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This research analyzes the contribution of learning the history of early independence in fostering a philosophical understanding of nationhood. The research questions are: 1) What kinds of philosophical understanding of nationhood are perceived as pro-Islamism and pro-secularism by high school students? 2) How is nationalist behavior expressed as an act of accepting secularism and opposing Islamic fundamentalism by high school students? Moreover, 3) How do factors contribute to high school students' actions and philosophical understanding of nationhood? This research was carried out using qualitative methods. This research involved 34 students enrolled in class XI 6. We researched at SMA 1 Semarang (a High School) in Indonesia. This research analyzed data from memos written by students, class activities, and conversations. Data was analyzed using qualitative content analysis. The findings showed that the nation's pro-Islamist philosophy is reflected in an attitude of fanaticism, difficulty accepting differences, and support for a closed system. A pro-secularism attitude is reflected in accepting differences, moderation, and prioritizing universal values. Accepting secularism and rejecting Islamic fundamentalism is perceived as an attitude of accepting historical agreements, moving away from fanaticism-based conflicts, and preparing for a more democratic future. The philosophical understanding of nationhood is formed by in-depth arguments on socio-political-religious phenomena, acceptance of historical agreements, and hopes for a peaceful future. The findings indicate that future research needs to investigate the teaching of national philosophy in Indonesian history material in different periods or events. They can also be carried out for teaching national philosophy in other places or countries.

The years of independence have changed various social, political, and literary realities in Kazakhstan, which has affected the thematic and stylistic expressions of Kazakh writers. Thus, research should identify the ideological, social, and thematic features of modern literary writing produced during the years of independence. In particular, social symbolism's role in transmitting national ideals should be scrutinized simply because such sentiments have various literature, cultural, and educational repercussions. Hence, this paper distinguishes the main issues and ideas revealed in post-independence fiction to give a diachronic analysis of the thematic scope of modern Kazakh literature. Following this, this study discusses the themes and topics found in post-independence Kazakh short fiction to shed light on how these texts can be used pedagogically.

Despite their prolonged history of immigration to the UK, studies on Turkish Cypriots' acculturative processes have been scarce. Utilizing 20 semi-structured interviews with three generations of Turkish Cypriot immigrants living in the UK, this paper explores the acculturation processes of Turkish Cypriots by focusing on their sense of self, ethnic and national identity delineations. How do they identify themselves, and what do their identifications suggest about their acculturation? In an attempt to contribute to the empirical studies on the acculturation and identity of "other white" immigrant groups, we argue that there exists a bi-cultural/multi-cultural self with varying degrees of closeness to the host country, as well as hyphenated (British Cypriot), multi-hyphenated (London Turkish Cypriot) and travelling identities that are constructed through experience, time and place. Although there exist some intergenerational differences, it can be said that Turkish Cypriots have been open to the idea of integration starting from the first generation and, in general, have high acculturation, which was evident from the narratives of how they situate themselves within the ethnic and national identities.

Many values and values that are founded on culture and culture play an essential role in understanding societies and transferring the existence of those societies to future generations. There are national heroes of each culture with valuable points, differences, and similarities from its history or its history to the present day. With these similarities, differences and cultural values, each society carries itself to a different point from other societies. There are various methods in the cultural education of societies, and the success of these methods gives results in proportion to the number of people they can achieve. Television programs and television play an essential role in mass education. The Turkish series sector usually carries traces of national identity and cultural values. Turkish series often reflect Turkey's historical, cultural and social values. Turkish series reflecting local traditions and customs usually offer cultural education to the audience. Traditional clothes, language use, and food culture elements are frequently processed in series. In addition, the transfer of historical events and cultural heritage is frequently included in these series. In these aspects, Turkish series play an important role in increasing the cultural awareness of society and protecting national identity. The Turkish series sector and cultural education, together with the traces of identity and cultural education in terms of the Magnificent Century series descriptive analysis and indicator scientific method, were examined with examples. When scientific methods examine descriptive analysis and indicators, many elements such as historical events, cultural structures, clothes, language use and traditional lifestyles are found. This study will discuss the educational relationship by analyzing the' Magnificent Century' series.

