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Developing nationalism character among the digital native generation in Indonesia has been one of the national goals, especially to educate the nation's life through formal education. To realise these goals, teachers become the spearhead to grow this character within students. However, most teachers find it difficult to deal with since they have low teacher competencies. This study aims at revealing teachers' challenges and strategies in building the nationalism character among the digital native generation through formal education. This study employed a qualitative approach with the type of library research. The data collection technique was document studies, while the data analysis used content analysis. The study results showed that: (1) Indonesian teachers still have low mastery of the teacher competencies (pedagogic, professional, social, and personal aspects). They also perform monotonous learning methods and rarely use digital-based learning media; and (2) the strategies to build the nationalism character among the digital native generation era are through teacher competencies mastery, effective learning tools, varied learning methods and integration of the digital-based learning media.

Local history has its point in providing information to local communities for the exemplary process. However, there are not many studies of local history to be implemented in history learning. Thus, the purpose of this study was to find the values of character education in the material for the struggle of K.H. Ahmad Hanafiah in defending Indonesian independence in the Lampung Residency and its implementation in learning local history. The method used is a qualitative research method with historical studies. This study uses primary and secondary sources and uses interviews as reinforcement. The results of the study are: (1) K.H. Ahmad Hanafiah as a local figure who fought to defend Indonesia's independence in Lampung Residency, (2) The values of character education contained in the material include: religious attitude, hard work, curiosity, love for the homeland, national spirit, and independence, (3) These character values can be implemented in local history learning through the Class XI lesson plans covering the stages of planning, implementation, and evaluation in high school. It is hoped that students can imitate the figure of a K.H. Ahmad Hanafiah, especially for those who live in the Lampung area, and apply it in their lives both now and in the future. History learning has a central role in instilling the values of national character because the scope of the material taught contains heroic, exemplary, patriotism, and nationalism values. [Note: The page range (62-71) shown on the PDF is incorrect. The correct page range is 62-72.]

Existing literature has noticed two competing ideas about the state-citizen relationship promoted in China's moral education curriculum: protecting one's freedom and rights, and contributing to and even sacrificing for the country. To reconcile this contradiction, this study uses the framework of 'neoliberalism as exception' to analyze the textbooks of "Morality and Laws," the primary teaching and learning materials in China's moral education. Defining neoliberalism as a focus on individual conduct, including self-reliance, self-entrepreneurship, and individual rights and freedom, this study shows how these textbooks selectively employ neoliberal ideas to promote an understanding of personhood where students are expected to not only practice self-reliance but also prioritize collective and national interests over their rights and freedom. This selective adoption of neoliberal tenets contributes to China's economic development and national cohesion, but it risks perpetuating systemic inequity since all students are posited as coming from the same socioeconomic background.

Projecting itself as the inheritor of China's past greatness, the CCP regime increasingly seeks to boost politico-cultural confidence in education and society and turn students and ordinary people into self-confident Chinese. This article identifies the oscillation of focus from victimhood to confidence in state nationalism and patriotic education and interrogates the politics behind the official push for self-confidence. Through the lens of Foucauldian governmentality and subjectivation, it argues that self-confidence serves as a governing technique for the party-state to subjugate people by individuating and subjectivising a verifiable feeling of certainty about the future, which depends on the CCP, pathologises political grievances, and precludes alternative political imaginaries. To be constructive as well as critical, this article draws upon contemporary political theory to suggest that education for humble citizenship, which centres on contingency, interdependence, and critique of the past and present, is key to citizenship education that strives for desubjugation and autonomy.

In Turkey, the Republican Era, which started in 1923, is a period in which state institutions were rapidly restructured and these institutions were reconstituted within the framework of the ideology of the newly established state. Education has taken its share in this reconstruction process as well. One of the important regulations in the field of education was the 1924 curriculum. The 1924 curriculum was quite important in terms of reflecting the Republic's perspective on education and the importance it attaches to education. Through this curriculum, it was aimed to raise patriotic individuals who are loyal to the philosophy and values of the Republic, have national consciousness, and understand the new state, institutions and organizations. The aim of the research is to examine the first citizenship education course of the Republic of Turkey, "Musâhabât-i Ahlâkiyye & Malumât-i Vataniye" [Conversations on Morality and Civics], which was included in the 1924 educational program. In the study, this curriculum was analyzed by employing the historical research method.

