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We investigated mean‐level changes in social dominance orientation (SDO) and right‐wing authoritarianism (RWA) during (vs before) New Zealand's nationwide coronavirus disease 2019 (COVID‐19) lockdown at a time when New Zealand was led by a left‐leaning government. The number of participants in the study ranged from (Ns = 25,065–24,653). Using propensity score matching to approximate experimental conditions, results show that both ideological motivations decreased slightly during the lockdown but rebounded after restrictions were removed several months later. We also tested whether the lockdown differentially moderated the associations SDO and RWA had with institutional attitudes. Lockdown conditions exacerbated the negative association between SDO and government satistfaction but attenuated the negative association between RWA and government satisfaction. Similar patterns emerged for trust in police and politicians but not trust in science. Although SDO and RWA fluctuated in similar directions during New Zealand's nationwide lockdown, our results indicate that people high in RWA may become more supportive of the government and police under such conditions—even in countries with a left‐leaning political leader helming the pandemic response. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Co-occurring species sharing a limited resource are thought to adopt alternative strategies to coexist. Here, we investigate four species of co-occurring albatrosses in southern New Zealand that share food resources but differ in dominance status to test for variation in strategies to acquire supplemental food provided by ecotourism boats. We found evidence for distinct foraging strategies consistent with each species' dominance rank. Buller's albatross (Thalassarche bulleri) was the most subordinate species and frequently pursued scraps of fish on the periphery of the feeding flocks and avoided interacting with other species. Salvin's albatross (Thalassarche salvini) and White-capped albatross (Thalassarche cauta) were intermediate in dominance status; both had fast responses to fish and typically pursued the largest fish scraps, though T. cauta successfully stole fish while T. salvini did not. In contrast, Southern Royal albatross (Diomedea epomophora) was the dominant species and did not avoid interactions with other species and pursued the largest fish scraps but was slower to respond compared with some subordinates. Natural food sources approximate the scenarios seen behind ecotourism boats, suggesting that differences in foraging strategies are likely present without human intervention. Overall, our results suggest that foraging strategies associated with dominance hierarchies could help structure seabird communities. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Background: People living with borderline personality disorder (BPD) face high levels of prejudice and discrimination from both the community and medical professionals, but no measure of prejudice toward people living with BPD exists. Aims: The current study aimed to adapt an existing Prejudice toward People with Mental Illness (PPMI) scale and investigate the structure and nomological network of prejudice toward people with BPD. Methods: The original 28-item PPMI scale was adapted to create the Prejudice toward People with Borderline Personality Disorder (PPBPD) scale. The scale and related measures were completed by three samples: 217 medical or clinical psychology students, 303 psychology undergraduate students, and 314 adults from the general population. Results: The original four-factor structure of the PPMI was supported in the PPBPD scale. Reported prejudice toward people with BPD was more negative than prejudice toward people with mental illness in general. The association of the PPBPD scale with antecedents and consequences was assessed, including social dominance orientation, right-wing authoritarianism, ethnocentrism, personality traits, empathy, prior contact, and feelings toward other stigmatized groups and mental illnesses. Conclusions: This study provided evidence for the validity and psychometric properties of the PPBPD scale across three samples and investigated anticipated relationships with theoretically related antecedents and consequences. This research will help improve understanding of the expressions underlying prejudice toward people with BPD. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Although religiosity correlates positively with authoritarianism, the temporal ordering of this relationship is unclear. Because religious teachings often promote authoritarian values, right-wing authoritarianism (RWA) should increase following religious conversion. Yet spiritual beliefs may also promote egalitarianism. As such, social dominance orientation (SDO) might decrease postconversion. We tested these hypotheses using data from a subset of participants who converted to Christianity at some point during a 9-year longitudinal panel study (N = 536). We also examined a separate subsample who deconverted over the same period (N = 696). As hypothesised, RWA was stable before conversion, but increased slightly after becoming religious. Unexpectedly, SDO was stable both pre- and postconversion. Conversely, those who deconverted from Christianity experienced declines in RWA both before and after losing their religion, whereas SDO declined only postdeconversion. These results suggest that religious conversion precedes increases in RWA (but not SDO), and that declines in RWA precede deconversion. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The study focuses on understanding how different supply chain stakeholders' power dynamics influence supply chain relationships' stability and dynamics in a logistics triad. The study uses a qualitative research approach (multiple case studies) to collect data from the perspectives of logistics service providers (LSPs), suppliers, and customers. Having unique resource/service capability helps the LSP dominate long-term triad relationships by controlling its partners and impeding changes in embedded dyads. The identified theoretical and empirical outcomes provide insights to academics and practitioners to understand the supply chain relationship dynamics based on LSP's dominant power. This study's originality primarily focuses on the dominant player—LSP—to influence triadic supply chain relationships, which is significantly different from the traditional view—the dominant power controlled by suppliers or customers. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Decades of research suggest that our political differences are best captured by two dimensions of political ideology. The dual evolutionary framework of political ideology predicts that these dimensions should be related to variation in social preferences for cooperation and group conformity. Here, we combine data from a New Zealand survey and a suite of incentivised behavioural tasks (n = 991) to test whether cooperative and conformist preferences covary with a pair of widely used measures of the two dimensions of political ideology—Social Dominance Orientation (SDO) and Right Wing Authoritarianism (RWA)—and related policy views. As predicted, we find that cooperative behaviour is negatively related to SDO and economically conservative policy views, while conformist behaviour in the form of social information use is positively related to RWA and socially conservative policy views. However, we did not find the predicted relationships between punitive and rule following behaviours and RWA or socially conservative views, raising questions about the interpretation of punishment and rule following tasks and the nature of authoritarian conformist preferences. These findings reveal how cooperative and conformist preferences that evolved to help us navigate social challenges in our ancestral past continue to track our political differences even today. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The structural ageing of the population is one of the key global trends of the 21st Century. In this paper, we outline four axioms that, along with easy interpretability, we believe should underpin a theoretically valid measure of structural ageing: (1) population size invariance; (2) strong dominance; (3) weak dominance; and (4) age sensitivity. We then present a class of structural ageing indices that satisfy the axioms and are easily interpretable, with root-mean-squared-age (RMSA) as our preferred measure within the class. Using historical and cross-national data from the World Population Prospects, state-level data from the US Census Bureau, and local-authority-level data from New Zealand, we demonstrate that our preferred measure is correlated with conventional measures of structural ageing. Nevertheless, in each case there are large disparities in ranking for some countries, states, or local authorities between the different measures. These ranking disparities could be highly consequential for the allocation of resources, particularly between states or local areas within countries. Our proposed class of measures may help to avoid these disparities due to their axiomatically-consistent nature. Finally, we present considerations for future extensions of this important work, including the development of equivalent measures based on prospective age. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