This study aims to determine the differentiated learning materials' impact on students' understanding of nationalism and global diversity. This research was a quasi-experimental study conducted by following a post-test-only control group design. Two classes from different schools were selected as research samples using a statistical matching technique. The researchers collected the data using tests and analyzed them using descriptive statistics and an independent ttest to achieve the study's objective. The results of the descriptive statistics showed that the experimental group had a higher score than the control group. It can be seen from the mean, minimum and maximum scores of the two groups. This result demonstrates that students who used varied learning resources had a greater comprehension of nationalism and global diversity. Furthermore, the independent t-test result confirmed that the differences in understanding were significant. In terms of the effect size, it confirms that differentiated instruction greatly affects students' understanding of nationalism and global diversity. Thus, this study concluded that differentiated learning materials affect students' understanding of nationalism and global diversity significantly. Thus, the researchers promote differentiated learning materials for teaching nationalism and global diversity based on the study results. Moreover, differentiated instruction may also be used for teaching different learning materials.

Developing nationalism character among the digital native generation in Indonesia has been one of the national goals, especially to educate the nation's life through formal education. To realise these goals, teachers become the spearhead to grow this character within students. However, most teachers find it difficult to deal with since they have low teacher competencies. This study aims at revealing teachers' challenges and strategies in building the nationalism character among the digital native generation through formal education. This study employed a qualitative approach with the type of library research. The data collection technique was document studies, while the data analysis used content analysis. The study results showed that: (1) Indonesian teachers still have low mastery of the teacher competencies (pedagogic, professional, social, and personal aspects). They also perform monotonous learning methods and rarely use digital-based learning media; and (2) the strategies to build the nationalism character among the digital native generation era are through teacher competencies mastery, effective learning tools, varied learning methods and integration of the digital-based learning media.

This conceptual research analyses the historical development of the German concept of "Bildung" to the Danish "dannelse." The starting point is J.G. Fichte's 1808 "Addresses to the German Nation," in which "Bildung" is analyzed as a key concept. The paper illustrates the influence Fichte had on N.F.S. Grundtvig, the "father of modern Denmark," with important adaptations based on English liberties and Nordic mythology. Grundtvig's "dannelse" is then analyzed based on his 1832 "milestone" work, "Nordic Mythology." The paper finds that "Bildung" and "dannelse" can be considered parallel concepts of similarity in their shared emphasis on the mother-tongue as a "living language," and focus on social cohesion. However, "Bildung" and "dannelse" can also be characterized as concepts of difference, in that: 1) "dannelse" popularized "Bildung," meaning that it was not just for the academic bourgeoisie, but the entire "folk"; 2) freedom of expression is fundamental to "dannelse," in contrast to the stability of will and moral order in "Bildung;" 3) in "dannelse," national unity is expanded to a wider circle of belonging, the whole of humankind; 4) Nordic mythology is a social cohesive in "dannelse," to contrast Fichte's more rational conception of "Bildung." Written by a British author for an English-speaking readership, this research does not feign to be more than a prefatory glance at two rich and complex concepts. However, in shedding light on the historical development of "Bildung" to "dannelse," it aspires to edge readers closer toward a shared conceptual understanding or, more aptly, to better understand misunderstandings.

This article analyses the changes in education legislation and the history curriculum in Spain over recent decades. To this end, the characteristics established for the teaching of history in the last two education laws, passed in 2013 and 2020 -- the first by a conservative government and the second by a progressive one -- are studied and compared. This study is carried out by situating the education debates presented in this research in the social and political context of Spain. The study of these legislative changes allows us to observe the different visions of national identity existing in Spain, which find a prominent area of confrontation in education and the teaching of history. The article also argues that the emergence of the ultra-right has led to a markedly nationalist vision of Spanish history that seeks to recover elements of national unity, and that has become one of the axes defended by conservative options for the teaching of history in Spanish schools. This view contrasts with the approaches advocated in the latest education legislation, which propose a more heterogeneous approach to the subject of identity in Spain.

Local history has its point in providing information to local communities for the exemplary process. However, there are not many studies of local history to be implemented in history learning. Thus, the purpose of this study was to find the values of character education in the material for the struggle of K.H. Ahmad Hanafiah in defending Indonesian independence in the Lampung Residency and its implementation in learning local history. The method used is a qualitative research method with historical studies. This study uses primary and secondary sources and uses interviews as reinforcement. The results of the study are: (1) K.H. Ahmad Hanafiah as a local figure who fought to defend Indonesia's independence in Lampung Residency, (2) The values of character education contained in the material include: religious attitude, hard work, curiosity, love for the homeland, national spirit, and independence, (3) These character values can be implemented in local history learning through the Class XI lesson plans covering the stages of planning, implementation, and evaluation in high school. It is hoped that students can imitate the figure of a K.H. Ahmad Hanafiah, especially for those who live in the Lampung area, and apply it in their lives both now and in the future. History learning has a central role in instilling the values of national character because the scope of the material taught contains heroic, exemplary, patriotism, and nationalism values. [Note: The page range (62-71) shown on the PDF is incorrect. The correct page range is 62-72.]

