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This research analyzes the contribution of learning the history of early independence in fostering a philosophical understanding of nationhood. The research questions are: 1) What kinds of philosophical understanding of nationhood are perceived as pro-Islamism and pro-secularism by high school students? 2) How is nationalist behavior expressed as an act of accepting secularism and opposing Islamic fundamentalism by high school students? Moreover, 3) How do factors contribute to high school students' actions and philosophical understanding of nationhood? This research was carried out using qualitative methods. This research involved 34 students enrolled in class XI 6. We researched at SMA 1 Semarang (a High School) in Indonesia. This research analyzed data from memos written by students, class activities, and conversations. Data was analyzed using qualitative content analysis. The findings showed that the nation's pro-Islamist philosophy is reflected in an attitude of fanaticism, difficulty accepting differences, and support for a closed system. A pro-secularism attitude is reflected in accepting differences, moderation, and prioritizing universal values. Accepting secularism and rejecting Islamic fundamentalism is perceived as an attitude of accepting historical agreements, moving away from fanaticism-based conflicts, and preparing for a more democratic future. The philosophical understanding of nationhood is formed by in-depth arguments on socio-political-religious phenomena, acceptance of historical agreements, and hopes for a peaceful future. The findings indicate that future research needs to investigate the teaching of national philosophy in Indonesian history material in different periods or events. They can also be carried out for teaching national philosophy in other places or countries.

The years of independence have changed various social, political, and literary realities in Kazakhstan, which has affected the thematic and stylistic expressions of Kazakh writers. Thus, research should identify the ideological, social, and thematic features of modern literary writing produced during the years of independence. In particular, social symbolism's role in transmitting national ideals should be scrutinized simply because such sentiments have various literature, cultural, and educational repercussions. Hence, this paper distinguishes the main issues and ideas revealed in post-independence fiction to give a diachronic analysis of the thematic scope of modern Kazakh literature. Following this, this study discusses the themes and topics found in post-independence Kazakh short fiction to shed light on how these texts can be used pedagogically.

Despite their prolonged history of immigration to the UK, studies on Turkish Cypriots' acculturative processes have been scarce. Utilizing 20 semi-structured interviews with three generations of Turkish Cypriot immigrants living in the UK, this paper explores the acculturation processes of Turkish Cypriots by focusing on their sense of self, ethnic and national identity delineations. How do they identify themselves, and what do their identifications suggest about their acculturation? In an attempt to contribute to the empirical studies on the acculturation and identity of "other white" immigrant groups, we argue that there exists a bi-cultural/multi-cultural self with varying degrees of closeness to the host country, as well as hyphenated (British Cypriot), multi-hyphenated (London Turkish Cypriot) and travelling identities that are constructed through experience, time and place. Although there exist some intergenerational differences, it can be said that Turkish Cypriots have been open to the idea of integration starting from the first generation and, in general, have high acculturation, which was evident from the narratives of how they situate themselves within the ethnic and national identities.

Many values and values that are founded on culture and culture play an essential role in understanding societies and transferring the existence of those societies to future generations. There are national heroes of each culture with valuable points, differences, and similarities from its history or its history to the present day. With these similarities, differences and cultural values, each society carries itself to a different point from other societies. There are various methods in the cultural education of societies, and the success of these methods gives results in proportion to the number of people they can achieve. Television programs and television play an essential role in mass education. The Turkish series sector usually carries traces of national identity and cultural values. Turkish series often reflect Turkey's historical, cultural and social values. Turkish series reflecting local traditions and customs usually offer cultural education to the audience. Traditional clothes, language use, and food culture elements are frequently processed in series. In addition, the transfer of historical events and cultural heritage is frequently included in these series. In these aspects, Turkish series play an important role in increasing the cultural awareness of society and protecting national identity. The Turkish series sector and cultural education, together with the traces of identity and cultural education in terms of the Magnificent Century series descriptive analysis and indicator scientific method, were examined with examples. When scientific methods examine descriptive analysis and indicators, many elements such as historical events, cultural structures, clothes, language use and traditional lifestyles are found. This study will discuss the educational relationship by analyzing the' Magnificent Century' series.

This study aims to determine the differentiated learning materials' impact on students' understanding of nationalism and global diversity. This research was a quasi-experimental study conducted by following a post-test-only control group design. Two classes from different schools were selected as research samples using a statistical matching technique. The researchers collected the data using tests and analyzed them using descriptive statistics and an independent ttest to achieve the study's objective. The results of the descriptive statistics showed that the experimental group had a higher score than the control group. It can be seen from the mean, minimum and maximum scores of the two groups. This result demonstrates that students who used varied learning resources had a greater comprehension of nationalism and global diversity. Furthermore, the independent t-test result confirmed that the differences in understanding were significant. In terms of the effect size, it confirms that differentiated instruction greatly affects students' understanding of nationalism and global diversity. Thus, this study concluded that differentiated learning materials affect students' understanding of nationalism and global diversity significantly. Thus, the researchers promote differentiated learning materials for teaching nationalism and global diversity based on the study results. Moreover, differentiated instruction may also be used for teaching different learning materials.

