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Purpose: This paper aims to analyse the data regarding the national identification and sense of belonging of secondary school students with and without immigration backgrounds collected through the International Civic and Citizenship Study 2016. It also assesses whether the research instruments used are suitable for the German context. Method: Likert scale items measured national identification. Acculturation theory based categories were employed to measure the sense of belonging. Differences between students across and within countries were assessed using t tests. Findings: Students with immigration backgrounds tend to present statistically lower scores for the scale 'attitudes toward country of residence' in 20 of 24 participating countries. In international comparison, German students with and without immigration backgrounds score relatively low on all five items of the scale. Despite achieving significantly lower scores for national identification, 90% of students in Germany with immigration backgrounds feel a sense of belonging to Germany.

Since European Union (EU) enlargement in 2003, labour migration from East to West and South to North has increased. It is to be expected that a share of these workers will want to retire in their host countries. According to the academic literature, EU legislation protects such mobility well by allowing the transfer of rights accrued in any EU country to another. However, such research has focused on legislation, not outcomes. We know little about how migration will affect the financial status of retired migrants in their host country and their ability to sustain a life there, should they stay after retirement. Using migration, wage and pension policy data (Eurostat, Organisation for Economic Co-operation and Development), this paper projects the post-retirement incomes of a range of hypothetical EU migrants, selected in relation to the most common migratory flows since 2003. After having worked in their home countries (Romania, Poland, Bulgaria, Italy) for at least ten years, these people move to richer countries (Italy, Spain, Germany, United Kingdom) and work there for at least 30 years. To determine whether they can remain settled after decades of labour force participation in the host country, the paper adds their pension entitlements from home and host countries and compares this income with the relative poverty line of the host countries. This shows that good portability of entitlements matters little when these are very low because of a large wage gap between home and host country. Thus, after at least 30 years of enjoying all citizenship rights as workers, most of these individuals are projected to receive incomes below the relative poverty line of their host countries and thus experience a sharp drop in this status. Their citizenship is diminished. The paper concludes by considering policies that could avoid such an outcome. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper examines how middle-aged and older post-Soviet immigrants in eastern Berlin navigate the neoliberalized landscape of work-based integration in face of their long-term unemployment. I first show how these immigrants' own insistence on the centrality of paid work for their feeling integrated contributes to their experience of collective despondency and enrollment in exploitative quasi-markets, including workfare. Focusing on this insistence, I examine how it draws strength primarily from their continued subscription to the conceptions of self as deeply socially embedded, and of work as a practice of such an embedding, adopted through their Soviet-era socialization into the culture of dispersed personhood and obligation to work, rather than from their adoption of neoliberal concepts of citizenship in Germany. Contributing to geographies of post-socialist experience of neoliberalized regimes of citizenship and immigrant integration, this paper thus highlights how some of the aspects of post-socialist subjectivities dovetail unexpectedly with the neoliberal project. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Purpose -- The purpose of this paper is to study the determinants of naturalization of non-EU immigrant household heads with a fresh look at the role of integration and ethnicity. Design/methodology/approach -- Employing data on immigrant household heads from the German Socioeconomic Panel differentiation is made among those who already have been naturalized, those who plan to take citizenship, and those who do not have citizenship and do not want it, using multinomial probit models. The subject scope includes literature on naturalization, ethnicity, and integration. Findings -- A robust finding is that German citizenship is very valuable to female immigrant household heads and the generally better educated, but not to those educated in Germany. The degree of integration into German society has a differential effect on citizenship acquisition. While a longer residence in Germany has a negative influence on actual or future naturalization, arriving at a younger age and having close German friends are strong indicators of a positive proclivity to citizenship acquisition. Likewise, ethnic origins and religion also influence these decisions. Muslim immigrants in Germany are more willing to become German citizens than non-Muslim immigrants, but there are also fewer German citizens among Muslims than among non-Muslims. Research limitations/implications -- Future research should also investigate the second-generation naturalization proclivities and those of illegals. Practical implications -- Allowing for dual citizenship helps generate more naturalizations among Muslims. Originality/value -- The paper provides a test of the relative importance of the integration approach in comparison with the ethnicity model; demonstrating that integration in German society has a stronger effect on naturalization than ethnic origin and religion. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Scholars have mainly examined criteria for membership in a national community and citizenship rights accorded to immigrants from a state-centric lens; the ways in which immigrants lay claims to enact citizenship is rarely examined. However, citizenship is not solely about passive criteria of membership of a national community and assembly of rights and duties conferred by the state but also a political practice that individuals engage in and become agents of transformation. In that vein, Turkey origin members of parliaments with migration-backgrounds in Germany offer a relevant case by their active citizenship and demonstration of belonging by choice to the German society. This paper aims to introduce an analysis of the transformation of citizenship in Germany and simultaneously explore its active practice by this new group of elites in the political party landscape. The author argues that the definition and practice of citizenship is not singularly located in one national scale, but also encompasses the public and individual practice building fluid boundaries at multiple sites. Political actors selected, locate themselves (or are perceived to be) between two spheres of belonging, but also represent solely the German constituency. The Janus-faced political representation performed by target groups provides invaluable insight into politics in immigrant countries together by reinterpretation of subjective understanding of citizenship. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper is an introductory survey of the evolution of multiculturalism in Britain and Germany over the past two centuries. The historical approach argues that the main determinants of difference between these nation states lie in their long-term traditional attitudes towards immigrants and ethnic minorities. It focuses upon the patterns of immigration into Britain and Germany as well as the differing imperial traditions, which have both left differing legacies. An equally important historical factor has been the legal position of aliens in the two states, in which, until very recently, Britain adopted a policy of ;MS solis, whereas Germany pursued one of jus sanguinis. The paper then examines the realities of multiculturalism in the two states. Due primarily to the historical traditions of nationality legislation, immigrants and their descendants in Britain have come to play a more important role in recent British history than their contemporaries in Germany, particularly if we examine their role in the political process and in popular culture. While the conclusion reiterates the differences, it also stresses that we should not view Britain and Germany as the opposite ends of the multicultural spectrum, as both are modem liberal democracies with significant ethnic minority populations. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper2 compares Canada's and Germany's citizenship laws with regard to regulations that delimit the acquisition of citizenship abroad. It finds that the respective regulations are designed similarly, but differ in some details. The Canadian regulation, for instance, prevents citizenship from being passed on to the second generation born abroad, whereas the German rule offers an opportunity to retain citizenship without seriously giving proof of a link to the country. From a normative point of view, there are good reasons to delimit the acquisition of citizenship abroad, but also for an opportunity to retain citizenship if people have a genuine link to the state and its political system. The regulations of each country show deficits in this respect. Thus, this paper suggests introducing requirements for an entitlement to regain citizenship for second or subsequent generations born abroad which could be designed similarly to the requirements for immigrants who want to naturalize. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper empirically analyses the effect of naturalisation on on-the-job training (OJT) participation among first-generation immigrants in Germany. OJT is associated with improved labour market outcomes and provides therefore an indicator for labour market integration. Naturalisation is assumed to act as a signal of the employee's commitment to the host country and may thus increase employers' likelihood of offering OJT. Testing the theoretical link with multivariate estimations (based on the German Socio-Economic Panel) shows a positive and significant correlation. To reduce selection bias on observables, propensity score matching is applied, yielding a significant average treatment effect. JEL Classification: J15, J24, M53 [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Zeitschrift für Soziologie is the property of De Gruyter and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Chronica Mundi is the property of Chronica Mundi and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