Global education is a broad field associated with educational traditions rooted in the objective of preparing learners to engage with a complex and interdependent world, and to respond to the needs of the planet. This article explores existing pedagogical approaches to argue for the need, in non-Western contexts, to make greater connections with existing religio-cultural orientations -- specifically, to move beyond pedagogies of reason, that is, rational, linear, logical approaches that undervalue a range of human experiences and are independently insufficient in developing feelings of connection and commitment to issues of social justice in non-Western contexts. Examining an alternative pedagogical model, this article suggests that a framework for global education guided by the Islamic values of "rahma" (compassion and mercy) and "adl" (justice) in contexts such as that of Pakistan can prove valuable in developing commitment and encouraging action for social change.

National identity is a complex and contested issue, and it is often debated in the fields of social and cultural studies. Museum collections, and the way they are presented and interpreted, are closely linked to national identity. National museums, as symbols of national unity, can manipulate perceptions about dominant ideologies and the individual's place in society. This article aims to deepen our understanding of how national museums negotiate and construct national identity by critically analyzing the theories and concepts of nation, nationalism, and national identity.

The main purpose of this research is to reveal the identity to be constructed with the illustrations in the life science textbooks in terms of identity types. Case study, one of the qualitative research designs, was used in the research. The data sources of the research consist of the 1st, 2nd and 3rd grade life science textbooks taught in Turkey in 2021-2022. The research used 'content analysis' to provide a detailed description based on the purpose of the study. The illustrations in the life science textbook of the 1st, 2nd and 3rd grade are coded separately with regard to the types of identity in the literature. Categories and themes were the result of the combination of the codes. In life science textbooks, only illustrations that could have a connection with identity construction have been analysed. As a result of the research, it has been determined that the illustrations for the collective identity are prominently included in the life science textbooks. In the theme of collective identity, there are illustrations emphasizing national, social and religious identity. For digital identity and universal identity topics, there are a limited number of illustrations.

Purpose: The article explores the roles of war and violent conflicts in citizenship education. Approach: This is a theoretical article, drawing on literature from the interdisciplinary fields of political science, history, citizenship education as well as field studies in different learning arenas, war memorial sites- and museums. Findings: There are divergent roles of war in citizenship education, and the typology of five didactic perspectives illustrates the challenges concerning the types of citizenship it aims at. Narratives of war could produce and contribute to different forms of citizenship or even represent the opposite of the concept. Research limitations: Further empirical research is needed to develop knowledge on how to deal with war and conflict in educational practice, both in schools and other learning arenas. Practical implications: The article contributes to addressing and structuring the challenges and potentials of didactic approaches to war and violent conflict in citizenship education.

Through a quantitative approach, this study implemented Angelle and DeHart's Teacher Leadership Inventory (TLI) analysis (2011) with the aims of exploring the nature of teacher leadership in International Islamic schools and understanding the variables that affect teacher leadership from teachers' perspectives. A one-way ANOVA was used to determine whether there were any statistically significant differences between the means of two or more independent and unrelated groups, and it was conducted for each variable (i.e., school level, degree level, gender, years of experience, and status for leadership position) and the four factors of the TLI. The findings revealed that gender, leadership position, and nationality affected the teachers' perspectives regarding teacher leadership in Islamic schools. We argue that these differences should be taken into consideration by Islamic school leadership and policy makers when establishing schools and building systems, thereby avoiding assumptions that teacher leadership is embedded within their systems in all countries (Muslim and non-Muslim).

In discourse-based teaching of the English language, there are three levels of analysis, text analysis, discourse analysis, and critical discourse analysis. Each level examines the effect of discourse-based teaching on students. This study employed Fairclough's Critical Discourse Analysis model in a qualitative phenomenological method. The study attempted to identify the ideologies that are presented in English language teaching in the Indonesian Islamic higher education in Borneo, to clarify the implementation of discourse-based learning, and to demonstrate the necessity of discourse-based learning for English language learning in Islamic higher education in Borneo. The data was collected from English language lecturers and university students in Borneo's universities through tools like observations, questionnaires, interviews, and documentation. The data was analyzed using the interactive model in three steps: data collection, data condensation, and data display. The study summarizes the operationalization of the discourse-based teaching intervention and its implementation on the sample of the study. The results were gathered in the form of opinions and feedbacks of the participants of the study who were taught through discourse-based teaching strategies and assessment was done through Fairclough's three levels of analysis. The study found out that by making use of the CDA methods, it is much easier to present various types of discourses in English classrooms of the Islamic universities in Borneo, such as the necessity to develop graduates with strong Islamic character, formulate the political agenda and instill spirit of nationalism in students.