With the current situation of the political turmoil in Northern Iraq, Turkey has been a natural destination country for thousands of refugees escaping the war, including the Iraqi Turkmens. Being native speakers of Turkmen-Turkish and Arabic, Iraqi Turkmen refugees go through confrontations about linguistic ideologies with the local Turkish community on a daily basis. Drawing on linguistic ethnographic data of naturally occurring interactions from social gatherings of local Turkish women with their Iraqi Turkmen neighbors, the present paper analyzes the dialogical processes through which these women construct and negotiate their identities and social relations from the lens of a range of linguistic ideologies. The findings suggest that while the Iraqi Turkmen participants' skillful interactional moves allow them to reframe their relationship with the local women, Turkish nationalism blended with Ottoman patriotism and Sunni-Islamic conservativism, which lay the foundation of the women's linguistic beliefs and judgments, complicates the process of their attempt for recognition.

This research will analyze the ideological policy of the political regime of Kazakhstan in the field of higher education, which was supposed to find answers to the research question: why the Kazakhstan government is promoting the expansion of higher education. Thus, through the analysis of educational documents in the higher education system, an attempt will be made to identify the motives of the political regime in promoting the expansion of higher education in Kazakhstan. The study claims that the government of Kazakhstan promotes the expansion of higher education to maintain the regime stability. The Kazakhstan government's motives for promoting the expansion of higher education are based on taking control of a large number of school graduates by admitting them to Higher education institutions. In this way, these students will be socialized into the state's dominant ideology. Thus, the study will use the Gramscian approach, which will allow us to understand the political purpose of the Kazakh government in expanding higher education. An analysis of official state documents and curricula of higher educational institutions shows that the entire content of youth upbringing programs and compulsory academic disciplines aims to form moral and loyal citizens.

The aim of this study is to assess the impact that the current status of the country and of the education system has on the identity and place attachment of the students attending the 2nd, 3rd, 4th and 5th grades of the elementary school, in the context of the meanings these students attribute to the concept of homeland via the metaphors they have created and the pictures they have drawn. The study was conducted on 27 male and 33 female students that attend the Yedidalga Elementary School in the Lefke District of Northern Cyprus. Metaphors and pictures were chosen as the tools to assess the students' perceptions of the concept of homeland, and for this reason, the students were asked to reflect their perceptions of the concept of homeland on the metaphors they create and on the pictures they draw. The data obtained were analyzed using the methods of descriptive analysis and document analysis. Students produced a total of 20 metaphors that were categorized into 4 themes about the concept of homeland, and produced pictures, in which they used blue color the most followed by green color. In conclusion, the results of the study suggest that the students' perceptions about the concept of homeland focus mostly on national values and loyalty, and that the elementary school students associated the concept of homeland predominantly with a sense of protection of national values. [The page range on the .pdf (85-98) is incorrect. The correct page range is 84-98.]

Individuals and societies continue and end their lives within the framework of values. One of the most important of these values is the concept of homeland. Homeland refers to the land, where the individuals were born and live in, a piece of which may also be owned by such individuals. The concept of homeland is always given utmost importance in the curricula. In this context, it is important to determine the perceptions of elementary and middle school students towards the concept of homeland in order for foreseeing the love they felt for, and the importance they attach to, the geography they live in. In this study, it is aimed to reveal what students understand from the concept of homeland through metaphors. Phenomenology pattern, one of the qualitative research patterns, was used in this research. The study group of the research comprises 580 students. "Convenience sampling" was used in sample selection. In this study, elementary and middle school students were given a form of incomplete sentences in the following format of "Homeland is like ............... Because ................." as a data collection tool, and then they were asked to write their opinions by filling the blanks. The results of the study revealed that the participants expressed a total of 59 metaphors in relation to the concept of homeland. Based on the metaphors developed by students for the concept of "homeland", 7 categories were created. These categories are; Administration, Vitality, Concrete Object, National Value, Security, Value, Social Environment. The results of the study indicate that particular attention should be paid to the synonyms of the word "Homeland". It would be useful to organize certain activities in order to create a sense of belonging and national awareness among the students.

This mixed-methods study examines university students' reflections on their high school social studies teachers' views and pedagogy surrounding the issues of immigration, nationalism, and patriotism within the classroom. The article is based within the framework of critical pedagogy, particularly critical nationalism. The sample (N=58) comes from students enrolled in an introductory education course at a university in the American Southeast. The quantitative data revealed that students believed their teachers tended toward more inclusive views regarding immigration overall, but they were more exclusive toward undocumented immigration. They also tended to have high levels of patriotism and more moderate levels of nationalism. The qualitative data revealed a lack of discussion on immigration, which related to a larger fear of discussing contemporary issues of controversy within the classroom. This study has strong relevance for both educators and teacher educators in critically and thoroughly examining issues such as nationalism and immigration, particularly in more conservative settings like the American Southeast where these topics are often given little more than a cursory overview.

When Israel, Jewish identity and education are each in a state of profound flux, Israel education for Jews will necessarily be dynamic. In response, an orienting prism is proposed which seeks that Jews inquire appreciatively into Israel with diverse Israelis, whilst using historical thinking. The aim is that there emerge numerous ethical paths to realize patriotic dreams to participate actively in the cosmopolitan world, thus enabling Jewish flourishing.