Based on fieldwork in Tinsukia district of Assam, this article examines the interplay of Ekal, ideology and education among the Adivasis in the tea gardens. The Ekal schools are one-teacher, informal schools operated by the Sangh Parivar in the underprivileged regions of India and Nepal. Considering the backward status of Adivasis in these tea gardens, the official narrative of the school is to reduce the literacy gap among the community, impart "sanskar" and empower them with entrepreneurial skills. I argue that Ekal's organisational structure and funding are corporate, and its conception of 'empowerment' is neoliberal. This works as an effective model for Hindutva as the Sangh seeks to bring popularly Christian-dominated tea gardens into its Hindutva fold. This is done by practices both inside and outside the school.

A recent global reconnaissance of Christian higher education found a number of key themes that shaped current developments, such as the pressing challenges of secularization and nationalization but also the advantages of privatization and massification. This article provides an update to this older analysis by taking a birds-eye view of trends within the past 70 years of global Christian higher education. It reveals that privatization and massification trends do not predict new developments in countries and outliers always exist. Furthermore, it highlights some findings missed in previous analyses related to the importance of indigenous Christian groups and Christian general education.

This article examines how Florida Governor Ron DeSantis' remarks contribute to anti-intellectualism and fuel the pushback against critical race theory (CRT) championed by like-minded conservative Republicans who view its instruction as an affront to society and authentic historical narratives. Dismissing educators and scholars who uphold the teaching of CRT as unpatriotic and denigrating to American society, DeSantis, who has presidential aspirations, has effectively used the issue (along with a number of other matters) to solidify his conservative base fearful of social and hegemonic change. Although CRT is not taught in Florida public schools, similar to other conservative-dominated states which have seized on the teaching of CRT as anathema to their civic principles, DeSantis' thinly veiled attempt to appease right-wing voters is yet another example of Republicans stoking cultural wars designed to energize conservative constituents against what many of them perceive as liberal attacks on their beliefs and values.

This article discusses how the critique of the monopoly of Western liberal thought through the decolonisation movement that was intended to increase the number of voices heard has been co-opted by nationalist politics in India and Russia. The debates in higher education in these countries reflect current key questions on the nature of the Indian and Russian nations--both under respective nationalist governments--where both are advocating a cutting off from Western modernity. Using Mignolo's concept of "de-linking" that was intended to raise up non-Western ways of thinking, the article shows that India and Russia have adapted and simplified decolonial discourse to reject "Western-influenced" critiques of development, inequality, and authoritarianism. Under political pressure from these authoritarian regimes, universities have helped to embed repressive majoritarian politics through anti-Western rhetoric disguised as de-linking, enabling democratic backsliding by discrediting opposition. This is done to protect a new identity based upon state conceptions of traditional values, paradoxically erasing minority voices that do not fit neatly into the unified national narrative. When universities are branded as Western agents for being critical of local traditions and schools of thought, the space for critical thinking and democratic debate is ultimately removed, leaving those who oppose Putin and Modi with no safe way to engage with political discourse, and this actually undermines the intentions of decolonial philosophy.

Developing nationalism character among the digital native generation in Indonesia has been one of the national goals, especially to educate the nation's life through formal education. To realise these goals, teachers become the spearhead to grow this character within students. However, most teachers find it difficult to deal with since they have low teacher competencies. This study aims at revealing teachers' challenges and strategies in building the nationalism character among the digital native generation through formal education. This study employed a qualitative approach with the type of library research. The data collection technique was document studies, while the data analysis used content analysis. The study results showed that: (1) Indonesian teachers still have low mastery of the teacher competencies (pedagogic, professional, social, and personal aspects). They also perform monotonous learning methods and rarely use digital-based learning media; and (2) the strategies to build the nationalism character among the digital native generation era are through teacher competencies mastery, effective learning tools, varied learning methods and integration of the digital-based learning media.

This conceptual research analyses the historical development of the German concept of "Bildung" to the Danish "dannelse." The starting point is J.G. Fichte's 1808 "Addresses to the German Nation," in which "Bildung" is analyzed as a key concept. The paper illustrates the influence Fichte had on N.F.S. Grundtvig, the "father of modern Denmark," with important adaptations based on English liberties and Nordic mythology. Grundtvig's "dannelse" is then analyzed based on his 1832 "milestone" work, "Nordic Mythology." The paper finds that "Bildung" and "dannelse" can be considered parallel concepts of similarity in their shared emphasis on the mother-tongue as a "living language," and focus on social cohesion. However, "Bildung" and "dannelse" can also be characterized as concepts of difference, in that: 1) "dannelse" popularized "Bildung," meaning that it was not just for the academic bourgeoisie, but the entire "folk"; 2) freedom of expression is fundamental to "dannelse," in contrast to the stability of will and moral order in "Bildung;" 3) in "dannelse," national unity is expanded to a wider circle of belonging, the whole of humankind; 4) Nordic mythology is a social cohesive in "dannelse," to contrast Fichte's more rational conception of "Bildung." Written by a British author for an English-speaking readership, this research does not feign to be more than a prefatory glance at two rich and complex concepts. However, in shedding light on the historical development of "Bildung" to "dannelse," it aspires to edge readers closer toward a shared conceptual understanding or, more aptly, to better understand misunderstandings.