The integration of immigrants is the subject of ongoing public debate, and devising measures to enable the assimilation of newcomers ranks high on the political agendas of many countries. This paper focuses on the legal institution of citizenship and analyzes the consequences of birthright citizenship introduced in Germany. We use the exogenous variation provided by the 1999 reform of the German nationality law to study the effect of children's legal status on the integration of immigrant parents. We find that foreign-born parents are most likely to interact with the local community and use the German language if their children are entitled to German citizenship at birth. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In the ongoing debate on immigrant integration policies, the Sinus study on migrant milieus has attracted much attention for its clear stance as a proponent of a multicultural society. Brushing aside arguments about an ethnic-religious divide in the German social fabric, the study argues that social milieus constitute much stronger markers of difference than ethnicity. This paper provides a critical appraisal of the postethnic vision articulated by Sinus. However, it also raises some methodological issues concerning the collection and analysis of data on immigrant populations. The concluding section discusses the limits of a politics of difference based on milieus. It questions the potential of the Sinus study to move the German immigration debate forward towards a more democratic vision of citizenship, given its de-emphasis of social inequalities rooted in relations of gender, 'race' and class. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Massive post-war migrations have posed a fundamental challenge to the nation-states of North-Western Europe. Constructing an ideal-typical model of nation-state membership, this paper begins by specifying the multiply anomalous character of the membership status of immigrants. Next, it seeks to explain the striking and persisting difference in the citizenship status and chances of immigrants in France and Germany. While birth and residence in France automatically transform second-generation immigrants into citizens, birth and residence in Germany have no bearing on citizenship. Vis-à-vis immigrants, the French citizenry is defined expansively, as a territorial community, the German citizenry restrictively, as a community of descent. These diverging definitions of the citizenry embody and express distinctive understandings of nationhood, state-centred and assimilationist in France, ethnocultural and `differentialist' in Germany. Focusing on pivotal moments in the shaping and reshaping of citizenship law -- the 1880s in France, the Wilhelmine era in Germany -- this paper argues that the politics of citizenship vis-à-vis immigrants has been informed by distinctive national self-under-standings, deeply rooted in political and cultural geography and powerfully reinforced at particular historical conjunctures. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Many European countries restrict immigration from new EU member countries. The rationale is to avoid adverse wage and employment effects. We quantify these effects for Germany. Following Borjas (in Q J Econ CXVIII(4):1335–1374, ), we estimate a structural model of labor demand, based on elasticities of substitution between workers with different experience levels and education. We allow for unemployment which we model in a price-wage-setting framework. Simulating a counterfactual scenario without restrictions for migration from new EU members countries in Germany, we find moderate negative wage and employment effects for incumbent foreigners, but positive effects for natives. Our results indicate that for the native German population as a whole the immigration restrictions are not welfare enhancing. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper examines resident foreigners’ interest in German citizenship. We use a unique data set from a survey of foreign residents in the German states to study the roles played by factors such as attitudes towards foreigners and political interest of foreigners. We find that negative attitudes towards foreigners and generational conflict within foreigner families are significant negative factors. While interest in political participation is among the important positive factors, hostile attitudes, lack of voting rights, or uncertainty about staying in Germany mainly discourage foreigners who actively participate in the labor market, have more years of schooling, and are younger. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Zeitschrift für Soziologie is the property of De Gruyter and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

