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The press was outraged in the 1970s when investigations exposed the CIA’s use of American journalists as undercover informants during the Cold War. This was treated as a shocking break in the traditional line between journalism and government. A study of journalist Carl W. Ackerman’s activities in the Great War, however, reveals such cooperation had precedents. While reporting oversees, Ackerman, later dean of Columbia Journalism School, worked behind the scenes with officials to shape and promote the Wilson administration’s foreign policy. This paper is a first step to understanding that pervasive, close relationships between journalists and government were well established at the beginning of the twentieth century. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

India and South Korea relationship has seen remarkable journey in the last three decades. Apart from rising political and economic weights of both the countries, India and South Korea have also emerged as important soft powers in the region. Their soft powers are based on their rich cultural and historical heritages, their democratic traditions and productions of world famous entertainment contents such as movies, dramas, music and so on. The awareness of the cultural connection between the two countries might have been less than expected but both the countries are indeed committed to reach out each other through these connections. Actually soft powers of both the countries are also useful in connecting them bilaterally as well as providing them access to the Southeast Asian countries. This paper tries to look at the role of soft powers of both the countries in their bilateral relations. When the small and middle powers of the region are forced by the US-China contests to work more on their hard powers and alliances/partnerships, the paper argues that a cooperative narrative may emerge in the region through the soft powers reach outs of India and South Korea and their attempts of agenda setting for the region. The paper would also try to explore trajectory of India-South Korea people-to-people connections and flag problems and prospects in the process. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Focuses on the July 2001 issue of the Australian Journal of International Affairs. Emphasis of the studies on Australian-American relations; Publication of the issue to mark the 50th anniversary of the ANZUS Treaty; Invitation for possible contributors for the issue.

Human rights are fundamental elements of the post-World War II world order, and in contemporary international relations. They constitute the moral base of the West, which, through the system of international institutions, has been implemented all over the world. Treated as universal, they constitute a bridge between the West - and, above all, the United States - and the rest of the world, in a moment of changes in the global order. The aim of this paper is not to analyze these changes, but to show how human rights happen to be politicized and what the consequences may be. The position and foreign policy of the United States as the architect of the liberal order after World War II, and its care for human rights in an era of global changes at the beginning of the 21st century, seem to be of key importance for international policy on the fate of humanity. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper presents a realist reflection on the crisis in Ukraine from the perspective of the Western powers, in particular, that of the United States. Its theoretical argumentation is built on the basis of thoughts of contemporary realist minded scholars and geopoliticians, but, concomitantly, criticizes the contradictory nuances in their approaches. The paper analyses the consequences of the Ukraine crisis as an accomplishment from the Western point of view and diverges from other realist scholars who consider it as a mistake of the West. It argues that the United States has successfully completed its geopolitical mission concerning Ukraine by breaking it away from Moscow’s sphere of influence, therefore, now it can seek to de-escalate tensions with Russia over Ukraine and re-direct its focus on other threats, such as the rise of China. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

From Vietnam to Afghanistan, U.S. leaders have had great difficulty disentangling the United States from faraway military interventions. William McKinley's 1898 decision to annex the Philippines reveals why, through a phenomenon called the "meddler's trap." The meddler's trap denotes a situation of self-entanglement, whereby a leader inadvertently creates a problem through military intervention, feels they can solve it, and values solving the new problem more because of the initial intervention. The inflated valuation is driven by a cognitive bias called the endowment effect, according to which individuals tend to overvalue goods they feel they own. A military intervention causes a feeling of ownership of the foreign territory, triggering the endowment effect. Following the U.S. victory in Manila during the War of 1898, McKinley doubted Filipino civilizational capacity to self-govern, believed that a U.S. departure from the Philippines would cause chaos and great power war, and believed that U.S. governance could forestall that outcome. Because he had already deployed troops to the Philippines, McKinley also felt ownership over them, and this endowment effect inflated his valuation of the archipelago. Together, these mutually reinforcing beliefs produced the meddler's trap and the United States' largest annexation outside its hemisphere. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In April 1951 president Harry S. Truman established the Psychological Strategy Board to enhance and streamline America's sprawling psychological warfare campaign against the USSR. As soon as the Board's staff began work on improving US psychological operations, they wondered how social science might help them achieve their task. Board Director, Gordon Gray, asked physicist turned research administrator Henry Loomis to do a full review of America's social science research program in support of psychological operations. Loomis willingly accepted the task. This paper documents Loomis's investigation into America's social science research program. It uncovers the critical role that government departments had in the creation of research in the early 1950s and thus highlights that the government official is an important actor in the history of social science and the application of social science to psychological operations at the beginning of the Cold War. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