According to the subordinate male target hypothesis (SMTH), racism is based on an ethnicity-by-gender interaction, with a stronger link between experiencing racist discrimination and subordinate or dominant ethnic group status for men compared to women. This study reevaluates the SMTH, originally focused on objective discrimination, by applying it to self-reported active harm as a theoretically derived measure of racist discrimination and by exploring interindividual differences in female ethnic minority members' discriminatory experiences. We proposed that social dominance orientation (SDO) among female ethnic minorities would influence SMTH predictions. We tested this using multiple linear regression analyses among a sample of New Zealand Europeans as the majority in New Zealand and non-Europeans as the minority. As hypothesized, male non-Europeans reported disproportionally more active harm than female non-Europeans. Unexpectedly, not only female but also male, non-Europeans high in SDO reported more active harm than non-Europeans low in SDO. Therefore, applied to self-reported racist experiences, oppression of ethnic minorities is driven by interindividual differences rather than by gender. Together, these findings provide evidence that the SMTH cannot be unreservedly extended to reports of racist discrimination and that other processes may underlie these subjective experiences of discrimination that need to be considered in more detail., (© 2023 The Authors. British Journal of Social Psychology published by John Wiley & Sons Ltd on behalf of British Psychological Society.)

Individuals who endorse system-justifying ideologies are less likely to uphold pro-environmental orientations. Indeed, Right-Wing Authoritarianism (RWA) and Social Dominance Orientation (SDO) correlate negatively with environmentalism. Yet recent theorising and empirical findings suggest that authoritarianism may also serve left-wing goals. Extending past research, we report new cross-cultural data (US, N = 512; New Zealand, N = 447) examining the associations between Left-Wing Authoritarianism (LWA) and environmentalism, and whether the LWA–environmentalism associations mirror correlations observed for RWA and SDO. Results showed that environmentalism correlates positively with LWA and negatively with both RWA and SDO. Collectively, our results demonstrate that endorsement of right-wing authoritarian leanings is more detrimental to environmental protection than the rejection of left-wing authoritarian leanings. We discuss the implications of our results for the field's understanding of LWA and ways to address environmental problems. • System-justifying ideologies may hinder pro-environmental action. • RWA and SDO have been shown to correlate negatively with environmentalism. • Here we examine the role of left-wing authoritarianism. • Our results confirm LWA correlates positively with environmentalism. • RWA and SDO more detrimental to environment than LWA. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Intergroup contact has long been touted as a premier means to reduce prejudice and forge positive bonds with outgroups. Given its origins in psychological research, it is perhaps of little surprise that contact is expected to induce change within people over time. Yet using random-intercepts crossed-lagged modeling that parses within-person from between-person effects, Sengupta et al. (2023) recently found no evidence of within-person change, only unexplained between-person effects, regarding contact's effects on outgroup solidarity in New Zealand. We conceptually replicated their study, focusing on modern racism and an affect thermometer as the outcomes, in a three-wave study of White British participants ( N T1 = 946, N = 591) and their attitudes toward foreigners. We replicated the general pattern described by Sengupta and colleagues, confirming between-person effects without within-person effects, suggestive of third-variable explanations. As a novel finding, we discover that differences in social dominance orientation (SDO) and right-wing authoritarianism (RWA) can account for the observed between-person effects. Problematically for contact theory, contact effects, at least those relying on self-reported accounts, increasingly appear to reflect differences between people (person factors) rather than being context-driven (situation factors)-such that those lower (vs. higher) in SDO and RWA are more favorable toward outgroups, rather than intergroup contact bringing about positive outcomes itself. Implications for theory development and intervention are discussed. (PsycInfo Database Record (c) 2024 APA, all rights reserved).T2 = 667, N T3 = 591) and their attitudes toward foreigners. We replicated the general pattern described by Sengupta and colleagues, confirming between-person effects without within-person effects, suggestive of third-variable explanations. As a novel finding, we discover that differences in social dominance orientation (SDO) and right-wing authoritarianism (RWA) can account for the observed between-person effects. Problematically for contact theory, contact effects, at least those relying on self-reported accounts, increasingly appear to reflect differences between people (person factors) rather than being context-driven (situation factors)-such that those lower (vs. higher) in SDO and RWA are more favorable toward outgroups, rather than intergroup contact bringing about positive outcomes itself. Implications for theory development and intervention are discussed. (PsycInfo Database Record (c) 2024 APA, all rights reserved).