The article presents the book "Immigration, Citizenship, and the Welfare State in Germany and the United States: Welfare Policies and Immigrant's Citizenship," edited by Herman Kurthen, Jürgen Fijalkowski and Gert G. Wagner. The book discusses the importance of citizenship policies in Germany and the U.S. in fostering the inclusion of immigrants. It also discusses how societal perceptions and pressures influence policies relating to foreigners in Germany and the U.S.; the social and political rights of foreigners in Germany and issues in the reform of German citizenship regulations within the wider context of European integration.

The state interferes with the intimate spheres of families and couples via family migration policies, which have grown increasingly restrictive in many European countries. Mixed-status couples engaging in spousal migration develop coping strategies in order to adapt to hurdles and overcome them. This article explores the under-researched perspectives of sponsor spouses on (family) migration policies. When interacting with authorities, politicians or counselling services, the sponsors often react discursively, using arguments relating to human rights, citizenship, membership as well as gender and marriage/family norms. Based on a qualitative analysis of case dossiers of a German NGO counselling mixed-status couples, the article explores the narratives and strategies developed by the (mostly White) German citizen sponsors, thereby analysing the ways they 'perform citizenship' at the crossroads of migration control, marriage and family norms, and membership. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

National identities are often conceived of as factors that lend structure and stability to citizens' political opinions on issues such as immigration. While citizens who define national membership in ethno-cultural terms are less likely to support immigration, those with a civic conception are more likely to do so. The authors propose that defining national identity along both ethno-cultural and civic lines may give rise to conflicting considerations, leading people to experience ambivalence, implying that national identities may serve less as a stabilizing force than suggested by previous research. Findings from heterogeneous choice models and a unique survey experiment show that German citizens with mixed conceptions of national identity had more variable and more malleable opinions than individuals with ideal-type conceptions during the 2015/2016 European refugee crisis. The findings point to an identity-based source of ambivalence and extend current understandings of how people form attitudes towards immigration. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The current migratory dynamics in the Mediterranean are characterized by large numbers of displaced people, refugees, and other vulnerable groups. In addition, the Mediterranean attracts more privileged individuals who are migrating for lifestyle reasons to find a better life abroad. But, while political and economic crises are at the roots of many movements across the Mediterranean, the question is whether these are also leading to the "displacement" of the privileged. In addressing this question, the article links privileged lifestyle migration to a perspective on mobile citizenship, focusing on German retirees who have found a new home on the Turkish coast. It builds on various stages of field research, including a recent field trip in May 2018. The article shows how lifestyle migrants engage and entangle emigrant and other sites of citizenship when navigating residential security and when expressing their way of local belonging in times of turmoil, and how their decision to stay in Turkey is paradoxically enabled by their option to return. The article's focus on privileged migration thus also reveals the role of return as a neglected aspect in the study of (emigrant) citizenship. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Objective: This study investigates whether relationship satisfaction, conflict frequency, and self‐disclosure follow distinct developmental trajectories for immigrant couples when compared with native‐born couples and explores the factors that explain developmental diversity for immigrant couples. Background: Despite nearly a quarter of a billion people worldwide living in a country other than their birth country, no longitudinal research has examined immigrant couple intimate relations. Stress‐focused theoretical perspectives provide motivation for the current study. Method: Five annual waves of survey data from the German Family Panel (pairfam) study were analyzed. Propensity score matching was used to select a sample of immigrant (n = 614) and native‐born (n = 2,097) couples matched on a number of potentially confounding demographic (e.g., marital status) and values‐based (e.g., traditional gender‐role attitudes) variables. Results: Latent growth curve analyses revealed few differences between immigrant and native‐born couple trajectories and, where differences arose, the trajectories converged by Wave 5. Within immigrant couples, having both partners as immigrants emerged as a protective factor, whereas citizenship status in the receiving country and length of time since immigrating were not consistently associated with the relationship outcomes. Associations among couple supportiveness, traditional gender roles, and Big Five personality variables with the immigrant couple trajectories were consistent with findings in the relationship science literature. Conclusion: Although being an immigrant entails navigating additional challenges in daily life as a result of one's minority status, these results bear testament to the remarkable resilience of immigrant couples. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In Germany, people categorised as 'unaccompanied minor refugees' have special rights, entitlements and possibilities. It is, for example, legally complicated to deport them. Since age is such a crucial marker of difference, the age statement of individual migrants is often scrutinised in their registration process through administrative, pedagogic and forensic practices. This ethnographic analysis of forensic age estimations in Hamburg, Germany, shows that one cannot simply read age from a young migrant's bones. Rather, an individual's age is enacted in a practice whereby age is not only dependent on a body, but also on the specific bureaucratic and scientific traditions, technologies and standards involved in assessing it. Thus, citizenship practices based on age not only draw on 'the body', but also – and more crucially – on varied scientific and bureaucratic practices. I propose the concept of 'biorelational citizenship' to grasp these shifting relationalities of the body in citizenship practices. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article examines how collective memory narratives about the Holocaust and corresponding performances of classroom emotional labor and emotion management are used to teach immigrants in Germany the normative civic emotion associated with citizenship. In 2005, following legal changes which increased naturalization opportunities, Germany created a series of nation-wide orientation classes and integration projects aimed at preparing foreign residents for membership. This research, based on participant observation in orientation classes and interviews with integration workers in Frankfurt am Main, shows that civic emotion and associated practices of feeling management play a key role in citizen-making projects. Although the emotional content of citizenship in most countries is largely positive, consisting of feelings like national pride and loyalty, German civic emotion is both unique and contested. Most integration workers taught migrants a distinctly negative form of civic emotion, which combined sadness and shame for the Nazi-era with a rejection of national pride. Some attempted to negotiate alternative forms of 'safe,' specifically non-national pride, and a minority of subjects argued that it was time for Germans to 'stop carrying shame' for the Holocaust altogether and re-embrace patriotism. Thus, the emphasis that subjects put on teaching the 'correct' kinds of civic emotion, along with their disputes over what those were, show that even the most intimate and invisible aspect of belonging, what individuals feel toward their country, can become fertile ground for struggles over citizenship and national identity. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article discusses how Islamic umbrella organizations advocate for civil rights of immigrants and Muslims in Germany. By focusing on the changing migration and security regimes at the turn of the twenty-first century, it analyzes the political emphasis on perceived 'threats' in light of theoretical debates about the 'securitization of migration', and in particular, the role of Islamic organizations as lobbyists which publicly protest against associations being made between the two policy fields. Their public protest is against provisions of the new Nationality Act (2000) and the Immigration Act (2005) that require immigrants to prove German language skills, to be able to support themselves, and to pass naturalization tests as well as against the lack of dual citizenship and local voting rights. In addressing these issues, Islamic umbrella organizations expand their traditional scope of advocacy work to achieve religious rights for Muslim individuals and organizations, such as the official recognition of Islamic umbrella organizations and the introduction of Islamic religious education in public schools. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Migration movements to industrialized countries have grown in number and size, and the presence of large numbers of immigrants has raised concerns about their integration and assimilation into host societies. This article is an empirical study of assimilation of foreign nationals in Germany. Their experience may hold lessons for other relatively recent immigration destinations. As expected, language is one of the most critical factors for determining integration and assimilation at the workplace and in society. Our results indicate uneven success in these two areas, and suggest that greater language skills may be required for social assimilation, compared to economic assimilation. Among the most important findings of our study are the strong and statistically significant effects of the attitudes by Germans toward immigrants, the significant influence of the region of residence, and the ambivalence of German-born foreign residents toward naturalization and continued stay. This signals the failure of past integration and assimilation policies. The results show that negative attitudes by ethnic Germans against others at work or in society, in general, reduce interest in integration and assimilation. This is neither new nor surprising and this research does not contribute new theoretical insights, but it demonstrates the magnitude and significance of the effects. The question of why different locations seemed to have different impacts on citizenship aspirations is beyond the scope of this article. The data do not provide information to pursue this question and we suspect that the causes are too complex for a short answer. As expected, non-EU citizens showed greater interest in acquiring German citizenship than EU citizens. Finally, the results also indicate that the immediate post-World War II notion of 'guest workers' was not completely false. There has been significant return migration and a significant number of respondents to the survey say that they intend to return. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Germany’s immigrant population has dramatically increased since World War II, bringing a new need for immigrant-centered policies and programs. How has Germany responded to the needs of its growing immigrant population? This article provides brief historical highlights of German immigration policy, with a focus on how policies have affected education and academic achievement. Implications of such policies for social work practice are discussed, and recommendations for ways in which social workers can take an active role in fostering integration of immigrant families into German society are offered. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