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This paper examines the changing geo-political situation in the Asia-Pacific Region from an Australian defense policy perspective. The article focuses on China, the US, and Indonesia and examines Australia's strategic defense needs for the coming decade. The paper concludes by laying out four strategic defense options for Australia, 1. maintaining the US alliance, 2. going back to "fortress Australia," 3. towards Asian integrations, and 4. the "New Zealand" option. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Five decades before Donald Trump sought to make a virtue out of his unpredictable approach to policy, Richard Nixon adopted a similar stance in regard to foreign affairs that became known as The Madman Theory. The Nixon-Trump comparison in regard to foreign policy and their embrace of a high-risk approach to international negotiations once in office, follows striking parallels between the two men's campaign pledges in 1968 and 2016. This paper examines the Madman Theory to consider its implementation by the Nixon administration and its subsequent adoption by the Trump White House as both leaders sought to rationalize their unpredictable approach to international flashpoints. Through a consideration of speeches, statements, transcripts and tweets it is possible to discern the manner in which both presidents embraced this approach to international relations, and the extent to which it served their interests as President of the United States. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The United States' invasion of Grenada in 1983 represented the lowest point in Margaret Thatcher and Ronald Reagan's relationship, with Thatcher incensed at what she perceived to be her ally's misuse of military force. However, in April 1986, Thatcher gave permission for the United States to use British-based aircraft for air strikes against the Gaddafi regime in Libya, a mission as tenuously grounded in international law as Grenada. How do we explain Thatcher's apparent change in approach to foreign policy, now placing strategic interests above her previous deference to international law, and what does this tell us about the role experience plays in a leader's foreign policy decisions? Drawing on insights from the ongoing behavioural revolution in International Relations, this paper argues that the experience Thatcher gained during the Grenada episode led to her support for US strikes against Libya. A process tracing approach using documents from the UK National Archives, as well as biographies and memoirs, tests this individual-level hypothesis against a rival structuralist explanation. This research shows how experience gained in office can influence a leader's future foreign policy decision-making and demonstrates the utility of process tracing methods for investigations into the role of experience in international politics. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Primed by Amnesty International's reporting, inspired by interactions with a centrist exiled politician, and galvanised by a growing congressional human rights movement, in 1976 Representative Ed Koch introduced an amendment that ended military assistance to the Uruguayan government. The article demonstrates that Koch's efforts were part of a broader transnational campaign to end US support for the repressive Uruguayan government and how such a measure could be achieved despite executive branch resistance. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article discusses nineteenth century famine relief efforts based in Iowa aimed at providing humanitarian aid to Russia in the 1890s. The author focuses on the historiography of American, especially Midwestern, traits of isolationism at the turn of the century. Other topics considered include American humanitarian Clara Barton and her organization the Red Cross, Iowa newsman Benjamin Franklin Tillinghast, the Iowa Russian Famine Relief Commission, immigration to the Midwestern states, internationalism, and the influence of Midwestern politicians on U.S. foreign policy in the 19th and 20th centuries.