Despite the importance of overcoming the persistent delay in climate action, almost no research has investigated the psychological underpinnings of climate change denial in Asian countries. Addressing this research gap, our study compares results obtained in Hong Kong with those of samples from New Zealand and Sweden regarding correlations of climate change denial with acceptance of dominance between social groups (Social Dominance Orientation), acceptance of two additional forms of group‐based dominance (humans over nature, and humans over animals), and empathic concern. Results showed that only acceptance of human dominance over nature and animals predicted climate change denial in Hong Kong. In New Zealand and Sweden, however, the results resembled those found in previous research: The strongest predictor was Social Dominance Orientation, followed by acceptance of human dominance over nature. Low empathic concern predicted climate change denial only in Sweden. Results in Hong Kong differ from previous findings and indicate that climate change denial in this East Asian society is motivated more by hierarchical attitudes related to nature than social groups. We discuss possible reasons for these distinct findings and conclude that there is a need for cross‐cultural research to further investigate the psychological and culture‐specific motivations to dismiss climate change. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Although an extensive literature on political ideology and party support has developed, studies examining the temporal ordering of these variables remain lacking. We address this oversight and argue that because ideologies provide a framework for understanding the world, they should forecast changes in party support over time. Accordingly, a random intercepts cross‐lagged panel model estimated the annual within‐person associations between social dominance orientation (SDO), right‐wing authoritarianism (RWA), and party support in nine waves of a New Zealand representative longitudinal panel sample from 2009 to 2017 (N = 31,537). As hypothesized, SDO and RWA predicted within‐person increases in support for the centre‐right National Party, but decreases in support for the centre‐left Labour Party. Reciprocal associations from party support to ideology were approximately half the magnitude. These results provide some of the most robust evidence to date of the oft‐assumed, but largely untested, premise that SDO and RWA predict change in party support. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This correction notice is for an article titled "Variation in foraging strategies of New Zealand albatross species within a dominance hierarchy" published in the New Zealand Journal of Zoology. The correction addresses an error in the second author's name, which should have been listed as James V. Briskie. Additionally, there were errors in the captions for Figure 4B and Figure 5, which have been corrected. The article also underwent some minor changes that do not affect its academic content. [Extracted from the article]