Scout Rally at Birmingham and Imperial Scout Exhibition organised in July of 1913 by the Boy Scouts Association constituted educational propaganda of the British Empire. The term "imperial", which was used in the British press, reflects the ideological meaning of this outsized event which gathered scouts from the United Kingdom and its dominions, and much smaller groups of scouts from Europe, including quite numerous groups from Poland. In the eyes of Poles, British "imperialism" or "patriotism" confronted as an ideal compared to Russian and German rule, and their attitudes were enthusiastically Anglomaniacal. This is the psychological key to understand the attractiveness of performing on the British arena for the representation of the young generation of Poles who were invited. For Polish scouts, the Scout Rally in Birmingham was an opportunity to demonstrate not only their skills but also patriotism as a function of political presence. This is how the Polish press understood these things, and which after the British -- what needs to be emphasised -- paid the most attention to the events in Birmingham. The most important Polish dailies publishing in Cracow, Warsaw, Poznan, and Lvov (now Lviv) closely followed the course of the rally, which was given the rank of success by a two-sentence "depeche" from London and a lengthy letter published in the "Czas" daily paper. The object of interest for the author of the article is the book written by the founder of Polish scouting, Andrzej Malkowski, which constitutes a noteworthy record of observations made by him during the Scout Rally as well as those made by other organisers of the Polish delegation's trip and of letters from journalists who accompanied this delegation and sent their correspondence to the Polish press from Birmingham, London, and Paris. Only one journalist broke out from apologetic opinions about the excellent performance of Polish scouts, who noticed shortcomings in performance and wrote about them. The article introduces the content of these letters and interprets and compares them. The opinion about the triumphant rally in Birmingham rooted firmly in Polish public opinion, constituting an important element of the founding myth of Polish scouting, which in the history of this movement is worth noting.

Patriotism is controversial in moral education across contexts. In China, patriotism is highly politicised by the government and heavily promoted in education. In the last few decades, the moralisation of patriotism, which refers here to the framing of patriotism as a virtue, has become the focus of teaching patriotism in China. This paper demonstrates how patriotism is moralised and promoted in Chinese moral education textbooks. The paper begins by providing a theoretical introduction to patriotism in moral education and defending a rational approach to teaching patriotism given its controversial nature. Then it elaborates on the Chinese context of teaching patriotism and analyses patriotism as part of moral education in Chinese textbooks. Our findings indicate various ways in which patriotism is promoted in Chinese education as a non-controversial virtue and moral duty. Finally, the paper discusses the limitations of this way of teaching patriotism and argues for the adoption of the rational approach as an alternative.

International education is a popular educational strategy among middle-class and affluent families in China and is pursued at increasingly younger ages. Yet, we do not know the implications of this family strategy for the identities and worldviews of privileged Chinese youth and what this may mean for the future of the Chinese nation-state, given the important role of the middle and affluent classes in the trajectory of a nation. To investigate this question, the current study draws on data collected at two high schools that cater to socioeconomically advantaged Chinese families: an international school in Beijing and a standard curriculum school in neighboring Tianjin. Despite unusually high levels of international travel and contact with non-Chinese groups, students at the international school were markedly similar to their counterparts at the standard curriculum school in identities and worldviews. Overall, findings suggest that families that engage with international education for strategic purposes cultivate mundane and strategic forms of cosmopolitanism in their children, as opposed to moral-ideological cosmopolitanism or a sense of global citizenship. Consequently, this study raises issues with arguments that international education will result in more globally-oriented individuals, and with theories that pit the forces of globalization and cosmopolitanism against the nation-state.

This study applies CDA and story grammar analysis to investigate how Chinese language textbooks for primary schools foster Chinese national identity through their depiction of Chinese people struggling against foreign invaders. The analysis was conducted on 12 textbooks and the findings were based on stories featuring a range of ages, from children to soldiers and artists, who all displayed patriotic spirit and were willing to risk their lives for China. The textbooks also highlight China's past humiliation, such as the Nanjing Massacre and the loss of territories such as Hong Kong, Macao, and Taiwan. The authors of those textbooks seek to encourage the students' national identity by promoting a sense of patriotism, sacrifice, vigilance against foreign threats, affirmation for the leadership of the Chinese Communist Party (CCP), and putting the interests of the People's Republic of China (PRC) ahead of personal interests. Additionally, students are expected to have a strong sense of territorial sovereignty, recognizing Hong Kong, Macao, and Taiwan as parts of China. However, the results also show that the portrayal of Chinese national identity is Han-centric, excluding ethnic minorities.