The US-China relationship continues to be characterized by both competition and cooperation in recent years. Cooperation in the development sector is one little-known new aspect of such cooperation. This paper therefore examines why and how the two superpowers have undertaken cooperation in trilateral aid projects, and implications for bilateral relations. By tracing China-US policy engagement on development cooperation and examining their most recent trilateral aid project in the Asia-Pacific region, the paper argues that the US aims to use trilateral aid cooperation to engage with China and shape it into a responsible stakeholder, while China uses trilateral cooperation to build a cooperative image and facilitate the broad China-US relationship. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Since the September 11, 2001 attacks on New York and Washington, DC, al-Qaeda and other extremist Islamist groups have become a focal point of international security debates. Drawing on the ‘levels of analysis’ theory of international relations, this paper examines the root causes of the emergence of al-Qaeda in an integrative framework which organizes the individual, group, and international level causes of this organization in a single account. This paper not only includes causes, correlations, and explanations at all three levels but also considers the significant impact of the relationship among causes belong to different levels on the emergence of al-Qaeda. Drawing on this theoretical framework, I argue that individual jihadis’ ‘quest for significance,’ Salafi-Jihadism as a group ideology, and the sole great power’s post-Cold War foreign and military policies in the Muslim world factored into the rise of al-Qaeda. Although the empirical basis of this research includes a single case study, the method used in this paper has possible implications for studying more similar cases. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In the 1936 case of United States v. Curtiss-Wright Export Corp., the U.S. Supreme Court reasoned that the president is the sole organ of foreign affairs given implicitly through the commander-in-chief clause. With over 10,000 citations (Code of Federal Regulations) and 145 Curtiss-Wright references by attorney generals and the Department of Justice justifying presidential prerogatives, the imperial president is enshrined in law. Even with recent challenges, the Court remains steadfast to unilateral executive decision making. However, few studies identify when the executive branch first adopts the Court's newly constituted constitutional order, and few provide a systematic analysis of how presidents advance the sole-organ doctrine. Building on this scholarship I show that President Truman's cohesive narrative of asserted unilateral powers redirects development for future executives to claim unfettered discretion. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Christian nationalists attempt to save the United States from eternal damnation by forcefully confronting threats at home and abroad. This paper investigates how a selection of Christian nationalists in the US foreign policy-making ecosystem use the apocalypse to achieve their political aims. The 'strategic social construction' model demonstrates how and why the apocalyptic narrative is helpful to rally political action to halt the decline of the United States in the world order. It shows how it has justified their staunch criticism of domestic liberalism and can link them to extreme conspiratorial views while maintaining broad ties to mainstream politics. Through this overarching apocalyptic narrative, the working foreign policy objectives of Christian nationalism fit with the hegemonic orbit of liberal internationalism, which is flexible enough to encompass it. Thus, among elite US foreign policy-makers, the apocalypse has been a shared implicit and explicit frame of reference to interpret the US position in the world order in the twenty-first century. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The transition between presidents - especially when changing parties - is a wildcard in U.S. foreign policy that often confuses or concerns nations engaged with the United States. Though there are systems in place to ensure information gets passed from one administration to another, ideas and their execution can change dramatically when a new president takes office. Using the Carter-Reagan transition as a case study, this paper explores how the successes and failures in presidential transitions had long term effects on U.S. foreign policy, grand strategy, and international position, such as the definitive end of détente and a more hardline foreign policy. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article bridges the traditionally segregated fields of Native American history and the history of American foreign relations by investigating a series of activities in the late 1960s and early 1970s that interconnected Native American development and American counterinsurgency agendas in the unstable political landscapes of Southeast Asia. A small coterie of American bureaucrats, with careers spanning foreign assistance and Native American development work, saw great potential in selectively showcasing Indian economic "success stories" to serve "hilltribe" development and counterinsurgency programs in Laos and Thailand sponsored by the U.S. Agency for International Development and the Central Intelligence Agency. One result was a series of "intertribal" development tours arranged for Laotian and Thai representatives in multiple Native American communities in Arizona and New Mexico. Moreover, sharing a sense that Native Americans could offer unique advantages as direct development agents among other "tribes" overseas, the tours' organizers garnered support from a diverse range of actors—CIA and USAID officials, Laotian and Thai military officers, and Indian political and business leaders—for launching a "tribe-to-tribe" foreign assistance program. Viewed together, these transnational schemes and discussions reveal how the flexible and multivalent meanings of key development concepts at the time—such as Indian achievement, tribal initiative, and "intertribal" understanding—both facilitated and constrained official designs to employ Native American models to support political and military agendas in the "shadow" theaters of the escalating Vietnam conflict. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

An essay is presented which highlights the circumstances surrounding the display of textiles produced by Irish firm Dun Emer in the U.S. at the Saint Louis World's Fair in 1904 and two Irish fairs in New York in 1905 and 1907. Topics include the role of Irish designer Evelyn Gleeson and Dun Emer founders Susan and Elizabeth Yeats in advancing the company's textiles in the U.S. and the significant contribution of Dun Emer textiles to transatlantic cultural exchange between Ireland and the U.S.