Research has long suggested that there may be distinct subpopulations of authoritarian leaders and followers within the broader population. We describe a latent profile analysis of right-wing authoritarianism (RWA) and social dominance orientation (SDO) in a New Zealand national probability sample (N = 18,248) that -- for the first time -- reliably identifies these two types. Consistent with the positive correlation between SDO and RWA, most people in New Zealand (about 91.2%) expressed comparable levels of RWA and SDO (i.e., moderate-moderate or low-low, but no high-high profile). Two small and distinct subpopulations diverted from this pattern, instead fitting a high-SDO/low-RWA authoritarian leader (1.2%) or low-SDO/high-RWA authoritarian follower (7.6%) profile. Authoritarian leaders tended to show the least concern for human rights, and were least willing to make personal sacrifices for the environment, but tended to support same-sex marriage, while authoritarian followers were particularly opposed to same-sex marriage, and yet highly supportive of human rights. These two profiles represent distinct subpopulations of people within society who are predisposed to seek dominance over others and those predisposed to unquestioningly follow them. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Social dominance orientation (SDO) and right-wing authoritarianism (RWA) are ideological attitudes that predict lower concern for the environment and less willingness to act on climate change. Research generally shows that SDO and RWA exhibit moderate, negative relationships with environmentalism. We examine the longitudinal influence of SDO and RWA on people’s willingness to change their behaviour to benefit the environment in a national probability sample over five years. We show that both ideological attitudes relate to lower environmentalism across time and that the SDO effect was stronger than the RWA effect, yet the association from environmentalism to later endorsement of SDO is stronger than the reverse. Interestingly, these findings suggest that the more likely temporal association flows from environmentalism to SDO. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Although different types of prejudice tend to be highly correlated, target-specific and more generalized components can nevertheless be distinguished. Here, we analyze whether indicators of the intergroup context-threat, contact, and neighborhood composition-predict the target-specific and/or generalized components of prejudice. Using data from the New Zealand Attitudes and Values Study ( N = 4629), we build a multilevel model that captures the relationship between social dominance orientation, general levels of neighborhood heterogeneity, symbolic and realistic threat and cross-group friendship (averaged across target groups), and generalized prejudice. Our model simultaneously estimates the relationship between target-specific levels of these intergroup context indicators and target-specific prejudice. Results indicated that social dominance orientation remained the strongest predictor of generalized prejudice when adjusting for other variables and that indicators of the intergroup context primarily explain differences between target group ratings. Aggregate levels of cross-group friendship also had a small effect on generalized prejudice. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Colorblindness is a popular diversity ideology promoted as a means to intergroup harmony in ethnically diverse nations. While some research suggests that colorblindness reduces intergroup bias, other work suggests that colorblindness may increase it. The present research utilizes a national sample of European New Zealanders to examine whether the relationship between colorblind endorsement and outgroup attitudes is moderated by perceivers' individual differences in social dominance orientation (SDO). Data revealed that for participants low in SDO, colorblind beliefs predicted more negative attitudes toward ethnic minorities. However, for those high in SDO, colorblind beliefs predicted more positive attitudes toward ethnic minorities. Taken together, these findings suggest that colorblindness is not all good or bad for intergroup relations-instead, its effects may depend on perceivers' own egalitarian sentiments. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Social dominance orientation ( SDO) is conceived as an individual's level of support for group-based hierarchy in general that causes support for more specific group hierarchies. According to social dominance theory, group differences in SDO underpin ideological and behavioural group differences related to specific group hierarchies. Using representative 5-year longitudinal panel data from New Zealand ( N = 3,384), we test whether SDO mediates effects of sex and ethnicity on legitimizing myths ( LMs) relating to gender and ethnic hierarchy over time. The SDO mediation hypothesis is supported in the case of hostile sexism. However, it is unsupported in the case of benevolent sexism and LMs relating to ethnic hierarchy, where there was no cross-lagged effect of SDO. Moreover, being in the dominant ethnic group is associated with more legitimization of ethnic hierarchy but less legitimization of gender hierarchy, which is inconsistent with the notion of a general orientation underpinning group differences in legitimation. There was mixed evidence for a reverse path whereby specific LMs mediate group differences in SDO across time. We argue for the need to find alternative ways to theorize ideological consensus and difference between groups. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Lethal control of wildlife is commonly used by conservation practitioners for population control. In some areas of New Zealand, changes in land-use and management have led to large increases in pukeko (Porphyrio melanotus melanotus) range and numbers. This native rail is sometimes considered a pest species, as they are known to uproot vegetation including tree seedlings, grass and crops. Here, we provide the first data on mortality during a lethal control operation that aimed to reduce pukeko population size at Tawharanui Regional Park in the North Island of New Zealand. We combined mortality records with individual measurements and colour banding re-sighting data to determine whether sex or dominance influenced survival. We found that frontal shield size (a strong proxy for social dominance) did not significantly influence the probability of being culled. There was also no significant difference in the probability of being culled between sexes. Our study provides important insights into mortality in a native species during lethal control, which could influence population recovery and social dynamics. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Individuals on the right (vs. left) generally oppose abortion, but why? Past research (C.C. MacInnis, M.H. MacLean, & G. Hodson, 2014) tested whether differences in perceived preborn-humanness explain this difference, finding little evidence. Here we re-analyze two large datasets from New Zealand and the U.S., testing whether sexism can mediate the relation between conservatism and abortion opposition. This pattern would be consistent with feminist critiques, and with Social Dominance Theory (J. Sidanius & F. Pratto, 1999), whereby individual differences in ideology (e.g., conservatism) predict policy positions (e.g., abortion) through legitimizing myths (e.g., sexism) that justify/facilitate the ideology-policy relation. After controlling for potential confounds (e.g., participant sex; religiosity; abortion experience), 30% (Study 1) or 75% (Study 2) of the left-right difference in abortion stance was explained by sexism. Despite political rhetoric on the right emphasizing concerns for the pre-born, individual differences in abortion positions may instead concern the maintenance of group-based inequalities that disadvantage women. Implications are discussed. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