Purpose: The purpose of this paper is to explore the clubs and club memberships of 491 elite women in three eastern Australian states in the 1930s. It is the second part of a descriptive analysis of these women's biographical sketches in Who's Who-type collections, now out of copyright, published in Australia in the 1930s: Victoria (1934), New South Wales (1936) and Queensland (1939). Design/methodology/approach: Using mixed methods within a prosopographical approach, described fully in the first paper on these data, this is mainly a quantitative analysis. After the numbers of club memberships of the women are given and compared on a state-by-state basis, a taxonomy of five main types of clubs was created and the clubs and club memberships listed for each of them. The five types are: (1) social and cultural clubs; (2) sporting clubs; (3) imperial, national and patriotic clubs; (4) professional clubs; and (5) service and educational clubs. The paper then explores the similarities and variations at the state level in the women's club memberships across the five types. It should be noted that the article does not include charities to which the women contributed because they required a separate typology and analysis to be taken up elsewhere. Findings: The paper frames women's clubs as informal educative networks where women were able to acquire the knowledge and skills in modernity for effective participation in the public sphere. The analysis shows that three-quarters of the 491 women were members of one club or more. Overall, the women listed 340 separate clubs with 1,029 memberships across the five types. The state-by-state analysis giving lists of clubs, and numbers of memberships per club in each type, enumerated variations of women's clubs at the state level. Overall, the analysis suggests that the "club habit" for such women was a substantial historical phenomenon at this time. Originality/value: This is the first study to encompass women's club memberships across three Australian states. Quantification of women's involvement in clubs has proved difficult, however, by using a prosopographical approach, this study creates a unique quantitative picture of the club data contained in 491 elite women's biographical sketches from the 1930s.

State educational standards prescribing curricular and instructional objectives reveal much about the nation's lack of consensual understanding of patriotism. For example, many state standards finally encourage a non-committal arms-length approach to the study of American ideals in government and tradition. Yet, if students are to understand the republic in terms of some shared set of ideals, schools need something simple and straight-forward, something akin to a corporate vision. The founding documents are important for detailed study. But something simple and definitive of patriotism must be accessible to all regardless of local idiosyncrasies. State requirements are too diverse, and most states have ignored the idea of patriotic vision altogether. What follows is a position on patriotism that accommodates current state standards, regionalists, globalists, and nationalists. The theme developed is not jingoistic but reflects the understanding of a few who have fought for corporate bloodedness of the kind best suited for national identity and mission writ large.

Syed Ross Masood (1889-1937), grandson of the Muslim modernist Syed Ahmad Khan and former principal of Osmania University, traveled in 1922 from India to Japan as Director of Public Instruction for Hyderabad to assess Japan's educational system. In Japan and Its Educational System, a report published in 1923, Masood concluded that education had been key to Japan's rapid modernization and recommended that Hyderabad follow the country's model of modernization and educational reform: transmit Western knowledge through widespread vernacular education, and focus on the imperial tradition, freedom from foreign control, and patriotic nationalism. Masood sought to use mass vernacular education to create in Hyderabad a nationalist subject, loyal to the ruling Muslim dynasty, who absorbed modern scientific knowledge with its Western epistemic foundations but who remained untainted by Western norms. This study contextualizes and historicizes Masood's attempt to create in Hyderabad a new nationalist subject, focusing on his 1923 report about Japan.

The aim of this research is to introduce the opinions of the social studies teachers who receive education in USA and Turkey in relation to the concepts of nationalism, patriotism and global citizenship comparatively. The basic research design belonging to the research is of a case study model. The multiple techniques have been used to transform the data sets to findings. According to the results of the research, it becomes evident that the constructive patriotism attitudes that belong to the participants from both countries are high and if comparison is made, the blind patriotism attitudes that belong to the participants from Turkey are higher than the participants from USA. On the other hand, if the global citizenship attitudes are taken as a basis, the participants from USA are more prone to global citizenship in comparison to the participants from Turkey.

This research presents two educational activities realized in the 2017-2018 school year, at the Extended Programme Kindergarten, from "Nicolai Nanu" Technological High School in Bro?teni, Suceava County, Romania. In both activities, there were involved representatives from three generations and the preschoolers had an active role. At the activity 'I'm proud to be Romanian', representatives from preschoolers' families were actively involved in some activities, generating interactions between generations. At the demonstrative activity 'I'm Romanian, brave Romanian', there was an intense interaction between the pre-primary school teacher and the preschoolers and a little interaction between the invited pre-primary teachers and the preschoolers. Both activities had the role to enable the preschoolers' patriotic education and to make them aware of their local, regional and national identity through discussions about the national symbols, about the country and the people, through the intonation of the national anthem and of other patriotic songs, through wearing traditional costumes and through the execution of some Romanian dances.