The United States of America concluded nine treaties with the Barbary States, namely Morocco (1786, 1836), the Regency of Algiers (1795, 1815, 1816), Tripoli (1796, 1805) and Tunis (1797/1799, 1824) between 1786 and 1836. Two of those arrangements, signed with Tunisia appear in the present text edition. Present source edition primairly focuses on the Peace Treaty of 1797, its alteration in 1799 and on the Convention of 1824. This paper also deals with other documents - truce, instruction and correspondence - which were issued about the early diplomatic history between the United States and the Regency of Tunis, 1796-1824. The texts of these documents can be found both in manuscript and in printed form. Important manuscript sources of the early Tunisian-U.S. relations can be found at the Archives of the Deparment of State, Washington D.C. and the Archives Nationales de Tunisie, that is the National Archives of Tunisia. In the Tunisian institute we can find the French version of the Tunisian-U.S. treaty of 1797/1799 and also the Convention of 1824, written in English. In addition, the published materials are also important sources on the history of the Tunisian-American relations in Early Modern Times. The Archives of Tunisia has made available her materials in several publications. For example, in 2011 the Cahiers des Archives, a collection of treaties of the period of 1626-1955 was published and edited by Mehdi Jerad assistant professor at the Université de Sousse (University of Sousse). The American source editions are numerous and they are quite complex. The American State Papers series is a valuable source on the early U.S. history. This series contains all government documents from the early 19th century. The collection includes several sections, for example, American State Papers, Class I: Foreign Relations, 1789-1828 and American State Papers, Class VI: Naval Affairs, 1794-1836. These serials report on the events between the U.S. and the Barbary States in several pages. In addition, there are two important source collections, which contain the above mentioned peace treaties. There are The Public Statutes at Large 1789-1845, edited by Richard Peters and the Treaties and Other International Acts, collected and noted by Hunter Miller. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

It is customary to argue that foreign policy is very much dominated by the executive, with parliaments wielding limited influence. However, with the exception of the US Congress, legislative‒executive relations in the realm of foreign and security policy have attracted remarkably little scholarly attention. Drawing on a principal‒agent framework, this collection scrutinises the conventional wisdom of ‘executive autonomy’ in foreign affairs, indicating that even though parliaments have arguably become more involved in foreign and security policy over time, any notions of parliamentarisation need to be treated with caution. While expectations of consensus in the name of the national interest continue to play an important role in foreign policy decision-making, the papers highlight the role of party-political contestation structuring parliamentary debates and votes in this increasingly politicised issue area. This introductory paper introduces the analytical framework and hypotheses guiding the contributions in this collection, summarises their main findings and suggests avenues for future research. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article offers three new types of variables for computation of the share that NATO countries should contribute to the common defence. I use Uppsala conflict data (UCDP) on conflict participation to reveal how the asymmetry in power that allows the US to define most of the framings on which NATO's utility calculations are based, compensates for the greater material contribution made to NATO by the US. Then I follow Ringsmose's model of NATO burden sharing and create two types of variables crucial to the calculation of burden sharing. One reveals the share of US military protection aimed at protecting its NATO allies. The other measures how much US global security efforts against tyranny and terror are dependent on NATO allies. These two variables are developed by means of computer-assisted discourse analysis of US Presidential Papers. The three new variables contribute to a more complex mathematical model on fair burden sharing, indicating at the same time that the imbalance between US and allied contributions is declining. If European allies have ever exploited the United States in the past, then at least the relationship has become more even during the past two decades. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The author discusses the collaboration between church and state in U.S. foreign affairs in the early 20th century. He shows that a covert collaboration of church and state existed well between U.S. and Liberia from 1925 to 1947, despite its contradiction with both countries' constitutions. He argues that the individuals and organizations involved in this collaboration, which he calls the "Liberia Education Project," kept this project secret because of its constitutional barriers.

With the U.S. and China competing for influence in Southeast Asia, how secondary states in the region make their foreign policy choices has come under more scrutiny. It seems secondary states in the region have exerted strong will and capacity to maintain significant amount of freedom in choosing their foreign policy orientations, rather than being totally dictated by the great powers. This paper presents a detailed paired comparison of Myanmar and Thailand's alignment policies and their consequences since the end of World War II. The paper argues that international structural factors certainly constrain the options for secondary states, but domestic politics often play a significant role in how political leaders make the alignment choices they do, which is heavily conditioned by how these leaders derive their political legitimacy. Thus, to explain the alignment choices of secondary states in Southeast Asia, we need to pay more attention to the intertwined nature between domestic political contestation and foreign policy making. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