We integrate the Dual Process Model of Ideology and Prejudice to examine the motivations associated with attitudes toward intergroup relations with Chinese people in New Zealand. We conducted a Structural Equation Model using data from the New Zealand Attitudes and Values Study (N = 15,608) to predict (a) warmth toward Chinese people, (b) support for policies promoting increased immigration from China, and (c) support for policies promoting greater trade ties between China and New Zealand. Social Dominance Orientation (SDO) and Right-Wing Authoritarianism (RWA) were uniquely negatively associated with warmth toward Chinese and support for Chinese immigration. However, and as predicted, SDO was positively associated with support for increased trade, whereas RWA was negatively associated. Overall, SDO was most strongly related with low warmth, while RWA was most strongly associated with anti-immigration attitudes. Our model identifies key motives of group-based dominance (SDO) and threat-driven social cohesion (RWA) that inform prejudicial attitudes toward Chinese people in New Zealand. More generally, our model identifies nuances within the DPM framework, revealing subtle differences in the ways SDO and RWA are associated with closely related yet distinct aspects of New Zealanders’ attitudes toward intergroup relations with China and Chinese peoples. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Social Dominance Orientation (SDO) was introduced as a unidimensional construct predicting numerous socio-political attitudes. However, recent findings suggest that SDO is composed of two sub-dimensions: dominance (SDO-D) and anti-egalitarianism (SDO-E). Despite converging evidence concerning their empirical differentiability, there is little consensus on how to best define them. Thus, we examined the correlates of SDO-D and SDO-E using a broad array of personality, political, ethnic and gender issue variables within a New Zealand national probability sample (N = 5,741) with European and Māori participants. SDO-D primarily related to the personality trait of honesty-humility, hostile and benevolent sexism. SDO-E primarily related to political conservatism and pro-Māori policies. In many cases, the predictive power differed between SDO-D and SDO-E, and across ethnic groups. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Although affirmative action based on race and/or ethnicity is a widely debated political issue within the public sphere, relatively few studies have examined the correlates of people's attitudes towards gender-based affirmative action. The few studies that have assessed this topic suggest that both Social Dominance Orientation (SDO) and sexism are independently associated with people's opposition to affirmative action for women. The current study expands upon this literature by investigating the moderating effect of Benevolent Sexism (BS)-a dimension of sexism that sees women as weak and in need of protection-on the relationship between SDO and support for gender-based affirmative action within a nationally representative sample of New Zealand adults ( N = 5697). Specifically, we argue that protective aspects of BS will weaken the previously-identified positive relationship between SDO and opposition to affirmative action for women. As expected, our results showed that SDO was positively, whereas BS was negatively, associated with opposition to gender-based affirmative action. Also as predicted, BS attenuated the relationship between SDO and opposition to affirmative action for women. These results replicate and extend past research by demonstrating that SDO is an ideology that works to maintain existing unequal structures. We also show that part of the insidious nature of BS is that it offers women ostensible short-term benefits. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

A theory of the historical anchoring and mobilization of political attitudes is proposed, arguing that culture-specific symbols, configured by historical charters, are an important resource in defining nationhood and legitimizing public opinion in a way that makes some political attitudes difficult to change. Five studies in New Zealand and Taiwan using diverse methods converged to show that historical events with 'charter status' have an additive effect in explaining variance in political attitudes regarding biculturalism in New Zealand and independence in Taiwan even after controlling for the effects of Social Dominance Orientation, Right-Wing Authoritarianism, relevant social identities, and collective guilt. Field and lab experiments showed that the impact of historical symbols did not depend on the mobilization of social identity (e.g., increasing mean scores and indirect effects), but the historical anchoring of political attitudes in representations was resistant to change. Manipulations of the salience of historical events changed levels of social identification, but did not change mean levels of support for New Zealand biculturalism or Taiwanese independence. Even an intense and immersive pretest/posttest design taking high school students on a national museum tour failed to change attitudes towards biculturalism in New Zealand. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

There has been very little research on English migrants in New Zealand, especially over the last few decades, and even less attention to their class perceptions. Drawing upon in-depth interview data, this article makes a contribution to both research lacunae. It outlines some key background issues relating to class and national narratives, within and between England and New Zealand, and describes the research design of this study. It then draws on selected migrant accounts to illustrate the views of English persons on class relations, or the lack of them, in their countries of origin and destination, and the changes, if any, they discern in both contexts since settling in New Zealand. Finally, it analyses the links between the life trajectories of different categories of migrants and, if and how, their sentiments about social hierarchy relate to what has been called a 'culture of decline' in England; and to what extent a comparable phenomenon might be observable locally. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This study tested whether social dominance orientation (SDO) predicted a conceptual disassociation between explicit (declarative or propositional) attitudes about equality and implicit (automatic or associative) views of how representative New Zealand Europeans and Maori are of the New Zealand nation ( N = 48 Europeans). Explicitly stated attitudes framing equality in terms of procedural justice or meritocratic treatment were positively correlated with individual differences in the implicit tendency to view New Zealand Europeans as exclusively representative of New Zealand. This tendency to explicitly frame equality as based on individual merit and to implicitly favour the dominant (European) ethnic group as representative of the nation was observed only among people high in SDO. Our analysis provides novel support for the position that meritocratic ideology is malleable and may be employed by those high in SDO to frame concepts of equality and justice in ways that suit their desire for group-based dominance. Copyright © 2011 John Wiley & Sons, Ltd. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Abstract: We present an alternative self-report measure of the social worldview component in Dual Process Model (DPM) of prejudice. Theoretically, worldviews represent belief structures about the nature of the social world (schemas). The new Frequency Estimation Index of Dual Social Worldviews (FEI-DSW) uses 0–100% response scales to assess social worldviews using indicators of the subjective estimation of the frequency of events. Previously, worldview indicators have been indexed using ideological attitude measures as a proxy. Exploratory (N =378; Study 1) and Confirmatory (N =300; Study 2) Factor Analyses validated the factor structure of the FEI-DSW in undergraduate and New Zealand community samples. The FEI-DSW evidenced good construct validity, as its dual factors, dangerous worldview (FEI-DW) and competitive worldview (FEI-CW) differentially predicted Right-Wing Authoritarianism (RWA) and Social Dominance Orientation (SDO). The FEI-DSW provides a reliable and valid measure of social worldviews that is closer to a formal definition of worldviews as social schemas. [Copyright &y& Elsevier]