The past 10 years of German history give evidence of a paradigm shift in Germany’s national narrative. The early years of the decade were marked by widespread denial at the elite level that Germany was a country of immigration and adherence to an assimilationist model of integration but progressed to the creation of a National Integration Plan by Christian Union Chancellor Angela Merkel and the liberalization of public opinion. Germany’s recent history shows dramatic discursive and policy changes. This article documents the changes in elite discursive scripts, showing the gradual acceptance and rejection of discourses about integration and their implications for national identity. It concludes that, though the changes are not universally liberal, the decade as a whole constitutes a remarkable liberalization of both elite discourse and public opinion. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

The article investigates some consequences of immigration on urban politics. On the basis of original data, it first discusses to what extent the councils of big German cities reflect the new immigration-related diversity of the population. Second, it asks to what extent the elected immigrant officials mirror the immigrant population. The article aims to contribute to a better understanding of the selectivity of political careers in diverse societies by addressing immigration-related factors. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The end of the 1990s witnessed the formulation of new nationality laws in both West Germany and Taiwan for the first time after more than 50 years of national division in each case. The adherence of West Germany and Taiwan to their pre-war nationality legislation allowed them to claim ethnic Germany and overseas Chinese constitutionally, but it resulted in the exclusion of long-term residents from their rightful positions in the German and Taiwanese citizenries. In the era of migration, the unregulated position of these foreign residents could no longer be tolerated. Confronted with the same problem, legislators in both states initiated a citizenship reform to facilitate the integration of foreigners. The author suggests that the citizenship reforms in the two cases facilitated the acquisition of nationality by foreigners without either state departing from its positions on jus sanguinis or dual nationality. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In the last decade, many descendants of immigrants from Turkey have been grappling with new expressions of their belongingness and workable identifiers to express their place within German society. Those searching are often citizens and young professionals who have been born or raised there. Until recently it had been assumed that incorporation though citizenship would be a sufficient basis for becoming Germans. It was also a political belief that to introduce the territorial right (ius soli) to citizenship would be a step toward Germany recognizing itself as a country of immigration. Whether or not this has been the case is addressed in this article. To do this critical events since the initiation of the settlement process and the messages communicated during this period will be examined. A review of these events and messages suggests that tradition, institutions and public discourse continue to articulate an ethnicized view of citzenship that creates barriers to identification with becoming a German. Two prototypes of responses to this situation are analyzed. Finally, there is a discussion of the understanding of citizenship required in this context. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Immigrants and their descendants are becoming increasingly visible in Germany’s political life. What determines immigrant political incorporation into parliamentary positions over time and in specific contexts? The article focuses on the regional parliaments of Germany’s 16 states. A comparative analysis enables us to specify whether, how and under what conditions factors thought to impact levels of immigrant representation are indeed influential and how they interact with local and situational conditions. The article first outlines immigrant representation in Germany’s states over time. It then discusses several possible explanations for the striking variation between states. Rather than one key factor, it is found that interactions between demographic, institutional, cultural and political conditions account for different levels of immigrant representation in Germany’s state parliaments. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