During the 1980s, the United States initiated an explicit policy of democracy promotion throughout the world. William Robinson (1996) more accurately described this initiative as "promoting polyarchy," whereby the United States supported moderate elite actors that promoted neoliberal economic policies to displace both right-wing and communist despots, such as General Augusto Pinochet in Chile and Soviet rulers in Eastern Europe. While much of Latin America remained characterized by polyarchies throughout the late 20th Century, Latin American citizens began to reject these political arrangements and to elect anti-neoliberal candidates that promoted participatory democracy by the turn of the 21st Century, particularly in Bolivia, Ecuador, Nicaragua, and Venezuela. How has the United States changed its democracy promotion strategies to respond to these new dynamics? The purpose of this paper is to illustrate how the U.S. government, through agencies such as the National Endowment for Democracy (NED) and USAID, has altered the main thrust of its foreign policy in Latin America, from promoting polyarchy and displacing despotic leaders, to supporting opposition actors to unseat democratically-elected far leftist leaders that promote participatory democracy. This paper deploys a case study method involving recent U.S. foreign policy in Bolivia, Nicaragua, and Venezuela, and it utilizes both U.S. diplomatic cables and interviews with U.S. state elites to illustrate this shift. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The Socio-Technical Imaginaries (STI) approach in Science and Technology Studies (STS) has illuminated the central role of social imaginaries in shaping the politics of technology. Its emphasis on the multilinear forms of socio-technical development is a useful corrective to universalist explanations of technological change. However, STI lacks a clear account of how inter-societal interaction shapes the imaginaries of any given political community. Synthesizing STI with the theory of Uneven and Combined Development (UCD) can correct this shortcoming. UCD offers an ontology of universals and accompanying methodology of incorporated comparison, enabling STI to integrate inter-societal causality into its theoretical framework. A combined UCD and STI framework is examined in this paper through a focus on imaginaries of technological innovation in contemporary American foreign policy. Responding to the 'whip of external necessity', US foreign policy seeks to upend technological diffusion and impose global regulatory evenness on national forms of technological innovation. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The failure of the United States to join the League of Nations is often considered to be an outcome of isolationist influence. The supermajority requirement of treaty ratification in the US Senate also is blamed for allowing a minority of isolationists to block the will of the majority that supported the treaty. To determine the cause of the failure, I analyze the Senate debate over the treaty using the concepts of the supermajority core and supermajority winset. Using all 157 votes on the treaty, I estimate senatorial positions and the locations of both the status quo and the treaty on the same metric space. From this analysis, I find that isolationists were not influential enough to block the ratification. Instead, President Wilson's unwillingness to compromise is found to have played a critical role in the treaty's defeat. The treaty's defeat thus was not an indication of the power of isolationism. This study contributes to the growing body of literature that debunks claims about the dominance of isolationism in the interwar period. At the same time, the paper demonstrates how the core and winset concepts can be useful in answering substantive collective choice questions. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Why does strategic intelligence analysis have limited influence on American foreign policy? Intelligence analysis is frequently disregarded, this paper contends, because it is a duplicated step in the decision-making process and supplements but does not supplant policy assessment. Many intelligence analyses will confirm policy assessments and be redundant or – if the assessments are different – policy-makers will choose their own interpretations over those of intelligence analysts. The findings of this paper provide scholars with important insights into the limits of intelligence analysis in the foreign policy process as well as recommendations for increasing its positive impact on policy. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

The article takes a look at the American attitudes toward Japan and China in 1937-38. The Chinese Cultural Society of New York published in October 1937 a reprint of 39 editorials from American papers on the Far Eastern crisis. The editor, M. Hsitien Lin wrote in the foreword "Of some 5,000 editorials which have been examined, there is none that justifies Japanese aggression or condemns Chinese resistance. In the American press Japan is almost universally treated as the aggressor and China as the victim in the undeclared war. As to American policy, the press generally favors neither extreme isolationism nor political entanglements or alliances, but a golden mean, whereby world peace, it is hoped, may be maintained." The present study is designed to test the validity of this impression as well as to test the utility of a method of attitude measurement by press sampling. It is impossible here to enter into a discussion of the relationship between beliefs as to facts and emotional attitudes such as are measured by the indices used, except to suggest that attitudes, which are at first accompanied by emotions, may in time become beliefs regarding "facts" which are taken for granted.