This study draws on narratives submitted between summer 2008 -- summer 2018 by 78 student teachers across all grade bands [K-12] and content areas (Language Arts, Social Studies, Science, Mathematics) who completed three months of student teaching in an overseas country through the Consortium for Overseas Student Teaching (COST) during their final undergraduate senior year. All student teachers were in their early 20s. Upon completing their student teaching each student submitted a written reflection in response to the following prompt: Now that you have finished your student teaching abroad experience, what did you learn about yourself as an American? What did you learn about others' perspectives of what it is that makes someone American? In other words, how do you answer Crevecoeur's question, "What is an American?" Our findings include 12 major themes categorized into three major categories, i.e. socialization, hegemony and individuation.

Purpose: The purpose of this paper is to examine Anzac Day commemoration in schools during World War 1. Design/methodology/approach: Empirical research from newspapers and education department publications is used to illustrate key themes in these commemorations. Findings: Despite claims made at the time that school commemorations did not promote militarism, the available evidence proves the fallacy of these assertions. Moreover, schools became very significant sites for the institutionalising of Anzac Day and shaping it in quite specific ways. Originality/value: While other authors have examined the militarisation of schools in Australia in the early decades of the 20th century, no study has focussed on schools specifically in relation to Anzac Day.

Purpose: This paper aims to explore the relationship between religious and linguistic nationalism in Sri Lanka in the context of the controversy on singing the national anthem in Tamil during National Independence Day celebrations. It illuminates how language and religious policy work together to maintain Sinhala-Buddhist hegemony and exclude Tamil speakers as second-class citizens in postcolonial Sri Lanka. Design/methodology/approach: The examination of the anthem controversy includes language and religious policy documents, newspaper articles and YouTube videos. Findings: The national anthem as a site of struggle is a powerful case to explore how nation-states' actors mobilize affect, intertwining ideologies on language, religion, ethnicity, geography, and so on to maintain and reinforce dominance over minoritized groups. Therefore, the authors believe that (singing) the national anthem can be a site of study for language policy. Research limitations/implications: The authors acknowledge that the data used in this study are only in Sinhala and English and identify the need for further research using data sources in Tamil. Originality/value: While this paper generally contributes to the scholarly dialogues on religion and language, it also sheds light on understanding politics in Sri Lanka. Finally, the authors propose that any meaningful policy implementation efforts toward achieving linguistic justice in Sri Lanka need to include parallel policy changes that promote equality among religions.

In South Asian societies, nationalist projects have often relied on cultural symbols drawn from varied native traditions for their legitimacy claims. In a multi-ethnic society like India, with a multitude of narratives about collective pasts, it becomes difficult for such projects to achieve a multi-symbol congruence that is deemed necessary. The schools are key sites where such complex interplay of the production of locality (region) and national identity can be examined. Schools located in the state of Assam afford a vantage point to examine the vexed relation between the national and the regional imaginaries. The article draws on materials collected from a school affiliated to the Vidya Bharati Trust located in Assam. The Trust and the schools run by it have been extensively examined for their focus on promoting a certain ideology of nationalism which is based on the cultural supremacy of Hindu symbols. However, the branches of such schools in Assam carry a distinct regional character in their endorsement of regional icons and of Assamese language. This article examines the dynamics of nation, religion and region within educational spaces in the deployment of visual images and in the curricular materials used in a school named after Sankardeva.

This article considers the theoretical principles of children and students' national awareness formation in the Ukrainian pedagogy of Galicia in the period 1848-1918. It defines two stages in this process: ethno-linguistic (1848-1904) and ethno-national (1905-1918). The later nineteenth century was marked by an emphasis on patriotism, the national ideal and the national character. Educators viewed patriotism as fostering love for the native people and the 'mother tongue'. In the period 1905-1918 the Ukrainian national idea as an aspiration for national independence became the basis of education: the purpose of education was to instil national awareness among young people, which would be manifested in command of the language and acceptance of the entire ethnic community; a knowledge of its material and spiritual culture in the past and the present; an awareness of oneself; and an understanding of the role of the national community in global historical processes.

The paper fills a gap in the literature by examining how local dimensions have been demonstrated and fostered in the Vietnamese education system under the different impacts of imperialism, colonialism, and the neo-liberalism of globalization before and after 1986. Thematic analysis of relevant literature and policies reveals that the Local dimensions were characterized by local people's responses, such as adaptation, appropriation, creativity, nationalism, and patriotism, in the imperial and colonial times. Under the impetus of the neo-liberalism influences of globalization in the post-colonial period, the Local dimensions have been featured by higher education reforms and internationalization policies. Cheng's multiple theories of fostering local knowledge in globalized education were employed to discuss such Local dimensions and associated challenges.