In studies of minority language education, researchers tend to base their arguments on the assumption that knowledge empowers and ignorance disempowers. In this article, however, I show two alternative dynamics of knowledge and relations of dominance by drawing on my ethnographic fieldwork at a secondary school in Aotearoa/New Zealand in 1997-8. First, by analyzing the ways some Pakeha (white) parents complained about Maori speeches at school by saying 'not everyone understands it', I argue that relations of dominance can create the legitimacy even in ignorance and work to marginalize an already repressed minority language. Second, by showing how other Pakeha accepted the speeches even though they did not understand them, I argue that an acknowledgement of ignorance can be an act of embracing the unknowable cultural others by abandoning a sense of entitlement to know. From these observations, this paper suggests a reformulation of the understanding of the relationship between knowledge and power and calls for investigating various contours of ignorance situated in specific relations of dominance. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Emoji have been argued to have considerable potential for emotion research but are struggling with uptake in part because knowledge about their meaning is lacking. The present research included 24 emoji (14 facial, 10 non-facial) which were characterized using the PAD model (Pleasure-Arousal-Dominance) of human affect by 165 consumers in New Zealand and 861 consumers in the UK. The results from the two countries were remarkably similar and contributed further evidence that emoji are suitable for cross-cultural research. While significant differences between the emoji were established for each of the PAD dimensions, the mean scores differed most on the Pleasure dimension (positive to negative), then on the Arousal dimension (activated to deactivated), and lastly on the Dominance dimension (dominance to submissive). The research also directly measured the perceived appropriateness of the 24 emoji for use with foods and beverages. The emoji face savoring food, clapping hands and party popper were in the top-5 for the highest appropriateness in food and beverage context for both studies, as was a strong negative expression linked to rejection (Study 1: face vomiting; Study 2: nauseated face). On the other hand, zzz and oncoming fist were considered as the least appropriate to be used in a food and beverage context in both studies. Again, the results from the UK and NZ were in good agreement and identified similar groups of emoji as most and least suitable for food-related consumer research. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The additive and interactive effects of Social Dominance Orientation (SDO) and Right-Wing Authoritarianism (RWA) were examined using 16 independent samples of New Zealand European participants (N = 2,164). Consistent with Duckitt's (2001) Dual Process Model, SDO and RWA displayed strong additive effects across various domains of intergroup-related attitude, including measures of racism, sexism, homosexual prejudice, and ethnic and religious in group identification. In each of these five domains, meta-analysis indicated that the statistical interaction of SDO and RWA accounted for an average of less than .001% variance in addition to their linear combination. It is concluded that the association between SDO and various discriminatory attitudes and beliefs is only extremely weakly dependent on RWA, and vice-versa, suggesting that these two ideological attitudes are primarily additive, rather than interactive, in nature. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