The purpose of this study is to determine Turkish and refugee middle school students' views on their national belonging. The study employed the qualitative research approach aligned with the purpose; semi-structured interviews were conducted with Turkish and refugee students. Data were analyzed using the content analysis method. Results showed that the most important common features for national belonging of both Turkish and refugee students were the common language they spoke and the place they lived in and the difference of views regarding national belonging were in terms of discrimination. Regarding Turkish society's expectations of them, both groups emphasized universal values such as being hardworking and being a good person, but their perceptions of serving the state differed. As for what Turkish and refugee students should do for this society, Turkish students believed that they should be hardworking and refugee students thought that they should be good people. It can be said that the differences of opinion between Turkish students and refugee students who migrated to Turkey would decrease if both groups came together on the subject of universal values.

This study explores the representation of culture in "My Book of English," a second-generation English-language book for the first-year middle school in Algeria. Based on both content and a linguistic analysis method, our objective was to demonstrate the cultural significance of some representational choices. The notion of ideology was exploited in this study to examine the part that language takes in perpetuating ideas about culture, multiculturality, diversity, nationalism, and identity. According to the findings, cultural and social representations capture both the tendencies of cultural heritage preservation and the promotion of innovation and change. The analysis demonstrates that "My Book of English" acknowledges, to a certain extent, the role that English plays in the processes of internationalization and globalism. However, as a foreign language material, the book exaggeratedly highlights the source culture, making it difficult for the learners to transcend national boundaries.

This study aimed to analyze the relationship between understanding Indonesian history, multiculturalism, and historical awareness with the nationalist attitudes of state high school students in Yogyakarta. This type of research was correlational research with a quantitative approach. The sample consisted of 126 students. Data collection used tests and questionnaires. The test was used to reveal data about understanding of Indonesian history and multiculturalism, while the questionnaire was used for revealing students' historical awareness and nationalistic attitudes. The validity of the instrument used a biserial point correlation test and a reliability test with the KR-20 formula. The data then were analyzed by using quantitative descriptive analysis technique. The pre-requisite analysis consisted of the normality test, linearity test and multicollinearity test. The hypothesis testing used Product Moment Correlation, multiple correlation, relative contribution, and effective contribution. The results showed that there is a positive and significant relationship between understanding of Indonesian history, multiculturalism, and historical awareness with students' nationalism. History learning will be much more meaningful if these four concepts are used as the objectives of history learning.

This study aimed at formulating the relevance and urgency of social media content with civics education learning material. This study used the qualitative research method. The instruments used were interview guidelines, observation guidelines and documentation study guidelines. Strategic issues on social media related to citizenship skills were Pancasila ideology, law enforcement, black campaign, politics of identity, conflict of diversity, national disintegration, terrorism, intolerance, spreading of hatred and hoaxes. These social media content deserve to be the problems that are examined in the process of civics education instruction because they are contextual, challenging, value-based, meaningful and fun for the students. Studies on social media content were very important because all students used social media and made it as a source of learning; the contents of social media were related to citizenship skills; social media content that was not analysed comprehensively created misconceptions; the content on social media was contextual; social media content was more attractive for the students to be studied in lectures; and studying the citizenship issues that existed on social media familiarised the students to a critical and democratic thinking. Social media has become an essential means of communication in global life with increasingly sophisticated technological means.

This study aims to investigate the challenges of developing character education based on Islamic pluralism in the curriculum of Modern Islamic Boarding Schools in the Pandemic era. The research location is the modern Islamic boarding school Gontor in East Java Province. The qualitative research design with a phenomenological approach examines five central aspects of character education development based on Islamic pluralism: religiosity, independence, integrity, mutual cooperation, and nationalism. The findings reveal that the primary challenge in developing character education is the lecturers' unequal ability to develop an effective character education curriculum. Not all lecturers have qualified competencies to integrate character values into their teaching subjects. Studies have yet to address character values in the curriculum in the learning process. Meanwhile, external challenges minimally affect the development of character education because the modern Islamic boarding school in Gontor has five aspects of character education development strongly supporting the modern "pesantren" curriculum. The readiness of the "pesantren" curriculum can form a strong character to face challenges. "Pesantren" involves aspects of knowledge and habit, continuously practiced while maintaining the health protocols recommended by the government. The expected implication is that stakeholders consistently provide intervention and reinforcement in the long term. Thus, character education based on Nusantara Islamic Pluralism in modern Islamic boarding schools can realize the ideals of the goals of national education and benefit humanity.