This article analyses the changes in education legislation and the history curriculum in Spain over recent decades. To this end, the characteristics established for the teaching of history in the last two education laws, passed in 2013 and 2020 -- the first by a conservative government and the second by a progressive one -- are studied and compared. This study is carried out by situating the education debates presented in this research in the social and political context of Spain. The study of these legislative changes allows us to observe the different visions of national identity existing in Spain, which find a prominent area of confrontation in education and the teaching of history. The article also argues that the emergence of the ultra-right has led to a markedly nationalist vision of Spanish history that seeks to recover elements of national unity, and that has become one of the axes defended by conservative options for the teaching of history in Spanish schools. This view contrasts with the approaches advocated in the latest education legislation, which propose a more heterogeneous approach to the subject of identity in Spain.

Local history has its point in providing information to local communities for the exemplary process. However, there are not many studies of local history to be implemented in history learning. Thus, the purpose of this study was to find the values of character education in the material for the struggle of K.H. Ahmad Hanafiah in defending Indonesian independence in the Lampung Residency and its implementation in learning local history. The method used is a qualitative research method with historical studies. This study uses primary and secondary sources and uses interviews as reinforcement. The results of the study are: (1) K.H. Ahmad Hanafiah as a local figure who fought to defend Indonesia's independence in Lampung Residency, (2) The values of character education contained in the material include: religious attitude, hard work, curiosity, love for the homeland, national spirit, and independence, (3) These character values can be implemented in local history learning through the Class XI lesson plans covering the stages of planning, implementation, and evaluation in high school. It is hoped that students can imitate the figure of a K.H. Ahmad Hanafiah, especially for those who live in the Lampung area, and apply it in their lives both now and in the future. History learning has a central role in instilling the values of national character because the scope of the material taught contains heroic, exemplary, patriotism, and nationalism values. [Note: The page range (62-71) shown on the PDF is incorrect. The correct page range is 62-72.]

Global education is a broad field associated with educational traditions rooted in the objective of preparing learners to engage with a complex and interdependent world, and to respond to the needs of the planet. This article explores existing pedagogical approaches to argue for the need, in non-Western contexts, to make greater connections with existing religio-cultural orientations -- specifically, to move beyond pedagogies of reason, that is, rational, linear, logical approaches that undervalue a range of human experiences and are independently insufficient in developing feelings of connection and commitment to issues of social justice in non-Western contexts. Examining an alternative pedagogical model, this article suggests that a framework for global education guided by the Islamic values of "rahma" (compassion and mercy) and "adl" (justice) in contexts such as that of Pakistan can prove valuable in developing commitment and encouraging action for social change.

National identity is a complex and contested issue, and it is often debated in the fields of social and cultural studies. Museum collections, and the way they are presented and interpreted, are closely linked to national identity. National museums, as symbols of national unity, can manipulate perceptions about dominant ideologies and the individual's place in society. This article aims to deepen our understanding of how national museums negotiate and construct national identity by critically analyzing the theories and concepts of nation, nationalism, and national identity.

The main purpose of this research is to reveal the identity to be constructed with the illustrations in the life science textbooks in terms of identity types. Case study, one of the qualitative research designs, was used in the research. The data sources of the research consist of the 1st, 2nd and 3rd grade life science textbooks taught in Turkey in 2021-2022. The research used 'content analysis' to provide a detailed description based on the purpose of the study. The illustrations in the life science textbook of the 1st, 2nd and 3rd grade are coded separately with regard to the types of identity in the literature. Categories and themes were the result of the combination of the codes. In life science textbooks, only illustrations that could have a connection with identity construction have been analysed. As a result of the research, it has been determined that the illustrations for the collective identity are prominently included in the life science textbooks. In the theme of collective identity, there are illustrations emphasizing national, social and religious identity. For digital identity and universal identity topics, there are a limited number of illustrations.

Purpose: The article explores the roles of war and violent conflicts in citizenship education. Approach: This is a theoretical article, drawing on literature from the interdisciplinary fields of political science, history, citizenship education as well as field studies in different learning arenas, war memorial sites- and museums. Findings: There are divergent roles of war in citizenship education, and the typology of five didactic perspectives illustrates the challenges concerning the types of citizenship it aims at. Narratives of war could produce and contribute to different forms of citizenship or even represent the opposite of the concept. Research limitations: Further empirical research is needed to develop knowledge on how to deal with war and conflict in educational practice, both in schools and other learning arenas. Practical implications: The article contributes to addressing and structuring the challenges and potentials of didactic approaches to war and violent conflict in citizenship education.

