare and literacy; and a (re)discovery of new topics such as the emotions, senses and identities.

This article sketches the emergence, institutionalisation and emergent issues and challenges in the scholarly field of history of education in Latin America. It argues that these processes have been closely linked with nation-building and the decisive role of national politics. The impact of national politics is herein called a 'beneficial tyranny'. This was certainly true for the first major works written in the late nineteenth century and the major waves of historiography until the slow institutionalisation of the major site of research in history of education: the study of education at universities in the 1960s as well as the institutionalisation of the field of history of education with the establishment of academic societies and specific journals in the 1990s. Yet this interpretation does not explain more recent developments in the field. By looking at recent publications in all major journals of the region for the years 2020 and 2021, new historiographical trends clearly emerge.

This review outlines the historiography of education in the Middle East, focusing on events from the nineteenth century through the 1980s, and on Bilad al-Sham, mainly Jordan, Palestine and Israel, Iraq, and Northern Africa, including Egypt and Türkiye. Modernisation and nationalism were the main lenses through which educators, researchers, and students viewed the significance of their schooling in the late nineteenth- and twentieth-century Middle East. Scholars likewise take these frameworks as key to understanding the importance of education in the region's history. This review suggests that historians ought to recognise the saliency of previous frameworks for the actors who lived them while analysing the region beyond those limits. It advocates incorporating education more consistently into other fields, such as histories of the environment and race. It recommends that historians of education include those fields in their own work, while following historical actors, texts and ideologies across regimes and borders.

Cultural misrepresentation simplifies cultures and their minorities, promotes racism, nationalism and eventually weakens democracies by spreading false information through audio-visual media. Intercultural film literacy education combines intercultural education and film literacy and uses a film as a starting point to discuss the cultural context, to analyse cultural representation and to evaluate how the culture is portrayed from a stylistic and formal point of view. The current study builds upon the previous research that linked intercultural education and film literacy to discuss how visual art teachers understand and practice intercultural film literacy education towards critical analyses of cultural representation in audio-visual media. The research data includes eight semi-structured interviews with Finnish visual art teachers, which were analysed using a thematic approach. The findings reveal the need to broaden the concept of intercultural education to include LGBTQ+ people and focus on their experiences. At the same time, the findings highlight the importance of critical thinking to combat cultural misrepresentation, as well as the broader view of film literacy, which includes video-based social media. Finally, the results reveal a lack of cultural representation in an already limited number of teaching materials.

Reality television (RT) programming is frequently and rightfully criticized and yet its popularity among adolescent and young adult viewers is also undeniable. In response to the need for media literacy programs to address the pleasures, the problems, and the pedagogy of the genre, we have chosen to take a cross-national, comparative approach and to model a process for teaching through our own research. Three popular reality tv programs were selected from each of our respective nations (China, South Korea, the United States) from one of three subgenres: Dancing, Restaurants, and Travel. We each watched episodes of all nine programs, inventoried their features and took notes. We then compared and contrasted the programs cross-nationally and across genres, and identified four themes: Pedagogy; Individualism and Collectivism; Tradition and Modernity; and Globalism and Nationalism. We found striking differences across nations in our analysis that provide important insights into our respective national cultures. In conclusion, we discuss the implications of our process for teaching about RT.

This study explores a group of social studies teachers' conceptions of citizenship by taking into consideration the country's increasingly authoritarian political culture. It offers an analysis of semi-structured interviews carried out with 20 teachers working at state middle schools in a relatively secular city. The study found that the majority of the teachers are subscribed to a non-democratic conception of citizenship that prioritizes an uncritical loyalty to the nation, inculcates passive compliance, relies on a pro-Muslim notion of human rights, and makes little room for political issues discussion. Despite that, some teachers seem to develop oppositional discourses and seek ways to claim their agencies. The study concludes that the authoritarian Islamic nationalism in power has intensified the ethno-religiously nationalist, statist, and duty-centric aspects of citizenship education (CE). Some teachers' explicit emphasis on pro-Islamic and anti-western discourses and almost all teachers' explicit concern to stay away from politics emerge as novel characteristics that are consistent with the dictates of Turkey's authoritarian regime. It seems authoritarian populist nationalism redresses citizenship as an exclusionary notion grounded in race, ethnicity, religion, and civilizational claims. Insights from this research may help the advocates keep CE supportive of democratic values under authoritarian conditions.

As education-migration ("edugration") blurs the line between international student and immigrant recruitment in some jurisdictions, higher education admission is becoming linked to settler nation-building projects. Using critical discourse analysis, this article examines the Canadian higher education sector's response to COVID-19 through pre-budget submissions to the House of Commons of Canada Standing Committee on Finance for the 2021 federal budget. Findings demonstrate how institutions instrumentalized international students to position themselves as valuable actors in Canada's immigration regime and justify their requests for public financial support. In this way, nation-building through immigration -- both globally, as an imperial power, and domestically, as a colonial power -- is now a new societal role of higher education which is becoming hegemonic within institutions. This is significant because, as higher education's purposes align with those of economic immigration, the sector not only fails to interrupt, but itself reproduces, systemic patterns of border imperialism and settler-colonialism. The article urges higher education institutions to: (1) more deeply consider how a reliance on international student enrolment is impacting its societal roles; while also (2) avoid exceptionalizing the present by recognizing that higher education has long functioned in the service of the state as a colonial and imperialist power.