During the 1990s, United Nations promoted the idea for peaceful settlement of conflicts. That approach was endorsed regarding the war in Bosnia and Herzegovina, too. Mediation process begun primary within the International Conference on Former Yugoslavia, representing the joint efforts of UN and EC. Firstly the Vance -- Owen Peace Plan and later the Owen -- Stoltenberg Peace Plan had been rejected by the adversaries. Nevertheless, under mediation of USA, the Washington Agreement was concluded and it was one of the fundaments for the upcoming peace talks, including the Dayton Agreement. Considering that several peace initiatives took place along all those years and proposals on peace agreements many times were refused by the adversaries, this paper aims to understand in what way timing of the efforts for resolution determined success of the mediation process. Contextualizing the mediation process through the concepts on "positive peace" and on "ripeness", it is concluded that without reaching mutually hurting stalemate signing of the peace agreements had been very demanding process. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper examines shifting Soviet and American policies during the 1954–62 Algerian War. It attempts to further develop the theory of competitive decolonization to explain these shifts. This theory argues that states can maximize power in the international system by weakening the empires of other states. Willingness to use this technique is largely a function of security concerns involving the metropolitan power. The theory stresses the role of the great powers in the spread of sovereignty in the international system. In the case examined here, both Moscow and Washington initially held back from supporting Algerian independence due to concerns for relations with France. Nevertheless, both superpowers wound up playing an important role in bringing about Algerian independence. Effective manipulation of both superpowers by the Algerian Front for National Liberation explains much of this. Additionally, Moscow was moved by rivalry from China. Washington's role included effectively promoting a change in the French government. This bolsters historical findings stressing the importance of agency by Third World actors in the Cold War. The theoretical importance is the need to include the diplomacy of nonstate actors in accounting for shifts in the international system. This work also highlights aspects of relationships between allies. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper shows that, during 1991–1992, the George H.W. Bush Administration settled to pursue NATO enlargement in order to ensure both stability in and influence over Europe. Both were necessary subsidiary objectives towards achieving long-term security aims and the medium-term goal of furthering American prosperity. Bush officials concluded that European instability, protectionism, and self-absorption could menace US-led economic globalization. Anchoring NATO at the centre of the post-Cold War European order was seen as the best available response. NATO enlargement would alleviate European security concerns; prevent the emergence of regional security structures that endangered the Alliance; and provide the leverage Washington needed to encourage European participation in America's global economic order. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper examines the relations of the Soviet Union, Cuba, and the East European socialist states with Nicaragua from Anastasio Somoza's removal in July 1979 until Violeta Chamorro's election victory in February 1990, using a wide array of original documents, collected from Polish, Hungarian, Bulgarian, German and Czech diplomatic, party and security services archives. It delves deeply into the motivations behind the Kremlin's circumscribed approach, attempting to break new ground by looking in detail at Moscow's communication and coordination with its East European allies and Cuba, aimed at supporting Managua without risking major confrontation with Washington. This research aims to contribute to the existing historiography by looking not only at the motivations behind Soviet and Eastern Bloc involvement, but also by taking into account the circumstances preventing Moscow and its allies from developing more comprehensive political and economic relations with the Sandinista regime. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In the aftermath of World War I and the Peace Conference of 1919, the American public's interest in foreign affairs increased. The Wilson administration's wartime program, the NewDiplomacy, contributed to this interest. It called for open diplomacy among statesmen and diplomats in the settlement of international conflicts, and press access to and publicity of their deliberations. The goal was an internationalized public opinion that would aid both concepts. With the prospect of an enlarged role for the United States in foreign affairs, prominent newspaper publishers and editors supported a robust coverage of foreign news, marked by a modern narrative consisting of the facts and an interpretation of their meaning. The New York Evening Post's David Lawrence and Simeon Strunsky promoted the New Diplomacy and explained its ramifications for American foreign policy and press relations. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper questions the traditional view of the Australian-American relationship: that Australian dependency entailed unequivocal support for American foreign policy. It uses a particular Cold War event - the Cuban Missile Crisis - to examine the extent to which the reaction of the Australian government conformed to the general perception of immediate and absolute endorsement of the Kennedy administration's position. The paper will argue that the actual response of the Menzies government, as distinct from its public pronouncements, was constrained rather than unconditional, considered rather than reflexive, and shaped by strategic calculations of Australian interests. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In November 2011, the EU and China are ready for new leadership change, and both of them try to draft new EU-China policy to engage comprehensively; after 2008, China has been active in the EU affairs, and even both parties sit together to discuss the solution of the EU financial crisis. More and more heads of the EU governments believe that China is playing key role to support European economic growth and solution of financial problem. In addition, the barrier of military cooperation between the EU and China has not removed since 1989, and both of them have interest to discuss how to turn new page of the EU-China military cooperation under the EU-China new leadership. This paper aims to analyse how the EU and China cooperate to tackle the EU financial crisis, and how the EU and China restarts military cooperation under the new leadership that refer to the Ireland's EU Presidency and the Chinese Xi Jingping in 2013. This research applies the Comparative Case Study Research Design to set the two abovementioned questions in order to analyse how the new leadership responses by, and it employs the Neo-liberalism to be the theory base to analyse the EU-China relations in the EU financial crisis and military cooperation. At last but not least, the research process data by the principles of the OSINT (Open-Source Intelligence) The research finding speaks that China has strong willing to help the EU solve the EU financial problem, but China cannot avoid risk while helping the EU financial crisis, but therefore, China provides help but not much. In accordance with the EU-China military cooperation. The EU cannot skip political stress from the USA, and they have no process to lift up the weapon embargo against China, but more and more countries have already helped or cooperated with China in military field, because more and more European countries have been tired of US-China hostility or competition, and they voice for China, and believe China has no threat against the EU member states. This paper concludes that the EU does not stop persuasion toward China to cooperate with the EU to solve the EU financial problem, but China does some but not much in this issues; with regard to the EU-China military cooperation, China still continues to lobby the EU to drop the weapon embargo enforcement, and persuade the EU to restart military cooperation, and furthermore, the EU has change mind and position to favour China to restore military cooperation, and plan to a serial policies to prevent the political pressure from the United States. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article argues that a post-orientalist discourse has emerged over the past few decades to challenge the dominance of orientalism on Western foreign policy thinking towards Islam and the Muslim world. The paper examines the geostrategic thinking of Bernard Lewis, Edward Said, and John Esposito, and their impact on Western perceptions of Islam. The paper submits that while Edward Said exposed the prejudice inherent in orientalist thought, it was John Esposito and a cohort of post-orientalist scholars who engaged in three critical debates with the orientalist to provide a more authentic vision of Islam and a more nuanced picture of the politics of the Muslim world. The paper however concedes that while post-orientalism has triumphed in the academic setting, the orientalist perspective still dominates the policy sphere and continues to shape American foreign policy. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The present article sets out to analyze the emergence and institutionalization of American Studies as an academic discipline in Romania, with a focus on the specific contexts and factors that influenced this process, and the ways in which its practitioners defined, constructed, and focused their endeavors. Taking the University of Bucharest as a case study and adding insights from other Romanian universities, the paper seeks to give an account of: 1) the ways in which the several decades-long tradition of teaching American literature in the Communist period (sporadically until the 1960s, but ever more substantially in the following decades) prepared the ground for the institutionalization of American Studies programs; 2) the "conditions of possibility" that enabled this institutionalization after the collapse of the Communist regime in 1989, with an emphasis on the restructuring of the Romanian higher education system, on the one hand, and the specific renegotiations of the field of American Studies, on the other; 3) American Studies curriculum development and its impact on Romanian academia as an example of curricular reform in the spirit of interdisciplinarity; 4) the situated contributions that Romanian Americanists have made to international scholarship in American Studies by bringing new research agendas to the fore. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