ABSTRACT. Although ninny social psychological researchers have tried to identify the antecedents of unethical or immoral behavior, investigators have little considered the content of ethical beliefs that associate with important personality variables such as authoritarianism (B. Altemeyer, 1981, 1996) and social dominance orientation (SDO; J. Sidanius, 1993). Previous studies suggest that authoritarianism is associated with the rejection of relativistic standards for moral actions and--to a lesser extent--the idealistic belief that moral actions should not harm others (J. W. McHoskey, 1996). In the present study, 160 New Zealand University students completed measures of SDO (J. Sidanius), Right Wing Authoritarianism (RWA, B. Altemeyer, 1981), and two subscales of ethical ideology: Relativism mad Idealism (D. R. Forsyth, 198/)). As expected, SDO showed a negative relationship with Idealism, a belief that actions should not harm others. But, contrary to expectations, SDO showed no consistent association with relativism, a belief that the moralities of actions are not comparable. On the basis of those findings, people with high SDO might be described as "ruthless" in their pursuit of desirable goals and are indifferent about whether the morality of different actions can be compared or even matter. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The implications of smoking refusal for personal identity style were studied through conversations in six small focus groups or dyads of 13- and 14-year-old non-smokers from an urban New Zealand secondary school. The approach to analyzing their talk was informed by notions of 'performativity' and 'social space' to focus on the connections between identity and social relations. Smoking emerged as a key signifier of power and status. It was salient at both top and bottom ends of the social hierarchy depending upon the competence displayed in smoking as part of a larger ensemble of personal deportment and behavior. Being a non-smoker therefore inevitably carried connotations of being 'average' or 'in the middle', presenting non-smoking adolescents with the problem of accrediting themselves against superior 'smoker cool' groups. A discourse analytic approach was used to examine the resources and strategies participants brought to bear on this 'problem', which was then seen to be solved differently by boys and girls. Boys could establish alternatives to 'smoker cool' through physical activity, girls had little recourse but to accept their inferior status. The implications of this for health education and promotion are discussed [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Unwillingness of certain individuals to accept the reality of anthropogenic climate change threatens mitigation and adaptation efforts. Gender (being male), political conservatism and system-justifying ideologies are potent unique predictors of anthropogenic climate change scepticism but have typically been examined in isolation. We tested additive, interactive and mediation models of gender, political conservatism, social dominance orientation (SDO) and general system justification (GSJ) in predicting scepticism with a representative New Zealand sample (N = 8199; 74.7% New Zealand European, 55.1% female). Climate scepticism is greater for men and those who endorse system-justifying ideologies. Notably, the anti-egalitarianism dimension of SDO mediated the gender–scepticism link and the association between scepticism and this SDO dimension was stronger for higher levels of political conservatism and GSJ. Exploratory moderated mediation analyses indicated an increase in the indirect influence of being male on scepticism via SDO at increasing levels of GSJ and political conservatism. • System-justifying ideologies underpin scepticism of anthropogenic climate change. • Conservatism, social dominance orientation and system justification as key predictors • Additive, interactive and mediation models tested in a national New Zealand sample. • Climate scepticism greater for men and those endorsing system-justifying ideologies • Exploratory moderated mediation for gender effect and ideologies also observed. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Researchers have long argued that ingroup favoritism and outgroup derogation are separable phenomena that occur in different, meaningful combinations. Statistical methods for testing this thesis, however, have been underutilized. We address this oversight by using latent profile analysis (LPA) to investigate distinct profiles of group bias derived from ingroup and outgroup warmth ratings. Using a national probability sample of Māori (the indigenous people of New Zealand; N = 2,289) and Europeans ( N = 13,647), we identify a distinct profile reflecting ingroup favoritism/outgroup derogation (Type III in Brewer's typology of ingroup bias) in both groups (6.7% of Māori, 10.3% of Europeans). The factors associated with this type, however, differed between groups. Whereas ethnic identity centrality predicted membership for Type III for Māori, social dominance orientation predicted this type for Europeans. Thus, although both groups may express the same kind of bias pattern, the motivation underlying this bias varies by status.

We investigate the extent to which minority group members are surrounded by outgroup members in their immediate environment as a predictor of social dominance orientation. Using a large representative sample of New Zealanders, we found that minority group members in outgroup dense environments reported lower levels of social dominance orientation (Study 1). In studies 2 and 3, Asian Australian and Black American participants who were surrounded by outgroup members reported lower social dominance orientation. For majority group (White) participants there was no association between social dominance orientation and outgroup density. Study 4 explained the overall pattern: Black Americans surrounded by outgroup members perceived their group to be of lower status in their immediate environment, and through this, reported lower social dominance orientation. This article adds to growing literature on contextual factors that predict social dominance orientation, especially among minority group members.

This study examined the correlates of right-wing authoritarianism (RWA) in older adults. Participants were given tasks measuring emotion recognition, executive functions and fluid IQ and questionnaires measuring RWA, perceived threat and social dominance orientation. Study 1 established higher age-related RWA across the age span in more than 2,600 New Zealanders. Studies 2 to 4 found that threat, education, social dominance and age all predicted unique variance in older adults' RWA, but the most consistent predictor was emotion recognition, predicting unique variance in older adults' RWA independent of all other variables. We argue that older adults' worse emotion recognition is associated with a more general change in social judgment. Expression of extreme attitudes (right- or left-wing) has the potential to antagonize others, but worse emotion recognition means that subtle signals will not be perceived, making the expression of extreme attitudes more likely. Our findings are consistent with other studies showing that worsening emotion recognition underlies age-related declines in verbosity, understanding of social gaffes, and ability to detect lies. Such results indicate that emotion recognition is a core social insight linked to many aspects of social cognition., ((c) 2016 APA, all rights reserved).)

Arab nations are decades behind many other previously colonized nations in developing stronger economies, more democratic institutions, and more autonomy and self-government, in part as a result of external interference. The year 2011 brought the potential for greater Arab autonomy through popular uprisings against autocratic governments in Tunisia, Egypt, and Yemen, and through the Palestinian request for state recognition by the United Nations. We examined the psychology of support for Arab ascendancy among adults in 14 nations in the Balkans, the Middle East, Asia, Oceania, Europe, and North America. We predicted and found that people low on social dominance orientation endorsed forming an independent Palestinian state and desired that the Arab uprisings succeed. Rejection of ideologies that legitimize outside interference with Arabs mediated this support. Measures and model results were robust across world regions. We discuss theoretical implications regarding the advent of new ideologies and extending social dominance theory to address international relations.