This essay compares and contrasts the educational movements of three nations--the United States, Mexico, and the Soviet Union--established according to Eurocentric cultural values. In each country, mass education was undertaken to help produce an assimilative national culture during formative periods characterized by instability. In two of these nations, the U.S. and Mexico, this foundation eventually required an accommodation to address multiculturalism. This latter-day perspective is designed to recognize, respect, and appreciate a variety of cultures. This essay examines the ways in which these two oppositional goals--monoculturalism and multiculturalism--have intersected in schools.

Recent consciously curated conditions of political polarisation have prevented English schools from taking even the first tentative steps towards decolonising the curriculum. Since returning to power in 2010, successive Conservative Secretaries of State for Education have resolved to restore traditional learning methods to English classrooms, championing the need for children to passively accept content chosen for them by government appointees who are answerable to political rather than to pedagogical priorities. This had already created an unsupportive political environment for transforming what children might learn, before such difficulties were magnified following the Brexit referendum of 2016. Decolonisation has increasingly been identified by Conservative Party strategists as one of their beloved wedge issues, something that can be used to stoke electorally expedient anger against 'the Remainer elite' among Leave-voting communities. Hopes for a serious debate about the principles of decolonisation were frustrated by the Johnson government hijacking the very mention of the word to use as evidence that the 'woke' brigade was running hopelessly out of control. The case for decolonising the English school curriculum has been subjected to a full-frontal populist culture-war attack on an educational establishment accused of refusing to allow children to see the good in their country.

In Turkey, the Republican Era, which started in 1923, is a period in which state institutions were rapidly restructured and these institutions were reconstituted within the framework of the ideology of the newly established state. Education has taken its share in this reconstruction process as well. One of the important regulations in the field of education was the 1924 curriculum. The 1924 curriculum was quite important in terms of reflecting the Republic's perspective on education and the importance it attaches to education. Through this curriculum, it was aimed to raise patriotic individuals who are loyal to the philosophy and values of the Republic, have national consciousness, and understand the new state, institutions and organizations. The aim of the research is to examine the first citizenship education course of the Republic of Turkey, "Musâhabât-i Ahlâkiyye & Malumât-i Vataniye" [Conversations on Morality and Civics], which was included in the 1924 educational program. In the study, this curriculum was analyzed by employing the historical research method.

Purpose: The author aims to give an overview of civic education in Hong Kong as well as of Liberal Studies, and to discern the reasons behind the reforms to the curriculum and assessment of Liberal Studies. Approach: The analysis is based on government documents related to the subject's curriculum and assessment, press releases and secondary sources. Regarding the controversies, the author draws on numerous studies conducted by educators and scholars in Hong Kong. Findings: The main finding is that there is no empirical evidence supporting a causal relationship between Liberal Studies and youth activism. It seems that the drastic reforms to the curriculum and assessment of Liberal Studies aim to further cultivate an uncritical Chinese national identity in the post-colonial Hong Kong.

The ideas of free markets and less government regulation were associated at the turn of the 20th Century with a more internationalist approach and, at times, even more openness to immigration. Some of these dynamics have shifted particularly with the rise of a more populist economic message with leaders like Donald Trump. This study examines the relationship between free markets and immigration as well as examining the role of nationalism in this relationship. The findings show that there is a negative relationship between more free-market ideas and more inclusive ideas towards immigration though the relationship was not statistically significant when controlling for other variables. The implications of this incongruence in beliefs about the idea of free markets and the role of government are discussed with particular attention to the changing political dynamics within the United States. Furthermore, attention is given to the implications of this relationship for social studies teachers as they discuss issues related to immigration.

The purpose of this study was to determine middle school students' national belonging levels in terms of different variables. In this quantitative study, middle school students' views on national belonging were determined by the "National Belonging Scale for Middle School Students". The study was conducted with 1318 middle school students in Nigde province of Turkey during the Spring term of the 2019-2020 academic year. Research data were collected through "National Belonging Scale for Middle School Students" and were analysed with SPSS 24 software package. According to the study results, middle school students had a high positive view of their national belonging. Their gender did not make a statistical difference in terms of both reasons and results of their national belonging. On the other hand, students' views on national belonging differed in terms of their grade level. Again, although there was no difference between the public and private schools in terms of reasons of their national belonging, there was a statistically significant difference between them in terms of the results of their national belonging in favor of the public school. Another difference was determined between Turkish and refugee students' national belonging. Turkish students' mean scores of reasons and results of their national belonging were statistically higher than the refugee students' mean scores. Considering national belonging in terms of each variable, middle school students' national belonging can be strengthened with some activities that can be done within the scope of the implicit program as well as the educational activities carried out within the curriculum at schools. Social Studies is the most important course into which works on this subject can be integrated.