A firestorm of protest greeted revelations of the rendition program when it was made public during the George W. Bush administration. The operational and political basis for the rendition initiative, however, had been established years before George W. Bush became president and was viewed as 'a new art form' by the Clinton administration. Despite significant efforts to distinguish between the two administrations, the evolution of the rendition initiative during the 1990s reveals far greater continuity than has been widely acknowledged. This paper examines the manner in which the Clinton administration utilized rendition in its own war on terror, years before George W. Bush came to power, with little public scrutiny or outrage. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Since the 1990s, US policy in Azerbaijan has gone through several important shifts in the areas of energy, security and democracy promotion. How can we make sense of these decisive shifts in the orientation of US policy? In this paper, I identify major shifts in US policy in Azerbaijan based on relative weight given to energy, security and democracy issues. I divide US policy into four different time periods: 1994 to 2001, 2001 to 2007, 2007 to 2015 and 2015 to present. I analyze the changes that took place in US policy in the dimensions of energy, security and democracy. Then, I provide plausible explanations that can account for shifts in US policy. To do so, I utilize foreign policy analysis theory that focuses on domestic and international parameters that bring major foreign policy shifts. My explanation is not monocausal, and focuses on several factors that have influenced US policy in Azerbaijan. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

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Discusses the failure of negotiations between the United States and Vietnam after the collapse of South Vietnam in 1975. Normalization of relations; Issue of reconstruction assistance from the US and the return of missing bodies from Vietnam; Political pressure on the Ford administration to deny Vietnam the right to enter the international arena.