Through a quantitative approach, this study implemented Angelle and DeHart's Teacher Leadership Inventory (TLI) analysis (2011) with the aims of exploring the nature of teacher leadership in International Islamic schools and understanding the variables that affect teacher leadership from teachers' perspectives. A one-way ANOVA was used to determine whether there were any statistically significant differences between the means of two or more independent and unrelated groups, and it was conducted for each variable (i.e., school level, degree level, gender, years of experience, and status for leadership position) and the four factors of the TLI. The findings revealed that gender, leadership position, and nationality affected the teachers' perspectives regarding teacher leadership in Islamic schools. We argue that these differences should be taken into consideration by Islamic school leadership and policy makers when establishing schools and building systems, thereby avoiding assumptions that teacher leadership is embedded within their systems in all countries (Muslim and non-Muslim).

In discourse-based teaching of the English language, there are three levels of analysis, text analysis, discourse analysis, and critical discourse analysis. Each level examines the effect of discourse-based teaching on students. This study employed Fairclough's Critical Discourse Analysis model in a qualitative phenomenological method. The study attempted to identify the ideologies that are presented in English language teaching in the Indonesian Islamic higher education in Borneo, to clarify the implementation of discourse-based learning, and to demonstrate the necessity of discourse-based learning for English language learning in Islamic higher education in Borneo. The data was collected from English language lecturers and university students in Borneo's universities through tools like observations, questionnaires, interviews, and documentation. The data was analyzed using the interactive model in three steps: data collection, data condensation, and data display. The study summarizes the operationalization of the discourse-based teaching intervention and its implementation on the sample of the study. The results were gathered in the form of opinions and feedbacks of the participants of the study who were taught through discourse-based teaching strategies and assessment was done through Fairclough's three levels of analysis. The study found out that by making use of the CDA methods, it is much easier to present various types of discourses in English classrooms of the Islamic universities in Borneo, such as the necessity to develop graduates with strong Islamic character, formulate the political agenda and instill spirit of nationalism in students.

UNESCO's relatively high prestige across East Asia has spurred intensifying efforts by governments to use its imprimatur to legitimate official narratives of the past and visions of the future. This article focuses on China's use of UNESCO as an arena for competitive national 'branding' in the education field, especially relating to STEM and AI. We analyse the Chinese state's engagement with UNESCO's education work in the context of shifts in budgetary and political influence within the organisation, and of a growing 'securitisation' of education within China itself. We show how Chinese engagement with UNESCO's educational agenda reflects both domestic political considerations and the 'major country diplomacy' of Xi Jinping, as manifested in the 'Belt and Road Initiative' and intensifying strategic competition with the USA. We conclude by discussing the implications of rising Chinese influence within the organisation for UNESCO's capacity for articulating a coherent and consistently humanistic vision for education.

In this article I discuss an approach to teaching about the Russian war in Ukraine that uses the war as a focal point for teaching about topics in comparative politics and international relations. I discuss the pedagogical advantages for political science teaching, including meeting the interests of students, introducing students to theories in political science, and re-centering courses on the region away from Russia. I then discuss how the various political science topics and research questions are related to the war, and I conclude with a section on assignments and methods for student engagement that work well with this type of course.

The Meiji Restoration (1868) ended the Tokugawa Shogunate regime (1603-1867) and proclaimed the emperor as the supreme power of Japan. The Meiji emperor's reign began abruptly, requiring restoration leaders to construct an emperor-centred ideology of whole cloth. This ideology posited an eternal imperial Japan: a unique, tight-knit community of loyal subjects. To disseminate this ideology, the Meiji government introduced "shushin" (moral teaching) into the elementary school curriculum, aiming to transform all Japanese children into imperial subjects. Drawing upon Louis Althusser's theory of interpellation via Ideological State Apparatuses (ISAs), this study reads textbook stories as an interpellation practice and shows how the government portrayed characters in the stories as "Unique and Absolute Subjects" of the ideology to persuade children to willingly subjugate themselves to national ideals. This study conducts direct textual and contextual analyses of "kokutei shushin-sho" (government-produced moral training textbooks) produced between 1903 and 1942, with a special focus on the teaching unit of the kokka (state). Two themes -- loyalty and the imperial family -- dominate this unit. The analysis reveals that the stories created "targeted truth" by pruning away details of characters' real lives, putting a beautiful mask on them, and sometimes even re-inventing or mythologising them.

This article aims to unpack global-local dynamics in education drawing on the cases of Education for Sustainable Development (ESD) and ASEAN Citizenship Education in Cambodia. By analysing recent education strategies and policies, curriculum framework, and textbooks, this paper unveils (a) to what extent have ESD and ASEAN citizenship been incorporated in education plans and policies, as well as curriculum and textbooks, (b) what changes are there in the discourses around each norm over time; and (c) how has the ministry appropriated these two norms similarly and differently to fit its agenda. These two cases highlight the fact that nation-(re)building has been, and still is, the key development agenda in post-Khmer Rouge Cambodia, and this agenda works as a filter through which transnational norms are interpreted and appropriated. A comparison between the two cases also highlights that the ministry strategically utilises time to achieve their best interests.