This study tested the pathways between personality, social worldviews, and ideology, predicted by the Dual Process Model (DPM) of ideology and prejudice. These paths were tested using a full cross-lagged panel design administered to a New Zealand community sample in early 2008 (before the effects of the global financial crisis reached New Zealand) and again in 2009 (when the crisis was near its peak; n = 247). As hypothesized, low openness to experience predicted residualized change in dangerous worldview, which in turn predicted right-wing authoritarianism (RWA). Low agreeableness predicted competitive worldview, which in turn predicted social dominance orientation (SDO). RWA and SDO also exerted unexpected reciprocal effects on worldviews. This study provides the most comprehensive longitudinal test of the DPM to date, and was conducted during a period of systemic instability when the causal effects predicted by the DPM should be, and were, readily apparent.

Objective: This project was directed at examination of the potential reciprocal relationship between empathy and social dominance orientation (SDO), with the purpose of testing the predictions from Duckitt's highly influential dual process model of prejudice, and further examining the validity of the mere effect view of social dominance orientation., Method: To examine this relationship, the authors employed cross-lagged structural equation modeling with manifest variables across two studies using large samples from different parts of the world. Study 1 consisted of data from two waves of 389 (83% female) Belgian university students, with each wave separated by 6 months. Study 2 consisted of two waves of data from a national probability sample of 4,466 New Zealand adults (63% female), with each wave separated by a 1-year interval., Results: Results supported our expectation of a reciprocal longitudinal relationship between empathy and SDO. Moreover, the results also revealed that SDO's effect on empathy over time tended to be stronger than empathy's effect on SDO over time, countering the predictions derived from the dual process model., Conclusions: These results represent the first time the possible reciprocal effects of empathy and SDO on one another have been examined using panel data rather than less appropriate cross-sectional analysis. They suggest the need to reexamine some key assumptions of the dual process model and further question the mere effect view of SDO., (© 2012 Wiley Periodicals, Inc.)

Most theories addressing the topic have proposed that threat and fear underlie right-wing authoritarianism (RWA), and many empirical findings have been consistent with this proposition. Important questions, however, remain unanswered, such as whether RWA is associated with fear and threat in general or only specific kinds of fear and threat. Theories of RWA generate markedly different predictions on this issue, particularly with respect to social or personal fears, and whether the association would also hold for the closely related construct of social dominance orientation (SDO). We investigated the issue by asking 463 undergraduate students to rate their feelings of fear, concern, and anxiety to a comprehensive 93-item list of potential fears and threats, which were formulated as either personal or social. Exploratory factors analysis identified five distinct fear-threat factors: harm to self, child, or country; personal and relationship failures; environmental and economic fears; political and personal uncertainties; and threats to ingroup. All the fear-threat factors were correlated with RWA, with the strongest correlations being for threats to ingroup, and with stronger effects for social than for personal fears. None of the fear factors correlated with SDO. These relationships were not affected by controlling for social desirability or emotional stability (EMS). When the intercorrelations between fear factors and EMS were controlled using ridge regression, only threats to ingroup predicted RWA. Structural equation modeling indicated good fit for a model in which low levels of EMS had a significant path to threats to ingroup, which in turn had a significant path to RWA, and EMS having a significant though weak indirect (fully mediated) inverse effect on RWA. Implications of these findings for theories of authoritarianism and future research are discussed.

Three experiments tested whether the subliminal presentation of national symbols automatically elicited societally prescribed normative values in the New Zealand (NZ) context using a lexical decision task. Consistent with research in the United States, the presentation of the NZ flag (Study 1), but not another consensually validated NZ national symbol (The Silver Fern, Study 2), increased the cognitive accessibility of egalitarian value concepts. The NZ flag did not, however, activate values in a comparable sample of foreign nationals (Study 3). National flags, it seems, automatically activate normative values for ingroup members, and this effect is not limited to nations with a high frequency of flag-display behavior such as the United States.

The cross-lagged effects of the Big-Five personality dimensions on Social Dominance Orientation (SDO) and Right-Wing Authoritarianism (RWA) were examined over 1 year (N = 112). Consistent with the Dual Process Cognitive-Motivational Model, SDO and RWA exhibited markedly different personality bases. Low Agreeableness and unexpectedly high Extraversion predicted change in the motivational goal for group-based dominance and superiority (SDO), whereas Openness to Experience predicted change in the motivational goal for social cohesion and collective security (RWA). Neuroticism and Conscientiousness did not predict change in SDO or RWA over time. These findings extend previous cross-sectional (correlational) research and indicate that key dimensions of personality (primarily Agreeableness and Openness to Experience) are an important temporal antecedent of the group-based motivational goals underlying individual differences in prejudice.

In this study, we extended the Dual Process Model of Ideology and Prejudice by incorporating the Five-Factor Model of Personality (N = 924). Disagreeable people tended to view the social world as competitive, which in turn predicted heightened motivations for group-based dominance and superiority (Social Dominance Orientation or SDO), whereas people low in Openness to Experience and high in Conscientiousness directly expressed heightened security-cohesion motivations (Right-Wing Authoritarianism or RWA). Other personality dimensions were weakly associated with RWA, and these effects were mediated by dangerous worldview. Multiple distinct aspects of personality predict SDO and RWA both directly and indirectly through worldviews, but we found little evidence for the possibility that personality alters the extent to which worldviews (once formed) predict SDO and RWA.