The purpose of this paper is to reveal the perception of nationalism of pre-service teachers who will teach Social Studies course in a multidimensional manner. In the study, a total of 381 pre-service teachers who study in department of Social Studies from different universities located in different regions of Turkey was defined as the study group and a descriptive model was used as the basis of the research design. The data include both quantitative and qualitative dimensions. In the scope of the research, a questionnaire was created to determine pre-service teachers' perception of nationalism. This form consists of three sections. The participants' demographic data, opinion questions and the nationalism perception scale are presented in the sections, respectively. The questionnaire was applied to the pre-service teachers studying in different regions of Turkey. At the end of the research, various results were obtained regarding the nationalism perceptions of pre-service social studies teachers.

The current study focused on the education-nationalism relationship and aimed to understand whether the positive influence of education in the reduction of nationalist attitudes simply relies on the educational level reached, or is related to the kind of school attended to reach the level. Moreover, we were interested in understanding if book reading has a role in reducing nationalism. Seven hundred twenty Italian students (female = 59%; mean age = 18, SD =0.5) attending their senior year of secondary school (lyceum = 49%, technical = 51%) completed a questionnaire that included blind and constructive nationalism scales, ethnic national identification and book reading behaviour. We performed a structural equation model. Results showed that (1) lyceum students are less nationalistic than technical students are; (2) ethnic national identity drives both nationalism and patriotism; (3) lyceum attendance and book reading prevent ethnic national identity. Overall, the study highlighted that the strongest effect of education on nationalism pertains only to students with higher educational expectations, suggesting that the role of educational systems as diffusor of liberal values needs to be rethought.

The purpose of this qualitative research to determine the values teachers wish to bring to them in the Social Studies Lesson they have first in the school and to ensure that those values are classified under specific categories. The research is organized in the framework of phenomenological approach, which is one of the qualitative research methods. The study was conducted in the school year of 2014-2015 with the participation of 134 form teachers in total assigned in the city of Isparta. The data in the research was gathered by using semi-structured interview form. The data obtained was analysed by using content analysis technique, which is widely used in qualitative research techniques. According to the findings obtained, the values to give to the students in Social Studies Lesson are classified in two category as intrinsic and extrinsic. Intrinsic values are classified as religious, personal, humanistic, and familial while extrinsic values are classified as environmental, national, knowledge-based, and customary values. This study has shown that it is essential to lay a foundation of a number of values just as soon as children start school.

This paper attempts to compare interactions between social changes and the integration of nationalism and multiculturalism in the context of music education by focusing on the ways in which the governmental politics of mainland China and the United States have managed nationalism and diversity in school music education. This paper also explores the ways in which music education, in response to different sociopolitical contexts, relates to the teaching of both musical and non-musical meanings in the dual context of nationalism and multiculturalism, and discusses some of the challenges facing music education in music classrooms today in these two nations. This paper argues that the interplay of tensions in the current wave of nationalism and multiculturalism seen in both mainland China and the United States show the enduring nature of state ideologies in a dynamic, contentious process of social construction.

"Heimat" -oriented education (local-oriented education) flourished in Imperial Japan of the 1930s, inspired by "Heimatkunde" (local studies) in Germany's elementary schools. This paper explores the rhetoric which naturalised the shift from love of "Heimat" to love of nation in "Heimat"-oriented education in Imperial Japan of the 1930s, focusing on "Heimat"-oriented education in peripheral regions to which Japanese identity and non-Japanese identity were attributed. "Heimat"-oriented education in peripheral regions was conducted mostly in accordance with the official rhetoric "similar but not equal", yet also partially putting a spin on it. The spin had the effect of strengthening the naturalisation of the shift from love of "Heimat" to love of nation.

Given the critical dynamics between students' national identity and study abroad experiences, this study explores the meanings Chinese international students in the US make of national identity within the context of China's rise on the world stage. Drawing on qualitative interviews with 23 Chinese undergraduate students studying at a US research public university, this study demonstrated how cultural values, patriotic education received in China, and experiences in the US influenced students' understandings of national identity. Students' identities of being Chinese were renegotiated resulting from meaningful intercultural interactions. Contrary to the conventional wisdom that Chinese international students lost their national identity abroad, findings documented a heightened sense of national identity and increased patriotism among Chinese intentional students. The case of Chinese international undergraduate students adds to the existing literature on the impact of study abroad on identity development and extends the use of neo-nationalism in higher education research.

Language is one of the most critical factors in the formation and maintenance of national identities. Situated within the national context of Japan and drawing data from a population of 292 Japanese university students, this study departs with three objectives. First, the study assesses the contribution of Japanese national identity to criterion variables concerning foreign language communication and contact attitudes. Second, in order to better understand upon what grounds an individual might align themselves with different facets of national identity, the contribution made by the five-factor model of personality is examined. Finally, the contribution of the five-factor model of personality to the criterion variables concerning foreign language communication and contact attitudes is explored. The data reveals that national identity has a significant impact on foreign language communication and contact attitudes.