By the time political independence was achieved in the 1920s in Ireland, its national education system over the previous century had been underpinned by imperial ideology and values. In the early 1920s, curriculum planning was influenced by the post-revolutionary and post-war context and, unsurprisingly, placed an emphasis on building nationhood and a distinct Irish identity for the Irish Free State. Central to this curriculum planning was Rev. Professor Timothy Corcoran who acted as an external advisor to the 1922 and 1926 conferences that developed primary curriculum policy. This article explores and assesses the influence, impact and legacy of Corcoran through an analysis of his prolific writings as they related to the primary school curriculum. The analysis reveals that Corcoran's thinking, more than that of any other stakeholder in the era, was uniquely influential in determining the philosophy, content and pedagogies prevalent in primary schools in Ireland until the 1970s.

As Chamoru scholars with experience working at two universities within the University of California (UC) system, the authors write from institutions deeply implicated in interconnected projects of settler colonialism and militarism. Addressing the UC's historical narrative in the authors' pedagogy is an important way to connect with ongoing calls for justice for Indigenous peoples in California and beyond. Located in the US nation-state with the most military bases and installations, these universities are networked within a vast military infrastructure made possible by federal investments from the Department of Defense (DoD). Several UC campuses and institutes have long-standing financial relationships with the DoD, meaning the US military plays a notable role in shaping contemporary institutional priorities and economy. In this essay, the authors interrogate the lack of sustained education on militarism as a communicative practice that functions to maintain ignorance. Thus, the authors utilize place-based communication pedagogy to explicitly address settler colonialism as an interrelated structural issue. Given the authors focus on the US/California and specific characteristics of military power in these places, the authors urge practitioners from other regions to scope these proposed interventions within their own local contexts. According to the authors, they have demonstrated the significance of Communication teaching to provide more robust and life-affirming educational opportunities for students that directly prepare and educate them to simultaneously confront the violent structures of militarism and settler colonialism.

This article demonstrates how the use of affect in literature education invokes trajectories of nationalism and/or solidarity using the case of postcolonial Cyprus as example. For this, we analyse secondary school literature curricula and textbooks in both Greek-Cypriot and Turkish-Cypriot educational systems. We do so by making use of affect theory -- mainly 'affective nationalism' and 'affective solidarity' -- met with Henri Lefebvre's 'rhythms' and 'truth of space,' and Raymond Williams' dominant, emergence, residual positions. Our focus questions are: What social, cultural, political meanings about the ethnic self and 'Other' are produced by literature curricula and textbooks? How can affect be used to regulate students and meanings in literature education, and what kind of 'alternative' affective meanings emerge? Our analysis shows that literature can be used in educational settings to evoke simultaneously conflicting affective ideologies and feelings. Theoretical and policy implications are discussed for literature education in postcolonial settings.

In the early 1920s, the Chinese Ministry of Communications reformed the technical colleges under its control. The era constituted a dogmatic vacuum: Confucian elements had largely been abandoned, and Nationalist Party propaganda had not yet been instated. At Shanghai Jiaotong University, the US-educated civil engineer Ling Hongxun (1894-1981) oversaw this period as the school's principal. This article argues that Ling, more a practitioner than an educator, promoted a form of pragmatism that aimed at utilising solution-oriented learning to benefit the nation. In his speeches and essays, he propagated a training that prepared engineers to "save the country through transport and communications." Accordingly, the curriculum at Shanghai Jiaotong stressed the importance of practical experience, discipline and physical exercise. Despite remaining a short-lived era in education, pragmatism became the work ethos for a new generation of engineers.

The increasing popularity of radical right, anti-immigrant, neo-nationalist movements can be seen as a response to super-diverse and complex migration and globalization processes challenging the ideology of the 'nation-state' and the traditional education system. Based on the question of how English is increasingly viewed as a threat to Swiss national languages and identities, this study presents data from Switzerland, often portrayed as the ideal multilingual country. Such a challenge was nevertheless confirmed through the qualitative analysis of 38 in-depth interviews conducted with students and teachers at three secondary schools in three language regions, policy makers, and open-ended questions from 94 student questionnaires. Language education policies have divided the educational landscape into certain regions prioritizing English over a national language and others adhering to the traditional curriculum. The data reveal strong ideological beliefs, lacking intranational communication, and personal as well as societal struggles of positioning based on linguistic competences, expectations, and policies. This article advocates for interdisciplinary approaches to (language) education as societies' and students' needs constantly evolve and calls on all learners' and educators' responsibility to counteract such movements.

Elite schools, long tasked with creating a future national elite, often now find themselves competing in a global education market. This article explores how one such school, in Switzerland, articulates with the global imaginary of its local geography -- in particular, with images of luxury tourism and safety -- to appeal to a globally wealthy clientele. It unpacks the material benefits derived from this articulation, for both the institution itself and the individuals who attend it. The school, I argue, fostered a 'club effect' that enhanced the social and symbolic capital of (most of) its students, brought into relief by the scholarship students who were excluded from it. This article thus explores what kind of work is being done when a particular vision -- that of wealth -- is attached to a school, and for whom that work is done. It closes by pointing to ways in which this educational landscape is shifting.

