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To continue to compete successfully in the global economy, play a leadership role in the world, and enhance national security, the United States must ensure that its citizens develop a broad understanding of the world, including other languages and cultures. This paper intends to stimulate discussion among senior federal policymakers and interested organizations about how the federal government and other organizations in the field of international education can best raise awareness on the importance of international education, encourage increased investments in international education, and identify and disseminate best practices in international education. After describing efforts made since the signing of President Clinton's international education policy directive in April 2000, the paper proposes a road map for future work in the directive's 10 core areas: (1) increasing and diversifying study and internship abroad; (2) attracting foreign students and scholars to the United States; (3) addressing obstacles to exchange; (4) supporting the development of international awareness, knowledge, and skills in classrooms and campuses; (5) coordinating and supporting U.S. government-sponsored agencies; (6) developing comparative information on educational performance and practice and sharing expertise with other countries; (7) strengthening cross-national academic partnerships; (8) building international expertise in U.S. institutions; (9) promoting the wise use of technology for international education; and (10) ensuring that results are measured and reported in conformance with Government Performance and Results Act (GPRA). Within each of the 10 core areas, the paper describes briefly what the federal government is already doing and what the executive branch proposes to do as part of the international education initiative. The paper ends with an invitation for public-private collaboration and examples of the kinds of activities that interested groups and individuals might undertake. (BT)

Among the many changes occurring in European society, three "factors of upheaval" are particularly important: the information society, internationalization, and the scientific and technical fields. Education and training can provide two possible solutions to eliminate their pernicious effects. The first involves reintroducing the merits of a broad base of knowledge. The second is building up employability. In addition to the traditional route--the quest for a paper qualification, a more open, more flexible approach is advocated that encourages the mobility of workers. Five general objectives have been identified to implement practical action to achieve a knowledge-based society. The first is to encourage the acquisition of new knowledge through new methods of recognizing skills, supporting mobility, and drawing on new communication technologies. The second general objective is to bring schools and the business sector closer together through apprenticeship/trainee schemes and vocational training. The third general objective is to combat exclusion by promoting two types of pilot schemes: "second chance" schools and voluntary service for young people. The fourth general objective is proficiency in three European Community languages. The fifth general objective is to treat capital investment and investment in training on an equal basis. (Appendixes include data and figures, examples of European Community programs, and statistical tables and graphs.) (YLB)

In the 1990s, vocational training must focus on improving the qualifications and competence of Europe's work force. The need for skilled labor and managerial staff will increase considerably in many European countries. As Europe moves toward economic, social, and political union, vocational education comes into the picture at four levels simultaneously: local, regional, national, and European. This will doubtless lead to an increasing number of disputes over fields of competence. The immediate effects of the internal market on training and further training will be relatively minor. Instead of a mass migration (i.e., emigration), people with special qualifications will move in both directions. Mobility will be intraindustry as well as with respect to particular occupational groups, skills, and regions. Mobility will also emerge in the educational and vocational training systems. The indirect effects of the internal market will be more important than the direct. Pressure to obtain qualifications will increase. Vocational training is already crossing national frontiers. Efforts to establish a European vocational training policy have multiplied and intensified. Milestones along the long road to this policy will be the European vocational training passport and European job profiles. (Appended is information on the European Centre for the Development of Vocational Training.) (Contains 43 references.) (YLB)

Two papers are presented which were originally prepared for delivery at a conference to evaluate the results of 20 years of scholarly exchange between the United States, the USSR, and Eastern Europe. Participants included over 300 members of the public affairs community, including government officials, public policy makers, business leaders, journalists, and educators. Both papers deal with the daily life of Eastern European Citizens. In the first paper, "In a Pig's Eye: Daily Life and Political Economy in Southeastern Europe," by John W. Cole, emphasis is placed on the necessity of viewing Southeastern European culture in terms of its own past experience and in comparison with other agrarian areas rather than in comparison with Western Europe or the United States. Southeastern Europe is characterized as an agrarian society undergoing industrialization and urbanization. In most cases, the most intensive social and economic ties are between parents and their offspring, although there are also important links among village households. In the second paper, "Studying the Soviet Social System: The 'Soviet Citizen' Revisited," author Gail Warshofsky Lapidus focuses on the importance of and changes which have occurred since publication of the original "Soviet Citizen" (by Alex Inkeles and Raymond Bauer, Harvard University Press) in 1959. The author concludes that scholars will be able to produce new research as insightful as the "Soviet Citizen" if they are allowed to undertake social science research in outlying regions of the USSR, make an effort to conceptualize societal differences between the United States and the USSR through some other prism than the 'industrial society' model, and if they disseminate research findings in academic and governmental communities. (DB)

This paper provides an analytical look at the evolving relationship between the United States and the Soviet Union. The author explores the prospects for international security and advocates a number of policies which would benefit both societies. The first section in the booklet discusses how U.S. security cannot be assured even if the Congress goes along with the administration's request to approve expenditures of more than a trillion dollars on defense over the next five years. What we buy and how we use it are more important than how much we spend. Soviet vulnerabilities and Western assets are then examined. Republican administrations have been more successful than Democratic administrations--at least since World War II--in defusing conflict with the Soviet Union. The records of various presidents are discussed. U.S. policy must flow from a judicious mixture of firmness and flexibility, of restraints and incentives. Specific steps that the United States can take to improve United States-Soviet relations are suggested. The booklet examines relationships between the superpowers and the Third World. Like it or not, linkage exists between superpower activities in the Third World and efforts to cap the volcano of United States-Soviet arms competition. The survival requirements of each country ought to outweigh any displeasure experienced over the actions of its rival in some remote region. (Author/RM)