This study examines the linguistic resources by which foreign language (L2) learners express their ideological positions in online discussions taking place in a telecollaborative encounter during one semester. More specifically, the study attempts to decipher how L2 learners discuss and argue their points of view regarding their first culture, their second culture, and the topic in general, depending on the issue under discussion (immigration and nationalism or patriotism) and to the country where the learners were based (US or Spain). Twenty-four learners, organized into six groups, each with two students from the US and two from Spain, participated in three online forums. For the analysis, learners' postings were subjected to quantitative and qualitative content analysis applying two discourse-semantic subsystems of the Appraisal framework, Engagement--the linguistic resources used to reflect the writer's position and willingness to recognize alternative positions--and Attitude--the linguistic resources used to indicate positive or negative assessment of people, places, things, and states of affairs. This study concludes that there were clear differences in the discursive styles between both sets of learners and topics. Overall, for instance, the learners employed more monoglossic statements when discussing nationalism or patriotism rather than immigration and Spain-based learners made more use of judgment markers than their US-based counterparts did.

Drawing on a recent collaborative and interdisciplinary study of East Asian Images of Japan, this article discusses contemporary Chinese portrayals of Japan, their political context, and their significance for Sino-Japanese relations. It questions some widely-held assumptions concerning the extent of "thought control" in an authoritarian state, the nature of popular protest, and the relationship between official propaganda and popular lived experience. While the main focus is on portrayals of Japan in mainland China, for comparative purposes some reference is made to Hong Kong and Taiwan. The latter part of the article also features a brief discussion of images of China in Japan, especially relating to the Second World War. This reflects particularly on the role of museums as vehicles for "peace education," focusing on two key institutions in Kyushu. China's "bases for patriotic education" and Japan's "peace museums" ostensibly embody radically different institutional missions. However while Japan's memorials to the war evince greater diversity, in harping on national victimhood and obscuring the reasons for war key sites of "peace education" arguably deliver a message that is just as nationalistic as that conveyed by their Chinese counterparts. The article concludes by arguing that, notwithstanding its "totalitarian" facade, China's social and political fragility in fact limits the scope for the authorities there to moderate anti-Japanese public discourse. In democratic Japan, by contrast, a more honest and open engagement with the national past is--or should be--far more achievable. For both moral and political reasons, scholars and educationalists in Japan therefore urgently need to consider their role in improving Sino-Japanese relations, not least through more forceful engagement in public debate over the socialization of the young.

There are perennial debates in civic education regarding the definition, rights and responsibilities of citizenship while failing to address the issue of civic dispositions. Underpinning the discourse is a consensus that a democracy can only function when citizens are knowledgeable of and adept at exercising their rights (Weissberg, 2001). Yet the aptitudes and dispositions required of citizens in order to be active participants in civic life presents another dilemma for educators implementing a civic education regimen meant to stimulate sustained student interest in politics and society. By binding acts of dissent to a patriotic outlook, patriotism is defined according to more nuanced criteria and transcends national apologetics, triumphalism, and conflation between obedience and allegiance. By casting dissent as a manifestation of a patriotic framework, citizens can conduct their civic affairs unencumbered by political passivity, indiscriminate veneration for country, and a superficial sense of national infallibility. As such dissent is not abnegation, indignant nonconformity, uncouth activism or dangerous subversion. Civic education should be constructed around imbuing the classroom with an awareness of what the American ethos entails, how the country has struggled to achieve its social and political aims, and how dissent is a form of sociopolitical diagnostics to ensure the country acts in accordance to this foundational set of principles.

It appears as if a discussion about the need for patriotic education is relevant not only for the Western countries, which have many nationalities and cultures, but also especially for the State of Israel, whose social cohesion is being weakened and there is a fear that the different factions in the society are unable to work together. In this paper, I take a much-needed first step for a systematic study of the issue of education for patriotism, as a solution for the construction of social solidarity between and within groups of Israeli citizens. I examine the justification and the practicability of a cosmopolitan-patriotic education as a substitute for a unique local patriotic education in contemporary Israel. My main argument is that cosmopolitan patriotism education is inadequate for the current societal and political atmosphere in Israel. Not even in a Zionistic-Jewish-Israeli cosmopolitan version of three Jewish thinkers: Herzl Levinas, and Gur-Zeev.

This article describes the ways positioning theory is used to examine the reading responses of immigrant parents to texts about the contributions of historical figures of nondominant backgrounds. I explain how theories of positioning and identity can inform citizenship and social studies education; in particular, programs serving Latinx and immigrant students of diverse backgrounds. I then apply a positionality lens to examine immigrant parents' responses to texts about César Chavez' background, and to their responses to books about the Civil Rights Movement. I show how they discuss the intersection of race, citizenship status, and allegiance to the nation-state, positioning historical figures in relation to these concepts, and to narratives of injustice (present and past) across countries. I present implications for critical questioning of history texts in the classrooms, leveraging the knowledge and perspectives of diverse families and communities.