Moral degradation is due to the lack of government attention in planning and supervising the learning process in education. This study aims to establish an economic learning model focused on Pancasila values in the Economic Education study program, Teacher Training and Education Faculty of Universitas Lambung Mangkurat, Banjarmasin. The research conducted is developmental research with the Dick & Carey model. Researchers use tests, observations, interviews, and documentation for data collection. Data were analyzed using paired t-test statistics. A team of educational and content experts, educators, and small groups validated the learning model and its tools. In this study, the informants were 88 third-semester Economics education students who are programming Indonesian economy courses. The results showed that Pancasila economics was higher in the experimental class than in the control class. The results showed that Pancasila economics in the practical grade was higher than in the control class. According to the represented Pancasila's economic principles, the Game-Based Direct Instruction Learning paradigm effectively instilled students' knowledge, enthusiasm, and behavior. The inculcation of the Pancasila economic character such as honesty, teamwork, humanity, sense of family, cooperation, and fairness are required to restore the Indonesian nation's identity as mandated by law.

This study examines the relationships among language, identity, and interaction in multilingual multicultural classrooms through a case study of classroom interactions involving "qiaosheng" (overseas Chinese students). Qiaosheng education was created in the historical context of nation building in Taiwan. Qiaosheng Chinese ethnicity has been linked to Chinese language and culture. However, like foreign students, most qiaosheng are multilinguals, speaking various L1s and studying Chinese and English as L2s. While classroom interactions with foreign students have received increasing attention among applied linguistics scholars in Taiwan, classroom interactions involving qiaosheng have not. This study adopts an ethnographic and discourse-analytic approach to examine classroom interactions between an English teacher and qiaosheng in a high school for qiaosheng. Analyzing classroom discourse as well as interviews with the teacher from the theoretical lens of language socialization and language ideology, we show that through interacting with qiaosheng over time, the teacher was socialized into recognizing and subsequently addressing qiaosheng linguistic and cultural diversity by adopting a translanguaging pedagogy. We argue that when teachers recognize the taken-for-granted language ideology about qiaosheng and harness their multilingual multicultural repertoire to teach, qiaosheng can attain their maximum potential to learn when they are appreciated for their multilingual multicultural existence.

English is often ideologically constructed as a global language to facilitate intercultural communication between people of diverse cultural backgrounds. However, it still remains unknown to what extent English learning can enhance English learners' awareness of global diversity. Given the dominant population of English learners in China, it is of great significance to investigate how English learning might facilitate Chinese learners' global vision and cultivate their intercultural competence. Seeing language textbooks as a key site of cultural and linguistic representation, this study scrutinizes the hidden ideologies discursively constructed in an English Intercultural Communication (EIC) textbook targeting Chinese English learners. Data are collected from dialogues, case studies, reading passages, cultural notes, exercises in the textbook. Informed by concepts of orientalism and banal nationalism, the study reveals that the distribution of characters is nation-based, essentialized, and even stigmatized. There is an inconsistency between the discursive construction of English as a global language and the actual representation of USA/UK-centered ideology. Chinese and other non-English learners are linguistically and culturally subjected to orientalist interpretation. The internal orientalist representation of Chinese speakers is also reproduced within the diverse backgrounds of Chinese population. Based on the findings, we argue that the simplified, unbalanced and unequal representations of cultural elements may hinder English learners' awareness of cultural diversity. The study suggests that a more diversified representation of cultural practices should be adopted in EIC textbooks to cultivate the global citizenship through English language education.

One of the aims of educational institutions in Turkey is to adopt an understanding of nationalism based on Atatürk's views by students. Atatürk's understanding of nationalism was founded on the unity of culture. It rejects racism. It emphasizes cultural unity rather than blood ties or religious unity. However, various forms of nationalism in Turkey can find supporters. For this reason, it is important to examine how secondary school students understand nationalism and with which concepts they explain it. Qualitative research method was used in this research, which aims to examine how students conceptualize and understand nationalism. Since it is important for the students to express themselves naturally, they were asked to write an essay on nationalism. Student writings were analyzed by content analysis. According to the results obtained within the scope of the study, the students mostly used the expressions "to love homeland and nation" and "to protect homeland and nation" when explaining the concept of nationalism. As the age and grade levels of the students increase, the number of concepts related to nationalism used by students increases. Nationalism is understood differently by male and female students. While female students emphasize the concepts of love and work, male students emphasize the concepts of protecting and independence. Considering the place where the students live, the meaning attributed to the concept of nationalism varies. While the students living in the city center used the concept of love more, the students living in the town focused on the concept of protecting. The most important finding obtained within the scope of the study is that the participants did not base their nationalism on blood ties or religious unity. Students did not use non-inclusive expressions while describing nationalism. For this reason, it was understood that the participants had thoughts compatible with Atatürk's understanding of nationalism.