Existing literature has noticed two competing ideas about the state-citizen relationship promoted in China's moral education curriculum: protecting one's freedom and rights, and contributing to and even sacrificing for the country. To reconcile this contradiction, this study uses the framework of 'neoliberalism as exception' to analyze the textbooks of "Morality and Laws," the primary teaching and learning materials in China's moral education. Defining neoliberalism as a focus on individual conduct, including self-reliance, self-entrepreneurship, and individual rights and freedom, this study shows how these textbooks selectively employ neoliberal ideas to promote an understanding of personhood where students are expected to not only practice self-reliance but also prioritize collective and national interests over their rights and freedom. This selective adoption of neoliberal tenets contributes to China's economic development and national cohesion, but it risks perpetuating systemic inequity since all students are posited as coming from the same socioeconomic background.

Schooling is a critical topic in Myanmar's socio-political discourse that involves multiple interests and actors. Different stakeholders deploy schools for various ends, such as the training of workers, cultural subjugation, identity preservation, religious imposition, political propagation and social control. This article identifies the main stakeholders and traces their strategies for pursuing their interests across the development of schooling. The article also highlights the correlated implications of schooling and socio-political conflicts throughout the history of Myanmar.

Our guiding thesis in this article is that the recent burgeoning discussion of differentiation in the context of education has to do with critiques of the globalization theories that have been popular since 1990. In doing so, however, these critically motivated discussions run the risk of overlooking the historical roots of differentiation, which are closely related to the establishment of nation-states in the long 19th century and which themselves have much to do with educational systems and the fabrication of loyal citizens. By reconstructing the genesis of the conditions of differentiation in the context of the emerging nation-states, the article provides a historically informed basis for starting the new discussion on differentiation from an overly simplistic critique of globalization theories.

Numerous studies have noted the difficulties in promoting a common national identity curriculum due to increasing tension between the concepts of local autonomy and national cohesion. Hong Kong's promotion of Moral and National Education provides an interesting case to examine two aspects of this tension -- what national identity education goals can be selected when local people enjoy different rights, and how local education agents can select content and pedagogy to address such goals. This article analyses two sample textbook lessons, two teachers' teaching plans for this subject, and memos from related curriculum development meetings. The comparisons reveal that textbook adaption is a consistent and important part of teacher-textbook interaction, with three major patterns emerging from Hong Kong teachers' interactions with textbooks. These can be attributed to the influence of micro- and macro-level powers over teacher-textbook interactions in Moral and National Education.

This paper analyses faculty experiences tackling global knowledge asymmetries by examining the decolonisation of higher education in Africa in the aftermath of the 2015 'Rhodes Must Fall' student uprising. An overview of the literature reveals a rich debate on defining 'decolonisation', starting from a critique of Eurocentrism to propositions of alternate epistemologies. These debates are dominated by the Global North and South Africa and their experiences of curriculum reform. Our focus is on the experiences of political scientists in Botswana, Ghana, Kenya, and Zimbabwe. These countries share the same Anglophone political science traditions but represent different political trajectories that constitute a significant condition for the discipline. The 26 political scientists we interviewed acted toward increasing local content and perspectives in their teaching, as promoted in the official strategies of the universities. They noted that what was happening in lecture halls was most important. The academic decolonisation debate appeared overambitious or even as patronising to them in their own political context. National politics affected the thematic focus of the discipline both as far as research topics and students' employment opportunities were concerned. Although university bureaucracies were slow to respond to proposed curricula changes, new programmes were approved if there was a market-based demand for them. International programs tended to be approved fastest. Political economy of higher education plays a role: dependency on foreign funding, limited national resources to conduct research and produce publications vis-à-vis international competition, and national quality assurance standards appeared to be most critical constraints for decolonising the curriculum.

Recent policy changes to the regulation of international schooling for Chinese nationals in China have seen restrictions on curriculum, admissions and ownership. While there is evidence of the impact of these changes at the institutional level, it is not clear how recent regulation has impacted the actors at the phenomenological level. In order to address this gap, we situate recent regulation within the concept of cosmopolitan nationalism, which highlights the interplay of local and global forces and places lived experience at the forefront of analysis. We also draw on qualitative survey and in-depth interview data with teachers from an international school in China that explored their understandings of international schooling. By analysing the teachers' understandings of international schooling, we were able to gain an insight into the impact of regulation at the level of lived experience. Overall, we found little evidence that regulation had impacted the teachers' beliefs about international schooling, suggesting either the normalisation of regulation or a lag between its implementation and internalisation. Our findings also suggested two main configurations of cosmopolitan nationalism held by the teachers. The first, which we refer to as 'cosmopolitanism with national characteristics', positions international schools as a more diverse and care-free alternative to domestic schooling. The second configuration of cosmopolitan nationalism, which we refer to as 'nationalism with cosmopolitan characteristics', positions the nation as the foundation and cosmopolitan-related aspects as peripheral.