This study applies CDA and story grammar analysis to investigate how Chinese language textbooks for primary schools foster Chinese national identity through their depiction of Chinese people struggling against foreign invaders. The analysis was conducted on 12 textbooks and the findings were based on stories featuring a range of ages, from children to soldiers and artists, who all displayed patriotic spirit and were willing to risk their lives for China. The textbooks also highlight China's past humiliation, such as the Nanjing Massacre and the loss of territories such as Hong Kong, Macao, and Taiwan. The authors of those textbooks seek to encourage the students' national identity by promoting a sense of patriotism, sacrifice, vigilance against foreign threats, affirmation for the leadership of the Chinese Communist Party (CCP), and putting the interests of the People's Republic of China (PRC) ahead of personal interests. Additionally, students are expected to have a strong sense of territorial sovereignty, recognizing Hong Kong, Macao, and Taiwan as parts of China. However, the results also show that the portrayal of Chinese national identity is Han-centric, excluding ethnic minorities.

Integrating twenty-first century competencies into the curriculum has become an important issue for education reform worldwide. This study examines and compares twenty-first century competencies demonstrated in mother tongue curriculum standards in China, the United States and Finland. It identifies key similarities and significant differences among them. It shows that the Finnish Curriculum has a more balanced distribution of twenty-first century competencies. While communication and critical thinking are stressed in all three, critical thinking is prioritised in the American Curriculum. In addition to communication and critical thinking, the Chinese Curriculum emphasises citizenship based on national identity, metacognitive strategies and aesthetics. The American Curriculum focuses on information and ICT literacy, and the Finnish Curriculum highlights personal and social responsibility concerning cultural awareness and citizenship. The significant differences between these three Curricula are related to the countries' tradition of curriculum theories -- the Chinese integrate Western theories and the Confucian tradition, the American follow the Anglo-American curriculum and the Finnish have roots in "Bildung-Didaktik." Curriculum objectives should take into consideration both subject knowledge and skills and the student as a whole person. Additionally, different curriculum traditions should be considered and learned during the curriculum design process.

This paper discusses how I design and teach an Interculturality in Language and Literary Studies (ILLS) Course. In doing this, I am very much influenced by the post-structural and post-colonial and interdisciplinary nature of my PhD study. The course itself is for sixth semester undergraduate students, after they have passed Skilled Courses, Introduction to Literature and Introduction to Linguistics, etc. In these reflections, I utilise a post-structural approach, in which I consider such a practice to never be final. It is always in process.

Purpose: The purpose of this study is to analyze the views of educators regarding the constructs of the history curriculum to determine whether history education is usually used for polarization and negative identity enactment or for positive purposes such as tolerance, peace and social justice. Design/methodology/approach: This study used a qualitative approach, using focus group discussions as a means of data collection. The data were coded deductively based on the preconceived constructs of the Korostelina (2013) model. Findings: This study found that history education in Pakistan is generally used for national identity formation, which forces manipulation of historical facts and accounts. This study identifies apprehensions that upon knowing the true historical accounts in the later stages of life, students may react adversely to the formed narratives, which may cause further polarization. Research limitations/implications: This study has significant implications for future researchers, curriculum developers, educators and policy actors. Originality/value: This study is notable for providing a holistic investigation into the usefulness of history curricula in the context of peacebuilding. In nations where intolerance is prominent, such as Pakistan, the history curriculum can serve to transform people's perceptions of history. This study offers insights into making the history curriculum more meaningful by offering insights and a way forward to help break down binaries and promote peace and harmony.

The essay looks into the pedagogical role of philosophy in shaping the practice of dissent. Drawing on Gilles Deleuze and Felix Guattari's radical understandings of philosophy as a machinic assemblage, it redeploys philosophy as a pedagogical tool which gathers traction from social events and remains invested in a dissensual politics. As a machinic assemblage committed to a dissensual politics philosophy works alongside collective modalities of enunciation that operate outside conventional structures of the academia. Such assemblages of enunciation often inhabit a zone of critical inarticulacy brimming with the promise of new kinds of knowledge. How does philosophy critically interact with spaces of dissent along lines of gender, caste, ethnicity and nationalism to enable novel critical interventions? Deleuze and Guattari's answer redirects us to a pragmatic engagement with philosophy which involves the manufacture of new pedagogical concepts as part of a schizoanalytic apparatus of protest. These concepts often emerge out of a visceral response to events unfolding around us. Needless to emphasize that such a philosophy which emerges out of a praxial encounter with life cannot be framed as an institutional staple, but takes shape as part of a visceral politics of the now. What then is the role of pedagogy in shaping an ethics of dissent and how can such a pedagogy mobilize plebeian acts of resistance in the sphere of the everyday?