This paper was inspired by empirical encounters with students and teacher-administrators who engaged with an online European education initiative, which raised questions about whether and how their practices were situated as local, transnational, or national(ist) endeavors. The conceptual, theoretical, and methodological resources of social topology and critical border studies guided our inquiry by a focus on bordering practices and how these generate spatiotemporal forms and movements, and evoked a "typical national form" which is characterized as a singular, stable, linear, and flat "topography." An innovative methodology is deployed to scrutinize how practices with this online, European initiative continue, challenge or complement that typical national form. The findings demonstrate how the use of topographical indexes and tropes (re-)materialized characteristics of these typical national forms, while the combination with topological relations introduced multiplicities and "levels" in these forms. Moreover, spherical forms, bouncing movements, and tunneling movements challenged the singularity, stability, linearity, and flatness of the typical national form. Building on these findings, the paper sets forth the argument that this online European education initiative mainly challenges the enactment of nationalism in classrooms by encouraging learning and thinking through "translocalities," which accentuates distances and differences that are being crossed without appealing to the typical imaginary of the "nation" with linear, stable, flat borders.

Early childhood/educational environmental imaginations transmit national, global and planetary views of the world through texts, visual representations and material objects. These representations produce politics, including nationalism and globalism, and play a part in policy making as well as in how children learn to view and relate to the world. Education, however, needs a new political attractor during anthropogenic climate change that differently orients political engagement with the world for education. In this article, we think with the four political attractors Latour describes: the national, global, planetary and Earth, and Cobb's notion of the child's primary relatedness to the world. We explore children's environmental imagination in their drawings and associated stories to highlight the kinds of politics present in their views promoted by current imaginations. Then, we spin these stories further with speculative experiences our own relation with the world with Latour's ideas and point to a new political object the Earth and Earthly politics for education.

Kindergartens are institutional arenas for raising the nation through educating children in an every-day setting. With the implementation of the Framework Plan of 2017 (FP), the notion of "Sàmi culture" became part of the mandatory curriculum in all Norwegian kindergartens for the first time. All kindergartens are now expected to ensure that children develop respect for, and solidarity with, the diversity of Sàmi culture. This paper based on policy analysis and interviews in kindergartens investigates how the notion of "Sàmi culture" is part of the national Framework Plan (FP) for kindergartens and how it is understood and implemented in kindergartens. The concept of everyday nationalism sheds light on tensions involved in including indigenous rights and perspectives in a national Framework Plan. Including indigenous rights and cultures as part of a national Framework Plan can widen the content of what it means to belong in a national state as well as sharpen the lines and maintain boundaries. Conceptions of diversity are an integral part of the messiness involved in drawing boundaries and in the making of the everyday nationalism, suggesting that the relationship between diversity and everyday nationalism deserves more interrogation.

In the past decade, right-wing populist parties have brought back nationalism and religion into European politics. While a growing literature explores the political strategies, style and success of these parties and the challenge they pose to the European project, less attention has been paid to how right-wing populist governing is done at specific policy areas. This paper explores the education policy discourse of the Hungarian right-wing populist government. Drawing on the Discourse-Historical Approach to critical discourse analysis, the analysis concentrates on political speeches performed between 2010 and 2020 to examine the discoursive framings and strategies utilised in relation to three nodal points identified in the speeches: upbringing, teaching Christian values and the nation. While in the political rhetoric, a coherent religious nationalist, neoconservative narrative took form, over time this narrative shifted from a strategic project of crafting a new language to justify paradigmatic legislative and policy change to a language disconnected from policy work and predominantly displaying features of nationalist extremism. In the discussed period, as a combined result of the right-wing government's Christian indentitarian project and the ambition of the Christian churches to increase their power and legitimacy, religion has increasingly permeated the secular spaces of Hungarian education.