Projecting itself as the inheritor of China's past greatness, the CCP regime increasingly seeks to boost politico-cultural confidence in education and society and turn students and ordinary people into self-confident Chinese. This article identifies the oscillation of focus from victimhood to confidence in state nationalism and patriotic education and interrogates the politics behind the official push for self-confidence. Through the lens of Foucauldian governmentality and subjectivation, it argues that self-confidence serves as a governing technique for the party-state to subjugate people by individuating and subjectivising a verifiable feeling of certainty about the future, which depends on the CCP, pathologises political grievances, and precludes alternative political imaginaries. To be constructive as well as critical, this article draws upon contemporary political theory to suggest that education for humble citizenship, which centres on contingency, interdependence, and critique of the past and present, is key to citizenship education that strives for desubjugation and autonomy.

Since Uzbekistan gained independence from the Soviet Union in 1991, nationalist discourses have been overtly masculinized, continuing to inform Uzbek males' daily lives. Drawing on ethnographic fieldwork in Uzbekistan, this article illustrates how Uzbek boys' domestic relations contribute to the way they learn to (re)produce masculinities, foregrounding a high degree of agency and utility. The analysis uncovered three themes central to the (re)production of Uzbek boyhood in Uzbek families as a site of informal learning: (1) being helpful through domestic labour; (2) being social through showing hospitality; and (3) being tarbiyali through practising national culture. Through scrutinizing the intersections of gender, education and nationalism, this article concludes by connecting Uzbek boyhood in the domestic sphere and nationalist campaigns fostering masculine hegemony in Uzbekistan's nation building process. Through domesticity -- a contentious concept in feminist criticism -- this article expands our understanding of the (re)production of boyhood in a conventionally feminized space.

Conversations surrounding decolonial humanistic sociology have been guided by a moral imperative--to advance a radical critique of society for the purpose of reducing inequality. Storytelling has been used by marginalized groups to advance decolonization. Exactly how can instructors use the power of storytelling and maps to facilitate the study of migration among students? We argue that narratives, maps, and museum-like exhibitions can be used to teach human migration in a way that moves beyond the dominant approach of push-pull nation-centered demography. This contribution describes how decolonial humanistic sociology informed the development of the Global Migrations Exhibit Assignment: a hands-on learning experience focused on translating students' learning into action. We outline learning outcomes, review a sample of students' work, and consider the limitations of the assignment. We also consider the hostile responses those who use the assignment may face and discuss the peril this poses to academic freedom and democracy.

This article explores the idea that teachers, even when aiming to implement culturally and personally relevant pedagogies, are subject to passing on colonial agendas and practices that stultify learning in art classrooms. I argue that even in self-governing, majority non-European societies, well-intentioned teachers can unintentionally perpetuate colonial educational agendas that narrow students' learning, as well as the ideas students deduce about art, culture, and their roles in contributing to them. I focus on Jamaican and Anglo-Caribbean art classrooms, where many teachers and students have non-European lineages and a shared national heritage rooted in slavery and colonialism. I conclude the article by raising implications for how art educators there and elsewhere might avoid unconsciously engaging in neocolonial pedagogies, especially when teaching non-White students whose heritages are rooted in colonial oppression.

This article provides an overview of the politics of education as they affect regions and communities on the periphery of the People's Republic of China. Drawing on the articles in this special issue of Comparative Education, it analyses tensions related to the attempted imposition of Bejing's homogenising and totalising vision of Chineseness across Tibet, Xinjiang, Inner Mongolia, Hong Kong, Taiwan and amongst the mainland's migrant underclass. Also considered here are the politics of comparative educational scholarship, as they relate to a widespread failure to engage critically with the diversity and complexity of Chinese societies. Attributable largely to the West's own 'culture wars', this failure betrays much-touted ethical commitments to social justice and anti-'hegemonic' resistance. It is thus a central purpose of this essay - and special issue - to urge educational scholars to interrogate the politics of oppression and injustice in China and elsewhere 'beyond the Western horizon'.

Like other colonial state structures, the education system in China aims to manufacture regime loyalty and cultural conformity among its 125 million minority nationalities. The Party-state's lessons in 'being Chinese' begin by nullifying traditional languages, cultures and lifestyles, which are deemed primitive and uncouth, and then remould minority students in the image of the Han majority and its perceived superiority. In this article we examine the vast network of boarding schools on the Tibetan plateau, where three out of every four Tibetan children are placed in around-the-clock state care with little access to their home communities: here a rigid and uniform curriculum in Mandarin Chinese promises upward social mobility for those who comply while transforming and homogenising worldviews. We argue these colonial-style boarding schools are slowly and irrevocably erasing aspects of Tibetan culture in ways that fundamentally alter Tibetan identity.

U.S. libraries and classrooms are under siege by private and governmental entities working to simultaneously ban/remove justice-focused literature and inundate these spaces with reactionary/ultra-conservative materials. It is within this educational crisis that we conducted a critical content analysis of the award-winning, best-selling historical fiction series, "Rush Revere: Time Travel Adventures with Exceptional Americans" by Rush Limbaugh. The analysis worked to answer two central research questions: How does the "Rush Revere" series promote white lies about U.S. history? and What curricular violence is enacted through the "Rush Revere" series? Findings illuminate how each book individually centralizes an aspect of white supremacy exceptionalism, capitalism, militarism, patriotism, paternalism - that collectively then creates the infrastructure to indoctrinate young readers into white supremacist ideology.