The article discusses the leaked Transatlantic Trade and Investment Partnership (TTIP) by Greenpeace Netherlands with regards to cooperation processes in pharmaceutical regulation in 2016. The leaked papers suggest positive developments towards a more regulated and transparent framework for cooperation. It examines the progress of the negotiations as regards mutual recognition of Good Manufacturing Practices (GMP) where the distance between the European Union and the U.S. is substantial.

For over 30 years, the grand strategy of one of the most important commands in the US military, Central Command ( CENTCOM), has consistently held fast to a commitment to neoliberal capitalism and an ostensibly free-market global economy. Any accrued national or global economic benefits are impossible to chart, of course, and so CENTCOM's securitization discourse relies upon vaguer, yet promissory logics about 'keeping the global economy open'. My aim in this paper is to show how the story of CENTCOM's mission is crucial to understanding how US military interventionism works today through a discursive geoeconomic imagination that is vague yet persuasive in its universalist dimensions. In a period marked by globalisation and new forms of capitalist accumulation, CENTCOM's mission has nevertheless habitually involved fashioning itself in a neoliberal 'world policeman' role, and to that end has employed a strategy that can be best described as one of 'geoeconomic deterrence'. The paper outlines the entwined military and economic security logics of this strategy, which have resulted in the Middle East and Central Asia being repeatedly conditioned as requiring forms of corrective military interventionism. Since its establishment in 1983, CENTCOM's strategy papers, mission statements and annual reports to Congress have collectively scripted practices of intervention and deterrence that rely upon dominant registers of military and economic risk. In critically considering CENTCOM's mission, the paper shows how the command's initiation fundamentally changed US foreign policy by solidifying the Carter Doctrine and subsequently committing to the geoeconomic shaping of the most energy-rich region on earth. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

James Madison believed that religious pluralism would allow religion to flourish and benefit society if untouched by the government. At the same time, he worried that foreign powers might leverage internal divisions to undermine sovereignty, making religious pluralism simultaneously essential and dangerous to a republic. Although Madison believed that state-established religion could cripple a people's sovereignty, he also grappled with the dangers that religious liberty posed to national security—the government's ability to repel internal subversion and foreign assault. The conflict became especially relevant when he accepted his position as secretary of state and shared responsibility to protect the nation against foreign dangers. From the 1770s through his tenure as secretary of state, therefore, Madison matched his passion for religious liberty with his devotion to national security, and he struggled to calibrate policy to protect both. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article addresses the relationship which developed during the Second World War and first decade of Cold War between the Foreign Office and one of Britain's leading Anglican clerics, Cyril Forster Garbett, archbishop of York 1942-55, widely respected as a liberal and the "conscience of the nation." It offers a model case study of relations between church and state by drawing upon state papers as well as upon ecclesiastical ones. It illustrates how religion was a crucial propaganda tool, advocating the defence of Western civilization and Christianity against first the paganism of Nazi Germany and then the atheism of Soviet Russia. Garbett's evolution from a domestic cleric concerned with social deprivation to an ecclesiastic statesman and Cold Warrior, reveals the significance of the religious component in Anglo-American relations. The presentation of the alliance as a crusade bonded together the two nations despite the differing political outlooks of their respective peoples. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Looks at the 1919 `Jenkins incident,' involving William O. Jenkins, American consular agent in Puebla, Mexico. The involvement of former Secretary of State Robert Lansing, President Woodrow Wilson; The relationship between the politicians; Examination of the Mexican-United States relations; Circumstance surrounding the kidnapping of Jenkins in Mexico.

The US faces many dilemmas in facing an XXI century China. The recent crisis that has occurred in the South China Sea and issues related to the trade war between the two global powers have significantly divided the positions of both states in world affairs. The US policy of engagement and coercion, forcing China into the US liberal order has shown slow progress. Therefore, it is critical to re-evaluate the US foreign policy strategy in facing an XXI century China, which shows discontent towards the values that are promoted by the US. This paper critically analyzes the US foreign policy approach to China, provides key elements of its success, and concludes the major issues faced throughout the process of interacting with the modern global superpower known as China. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]