This article analyses discussions in the Russian media of the proposal to introduce the Unified State Exam (USE) in English as a mandatory test in the last year of (high) school education 2010s. The decision not to implement the mandatory USE in English was taken in August 2020. In the aftermath of the decision, we investigate the decade-long media debates. Building methodologically on frame analysis, we examine the frames used in the online media to present the pros and cons of English testing, and the qualitative modifications of these frames over time. We argue that media coverage of English as a compulsory test parallelled changes in the politics of nation-building and language policies. First it reflected the idea of Russia as a global economic actor, striving to reap the benefits of a global economy, and framed the acquisition of English as part of the global economic and political community. However, as the state's prerogatives changed, English began to be discussed as a threat to national unity, national security and the mastery of Russian. Moreover, the 'national' became associated, with separation from the rest of the world and its perceived threat.

This paper focuses on the relationship between agency and knowledge within the context of rising nationalism and populism. The case is the Czech debate over the reintroduction of civil defence education (CDE). It was abandoned in 1989 but recently, many new and contradictory calls for its return have appeared. We aim to gain an understanding of what the nationalising of education does with actorship in educational governance and how agency is achieved in pushing or criticising nationalist claims in education. The dataset consists of media entries, strategic documents, and interviews. We argue that the populist repertoire intervened significantly in "defining" what is the problem that some groups wanted to solve by a renewal of CDE. This situation stabilised the position of security-military expertise as reasonable knowledge, which concealed the educational nature of the problem and thus denied educational actors a role in agency. The role of the state structures responsible for education was problematised and set the difference of the Czech case in the European context regarding educational governance. We conclude that contemporary nationalists' claims concerning education may be seen as a sign of the changing role of expert knowledge that camouflaged defence education as an educational problem.

This research will analyze the ideological policy of the political regime of Kazakhstan in the field of higher education, which was supposed to find answers to the research question: why the Kazakhstan government is promoting the expansion of higher education. Thus, through the analysis of educational documents in the higher education system, an attempt will be made to identify the motives of the political regime in promoting the expansion of higher education in Kazakhstan. The study claims that the government of Kazakhstan promotes the expansion of higher education to maintain the regime stability. The Kazakhstan government's motives for promoting the expansion of higher education are based on taking control of a large number of school graduates by admitting them to Higher education institutions. In this way, these students will be socialized into the state's dominant ideology. Thus, the study will use the Gramscian approach, which will allow us to understand the political purpose of the Kazakh government in expanding higher education. An analysis of official state documents and curricula of higher educational institutions shows that the entire content of youth upbringing programs and compulsory academic disciplines aims to form moral and loyal citizens.

This qualitative single-site case study explores how students identifying as conservative position themselves within the discursive field of their campus, how they understand their rhetorical and discursive development in relation to their more liberal peers, and what increasing political polarization means for college campuses. I find that the differences within the conservative student group studied are stronger and more concerning than how they describe differing from their liberal peers, particularly as the conservative student group I analyzed radicalized and became overtly racist and nationalistic. This is worrisome, as my participants noted this was not "a local problem" and mentioned that this was happening at a state and national level. This reality was evidenced by the recent insurrection at the Capitol.

Although there are differences in identity construction depending on countries and periods, some courses have come to the fore in the education system in each period. In Turkey, the education system in general, and history, geography, citizenship and social studies courses, in particular, have instrumental importance in the construction of identity. When the literature is examined, it can be observed that there are many studies on history, social studies and citizenship lessons for identity construction. However, there is a limited number of studies on identity construction for the geography curricula. The main purpose of this research was to examine the secondary education geography curricula in Turkey in terms of identity and citizenship construction. The study was planned and carried out as a qualitative case study. Case studies often describe the exploration of a bounded system. In this research, the sample was limited to the 2005 and 2018 geography course curricula, and a detailed description was made by using "content analysis" based on the research purpose. As a result of the research, it was determined in both curricula that the national identity theme had the most expressions, and national identity was aimed to be built by presenting details about the geography of the homeland. In addition to national identity, it was determined that there were also contents related to social identity, ecological identity, universal identity, and a limited number of digital identity and religious identity themes. [Paper presented at the International Congress on Geographical Education (3rd, Sivas, Turkey, Oct 14-17, 2021).]

We function in an increasingly politicized environment, hostile to Socratic discourse and the pedagogies of education abroad. The classroom has become a battleground in which ideologies of right and left collide, making debate and dissent problematic. These pressures have distorted the ways in which we talk about our endeavors. We believe that international education is a social good with benefits that transcend individual interest and those of any single country. Yet, if we scratch beneath the surface of the rhetoric of education abroad, we unearth ideas that, inadvertently and unconsciously, mimic neo-conservative elitism and ultra-nationalism. The intent of this essay is to deconstruct those notions and to suggest that an urgent imperative is to revise our agenda, to use language that better reflects the principles that have motivated us to commit to education abroad. The issues analyzed here suggest that, in short, we do not believe what we say, nor do we say what we believe.