This article offers a theoretical intervention in new and emergent approaches to analysing China's coercive nation-building policies under Xi Jinping. The author contends that the recent Western framing of CCP policies as genocidal or necropolitical, predicated on notions of settler colonialism and indigeneity, not only strips minority nationalities of their political agency but also prevents them from pursuing anti-colonial self-determination. By delving into the extensive scholarly work within Chinese anthropology, history, and philosophy that contributes to the reconstruction of a retrotopian Chinese nation with non-Han minority groups at its core, this article argues that the ongoing effort to build a revitalised Chinese national community requires more than merely overcoming obstacles related to minority cultures and identities. It entails actively reimagining the role and participation of minorities in 'self-sacrifice' for the Chinese national community, implying their voluntary relinquishment of identities and rights in order to align with the Chinese nation.

This article analyses the implications of recent policy changes for the portrayal of minority nationalities in the latest China's history textbooks published around 2017. We argue that ideological responses to the fierce ethnic clashes of the late 2000s and the leadership transition since 2012 have generated increasingly contradictory official discourses on the relationship between Chinese identity and cultural diversity, which are manifested in the textbooks. On the one hand, policies and textbooks still appear to endorse a multi-"minzu," inclusive understanding of nationhood and Chinese history. On the other hand, an increasing emphasis on nationalist discourses celebrating the Han culture and achievements reinforces assimilationist narratives based on a monolithic and homogenising vision of Chinese nationhood. We argue that such tensions reflect conflicts over contradictory understandings of Chineseness that have intensified since 2008--2009, and that the increasing marginalisation in textbooks of non-Han groups may contribute to further exacerbating problems in the handling of inter-"minzu" relations.

In this study, we discuss the Confucian tradition in today's multicultural China from two perspectives: that of the mandatory school curriculum, which represents 'official knowledge', and that of students from ethnic minority and/or religious backgrounds who are located on the cultural margins in China. The analysis draws on curricular narratives of the Confucian tradition for six major school subjects and semi-structured interviews with a group of university students from non-Han ethnic minority and/or religious backgrounds, whose lived experiences are rarely included in the national curriculum narrative. The analysis suggests that the interpretation of the Confucian tradition is a monopolising and dominant discourse that reinforces the cultural hierarchy between different cultural groups. However, the students appear to regard the Confucian tradition as only one culture and worldview in China, which can benefit from the critical reflexivity of other cultures.

In the face of the rising tension between Hong Kong and mainland China, Hong Kong's Chief Executive Carrie Lam blamed the city's education system for its inability to develop a sense of 'I am Chinese' national identity and vowed to step up 'national education' from preschool. This article explores how 188 young preschool teachers perceived their national identity and viewed the applicability of national education in Hong Kong preschools. Data were collected using both quantitative and qualitative measures. The findings showed that even though the participants strongly resisted their Chinese identity, they agreed that national education could be introduced in preschools if it would be rendered rational and apolitical. Nevertheless, they suspected that the administration's motive behind national education was political indoctrination. They also noted several pedagogical difficulties. Finally, the implications are discussed against the changing socio-political context, serving as lessons for local and international readers.

By placing a strong emphasis on one's national, cultural, and ethnic identity, neonationalism, as a contemporary political and cultural movement, prioritizes 'sameness' over diversity. This phenomenological case study focused on Turkish universities which have been under increasingly oppressive neo-nationalist policies within the past 10 years. It examined the lived experiences of a multilingual scholar in regard to his identity (re)construction and socialization upon his return from the US to Türkiye (Turkey). Descriptions of Anil's lived experiences were longitudinally collected via in-depth interviews, anecdotal records, and bi-weekly journal entries. The findings indicated that one's country of origin or nation-state becomes a source of discrimination not only in study abroad contexts, but also when international students and scholars return to their home countries. In other words, neo-nationalism in higher education institutions (HEIs) not only influences 'the Other' but also those within the same 'nation' with more progressive pedagogical beliefs and practices. The findings also underline the need to consider the phenomenon of "transnational intersectionality" when accounting for multilingual scholars' identity (re)construction and socialization. Such an approach would help situate the complexities of transnationalism within the larger discussions of how HEIs are shaped by current neo-nationalist policies. This study also calls for further research to pay attention to colonial legacies such as linguicide and epistemicide within HEIs so as to encourage multilingual scholars to resist and dismantle oppressive policies and practices that govern academia both at local and global contexts.

Through an analysis of Allahabad University's functioning, this article argues that independent India's ideas of federalism reimagined university education. New visions of the educated person - linked to ideas about the ideal citizen - changed the kinds of disciplines and universities being funded. With support from industrial elites to buttress the new nation-state's development plans, the state prioritised technical education over arts and humanities to serve a unified economic policy. This change manifested through increased scrutiny over university functioning and crackdowns on student protests. The Indian postcolonial state's "centralised" federalism to manage the national economy and promote national integration impacted university funding. Ultimately, decisions about university funding were tied to the state's vision of the ideal apolitical citizen student, who would contribute to national development. This article highlights the complicated relationship between capital, the postcolonial nation-state, and university autonomy.