This paper investigates the strategies of governance in the language policy "Chanting the Chinese Classics" (CCC) as deployed by State authorities, schools, and local communities. It highlights the strategy of 'viewing' as a nexus between language policy processes and traditional Chinese governing philosophy. To examine the connections between macro-level language policy and local educational and communicative processes, an ethnography of language policy was conducted at a weekend community school. We argue that language policy governance in Chinese language policy implementation mirrors Confucian philosophy. To further this strategy, State authorities organize nationally televised events at which school children compete in chanting competitions, which serve as exemplars for educators, parents, and students, who are encouraged to memorize vast quantities of classic Chinese literature. Results reveal that the appropriation of the CCC policy by teachers and parents encourages self-government and aligns with language policy ideology. While the CCC policy effectively encourages thousands of children to memorize Chinese Classics, it simultaneously promotes cultural confidence and nationalism.

The focus of this article is on the history and current trends of feminist ethnography in Finland. It highlights the impact of feminist ethnography in Finnish educational research and illustrates how feminist ethnography has succeeded in asking novel questions and developing methodologies by drawing on multiple feminist theories. The article is based on a review of studies, selected to represent the multiplicity of themes, theoretical approaches and methodological epiphanies, as well as earlier analyses and memories of researchers who launched feminist educational ethnography in Finland. Drawing predominantly from the British feminist educational ethnography, in Finland feminist ethnography in education took its first steps in the 1990s and achieved a stable position in the early 2000s. Feminist ethnography has contributed to a debate on social justice by highlighting the hidden modes of discrimination and exclusion in educational institutions, thus 'troubling' the national self-image as a forerunner of equality and social justice.

This study explored the role of translanguaging pedagogies in navigating bilingual students' tensions and struggles in an academic writing class of an English medium private university in Bangladesh. Data were collected through classroom observation, a pedagogical intervention, a focus group discussion with six students and a semi-structured interview with the class teacher. The analysis of observation data revealed that the gate-keeping encounters precipitated by the English-only policy affected student engagement and class participation. In contrast, the intervention designed through several translanguaging strategies enhanced students' metalinguistic, metacognitive and sociolinguistic awareness, developed multicompetence, and facilitated full participation rate in an academic writing task. Irrespective of these benefits, participants expressed mixed reactions toward accepting translanguaging as a regular practice and a policy in writing instruction that might challenge language separation traditions in academic writing, English-only biases, and expressed views about the potential for cross-contamination of Bangla language and linguistic nationalism in Bangladesh.

Purpose: The purpose of this paper is to explore the clubs and club memberships of 491 elite women in three eastern Australian states in the 1930s. It is the second part of a descriptive analysis of these women's biographical sketches in Who's Who-type collections, now out of copyright, published in Australia in the 1930s: Victoria (1934), New South Wales (1936) and Queensland (1939). Design/methodology/approach: Using mixed methods within a prosopographical approach, described fully in the first paper on these data, this is mainly a quantitative analysis. After the numbers of club memberships of the women are given and compared on a state-by-state basis, a taxonomy of five main types of clubs was created and the clubs and club memberships listed for each of them. The five types are: (1) social and cultural clubs; (2) sporting clubs; (3) imperial, national and patriotic clubs; (4) professional clubs; and (5) service and educational clubs. The paper then explores the similarities and variations at the state level in the women's club memberships across the five types. It should be noted that the article does not include charities to which the women contributed because they required a separate typology and analysis to be taken up elsewhere. Findings: The paper frames women's clubs as informal educative networks where women were able to acquire the knowledge and skills in modernity for effective participation in the public sphere. The analysis shows that three-quarters of the 491 women were members of one club or more. Overall, the women listed 340 separate clubs with 1,029 memberships across the five types. The state-by-state analysis giving lists of clubs, and numbers of memberships per club in each type, enumerated variations of women's clubs at the state level. Overall, the analysis suggests that the "club habit" for such women was a substantial historical phenomenon at this time. Originality/value: This is the first study to encompass women's club memberships across three Australian states. Quantification of women's involvement in clubs has proved difficult, however, by using a prosopographical approach, this study creates a unique quantitative picture of the club data contained in 491 elite women's biographical sketches from the 1930s.

This article addresses the ways in which education systems responded to the aftermath of World War I with respect to education for nationalism and internationalism. It does so by drawing on theories of internationalism and through an analysis of the writings of Daniel Prescott, an American scholar who toured European schools in the middle of the 1920s. Influenced by his experience of frontline warfare as a volunteer driver in France in 1917, Prescott travelled in Austria, Czechoslovakia, England, France, Germany and Switzerland from September 1926 to June 1927 hoping to see education systems being more internationalist and less chauvinist. He interviewed prominent educationists and observed and interviewed teachers in schools, sending regular reports by letter to his sponsors and then publishing a book "Education and International Relations. A Study of the Social Forces That Determine the Influence of Education," in 1930. The analysis of his account of his observations demonstrates that Prescott collected evidence of a growing internationalist approach to education particularly among elementary school teachers. The analysis also relates this to the contemporaneous concern to develop internationalism as a response to the nationalism at the heart of WWI.