School history textbooks have typically served to reinforce a sense of national identity and national belonging, often through constructing or reinforcing a distinction between the national "self" and foreign "others". What have often been overlooked in history textbook researches is how ethnic minorities have been portrayed to incorporate them into a multi-ethnic vision of nationality. This paper investigates this issue through comparing the portrayal of minority ethnic groups in two successive editions of China's most widely used secondary-level history textbooks, published in the 1990s and 2000s. We analyse these changes in the context of broader political and ideological shifts, while also considering the agency of the key editors involved in producing these texts. We find that, rather than exhibiting a steady progression towards greater inclusivity and a more "multi-ethnic" vision of Chineseness, these editions evince a movement away from the latter and back towards a more Han-centric narrative of the national past. We argue that, while shifts in the editorial personnel involved may have contributed to this, a more fundamental factor is the shifting emphasis in ideological or "thought" education in the post-1989 period away from orthodox socialism and towards an increasingly strident and ethnocentric form of patriotism.

Modern children's literature in China has largely been dominated by narratives of the nation and nationalism. The present article sets out to question the dominance of that nationalist stance as the country transitioned into the modern era in the late nineteenth and early twentieth centuries. By examining poetic children's literature, the author unravels distinct non-nationalist intellectual sentiments in competition with the mainstream nationalist discourse that point to an imaginative envisioning of modernity. The article starts with a discussion of children's poems and school songs imbued with a strong patriotic zeal in the late Qing and early Republican periods, and then moves on to the May Fourth period when lyricism and romanticism drew the attention of children's literature advocates. Romantic-minded translators and writers, such as Bing Xin, embraced love as a humanist cosmopolitan vision while others, such as Zhou Zuoren and Liu Bannong, turned to local literary heritage, giving rise to a form of children's songs with strong local consciousness. The article concludes by addressing the relevance of the insights derived from the historical case studies for contemporary children's literature in China and beyond. It highlights the possibilities of envisaging modernity in non-nationalist terms and stresses the importance of cultivating in children alternative sentiments in the age of rising nationalism, both past and present.

This paper examines language ideologies underlying the media representation of Chinese citizens speaking multiple foreign languages. It argues that a figure of good citizenship is being articulated via valorization of multilingual competence that is grounded both in the newly cherished moral values of neoliberal globalization -- entrepreneurship, reflexivity and flexibility -- and in the traditional moral values of patriotism and contribution to society. Such configuration of citizenship departs from the nationalist monoglot language ideology, and yet demonstrates a flexible nationalism that links multilingual competence to personal welfare and social harmony. This study shows the importance of paying attention to the dynamic interplay between social class, nationalism, and neoliberal globalization in our analysis of language and citizenship.

This article reviews the rival trends and competing discourses within the cosmopolitan tradition to formulate a comprehensive educational approach, called 'rooted cosmopolitanism', that is timely, conceptually operational, culturally sensitive, and applicable in local educational settings. After reviewing the existing conceptions of cosmopolitanism, I define cosmopolitanism and cosmopolitan education. Then I present various critiques of the cosmopolitan discourse, focusing on the need for rootedness. To bridge the tension between lofty cosmopolitan values and the concrete demands and aims of local educational systems, I conclude by claiming that cosmopolitan education can be sustained through a prism of local culture, religion, heritage and language.

One of the major goals of teacher education programs is to prepare globally competent teachers who hold inspiring dreams for the future and who contribute to the betterment of our world and planet (Cushner & Brennan, 2007). This study presents the emerging perceptions of national identity held by preservice teachers who completed their student teaching overseas. To help them become better global citizens and teachers in this constantly changing and increasingly diverse world, each preservice teacher in a unique international setting reflected on what it means to be an American by answering Crèvecoeur's question, "What is an American?" In addition, each preservice teacher was asked to define the national identity of the host country.

Indian play at North American Jewish summer camps offered three sets of overlapping lessons. First, by providing activities created and understood as respite from urban pressures, including donning and removing so-called primitive faux-tribal identities, camps reinforced Jewish urban, modernist values and virtues. Second, as Indian play recapitulated the colonial process that had displaced actual Indigenous people to make room for the White, European settlers--Jews included--it provided Jews a vehicle to perform assimilatory and nationalistic sentiments. Finally, playing Indian offered camp staff members techniques for imparting visceral and emotional engagement with forms of spirituality they thought campers could absorb, particularly ones that overlapped with Jewish notions of Creation.