This article probes the consequences of Germany's 1999 citizenship reform as it pertains to the incorporation of immigrants. We maintain that the law's principled rejection of dual citizenship and related stipulation that children born into German nationality via the law's revolutionary jus soli provision choose between their German citizenship or that of their non-German parents between the ages of eighteen and twenty-three is unfair, potentially unconstitutional, and likely unworkable in administrative terms. We also argue that the decline in naturalization rates in Germany since 2000 is due to a combination of legal, administrative, and symbolic barriers in the law, as well as a lack of incentives for naturalization for immigrants from European Union member states and other rich industrialized countries. We believe that progress in the area of incorporation will require a shift in outlooks on the part of German political elites, such that immigrants are seen as potential members of a diverse community of free and equal citizens rather than untrustworthy and threatening outsiders. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article studies the multiple connections between contemporary structures of German and Turkish citizenship, and German-Turkish migrants' own practices of citizenship transcending national borders. Hence, the citizenship structures of the two countries and the ways in which they shape and are shaped by the migrants' civic activism shall be exposed in a dialogical way. It will be argued that German-Turks constitute a transnational space, making it imperative that the existing institutions of citizenship in both countries respond to their globalized and transnationalized experiences. Addressing the literature on transnational space, citizenship studies, diaspora studies and cultural studies, and referring to a survey conducted among German-Turks, this work will briefly refer to the production of transnational space by immigrants of Turkish origin and their descendants in Germany and the use they make of the means of globalization, which provide them with a set of diversified habitats of meaning away from their country of origin. Subsequently, it will claim that the traditional framework of national citizenship has been superseded as transmigrants have become mobile between their countries of origin and of settlement in a way that may require dual citizenship as well as dual loyalty, allegiance and orientation. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

Copyright of Journal of International Migration & Integration is the property of Springer Nature and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

This article examines how Muslim migrant women's sexuality is instrumentalised to erect gendered and cultural boundaries of citizenship and liberal democracy in Germany. German newspaper articles on forced marriages and honour killings for a period of 10 years (1998-2008) are analysed to show how constructions of social, religious and spatial differences serve to homogenise the space of liberal democracy and the exclusion of Islam from it, thereby undermining such ideals of liberal democratic citizenship as equality. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The processes of marginalization and inclusion of immigrants vary widely among industrialized welfare states. Models of citizenship, as a mechanism of both inclusion and exclusion, shape, to a large degree, the outcome of these processes. They affect the way immigrant and ethnic groups identify themselves within the mainstream society. This research note discusses whether or not institutional approaches to naturalization developed in the United States apply to the German case in the wake of the German citizenship reform of 1999. It also demonstrates how the introduction of birthright citizenship has caused a dramatic change in such demographic trends as the number of births to immigrants at both the federal and local levels. Berlin will provide the context at the local level for the impact of the citizenship reform on local official statistics. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Journal of International Migration & Integration is the property of Springer Nature and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

The article discusses the problems concerning the growth of immigration in Germany. It states that the increase of emigration in the country has resulted to the development of various problems, including immigration control, the establishment of political and social rights for migrants and the issue on ethnicization. Furthermore, the author explores on how the federal government has responded to the various issues facing immigrants. They include rights to citizenship and membership, problems on welfare state, and arguments on the ethnicization of politics brought by the rise of labor migrants in the country. It was inferred that research should be carried out which focuses on the development of an effective transnational social policy to address immigration and race integration.