If U.S. foreign policy is to be prudent and effective, it must cease relying on the doctrinaire images and cold war rhetoric of the past and take into account five intactable problems, none of them specifically military, that the Soviet Union faces. These problems are: (1) unabating deficiencies in its economy; (2) a precarious battle with communist orthodoxy and alliance management in Eastern Europe; (3) a jittery relationship with China; (4) an adverse shift in the balance of world power; and (5) the constraint which global interdependency and the thermonuclear age impose on the rational formulation of defense policies. The future will be intensely demanding for the Soviet Union because it has achieved global military capabilities at precisely the time its economy appears worn out. U.S. leaders need to undertake frequent fresh appraisals of Soviet threats and realistic capabilities in the domestic and international contexts in which they occur. Defense strategists should not attribute to Soviet foreign policy nonexistent successes, but rather should be critical of claims that the balance of power has shifted to the Soviets. Both countries should agree to a moratorium on the habitual counting of weapons. Finally, the United States should be skeptical about the view that problems besetting Soviet decision makers can be resolved by war. (Author/KC)

Approximately 20 million workers are presently living in countries other than their homelands in order to find better job opportunities. This labor migration is determined mainly by an income gap between the sending and receiving countries. Less important determinants are historical ties, cultural or linguistic affinity, and proximity. Emigrants include highly educated professionals such as doctors and engineers, and unskilled laborers who can assume low-paying jobs in agriculture and industry, for example. Countries from which the workers emigrate benefit in that unemployment rates drop and their economies are boosted by foreign money which the emigrees send back to relatives staying at home. However, the loss of human capital in selected areas often retards national development. Countries to which the workers immigrate benefit from incoming professionals whose training has been financed elsewhere, and from an availability of unskilled laborers willing to work for low wages. But at the same time countries of immigration suffer competition for jobs among the newcomers and indigenous minority groups, as well as effects of social tension among cultural groups. Problems caused by migration can be solved by restructuring economic relations so that people can earn a decent living in their home countries. Countries of emigration must emphasize labor-intensive development with egalitarian income distribution. Countries of immigration must restructure their labor markets to make exclusive use of indigenous worker populations. (Author/AV)

A combination of revitalized employment policies, greater industrial democracy, and new ways of distributing both the hours of work and the fruits of technological change are essential if the benefits of the microelectronic revolution are to be equitably shared. Microelectronic technology promises an array of benefits, and the electronic age is already well under way. As it progresses during the last two decades of the twentieth century, it will lead to improvements in productivity in factories and offices, changes in the way information is processed, stored, and communicated, and alterations in the content of many jobs. Differing rates of development of the electronics industry may lead to shifting advantages of competition in the international marketplace. Like all major technological changes, the transition to microelectronics will raise difficult political issues, among which the impact on jobs and employment is the most prominent. (KC)

Separate sections of this document deal with refugee concerns in terms of a global approach, definitions of a refugee, alternatives for refugees, the international response, and long-term prospects. The booklet states that the present number of 16 million refugees is bound to increase given increasing rivalry over land and resources. The global community must improve its ability to anticipate conflicts that have a high potential for generating refugees. In the international community, however, the definition of the term refugee is constantly evolving. It now extends beyond the persecuted individual to whole groups of people fleeing from dangerous circumstances. According to the United Nations High Commissioner, the task of the international community is to see that those who become refugees cease to be refugees within a reasonable amount of time. The three routes to this end are voluntary repatriation, settlement in the country of first asylum, or resettlement in a third country. International support takes the form of United Nations support, bilateral aid, and private, voluntary organizations. In the long term, a new consensus among nations must be made explicitly: that a government has an obligation to protect the interests of all its citizens. If not, it sacrifices its claim to sovereignty over them. Legally establishing a fundamental right of asylum and ensuring that neutral relief operations have guaranteed access to refugees are high priorities for the United Nations. (Author/KC)

Two international diplomats from the Soviet Union and the United States focus on the need for a treaty to ban the use of radiological weapons. Radiological weapons are those based on the natural decay of nuclear material such as waste from military or civilian nuclear reactors. Such devices include both weapons and equipment, other than a nuclear explosive, designed to cause destruction or injury by dissemination of radioactive material. They are generally considered one of many so-called "weapons of mass destruction." As yet undeveloped, radiological weapons have been the subject of investigation both in the Soviet Union and in the United States and could conceivably be perfected for military use in the future. It was with this possibility in mind that the United States and the Soviet Union proposed in 1979 a joint draft of a Radiological Weapons Treaty to the Geneva-based Committee on Disarmament. A Radiological Weapons Treaty would be a modest achievement at best. However, under the current circumstances of heightened cold war rhetoric and mushrooming military budgets of the two superpowers even a modest agreement to ban a potentially highly destructive new weapons system assumes an added significance. It suggests the two major nuclear-weapon states have concluded that arms limitation progress must proceed and that more substantive agreements may be possible in the future. (Author/RM)

To survive into the future, the United States must learn to recognize that its Soviet adversary has much to gain from a mutual and graduated process of de-escalation and conflict reduction. While this country must continue to ensure the survivability of its strategic triad, it is altogether clear that this objective can be satisfied without moving toward a capacity for expanded counterforce strike, expanded theater nuclear force deployments, and generally expanded preparations for nuclear war fighting. Indeed, such moves would have a deleterious effect on U.S. security since they would actually undermine the system of mutual deterrence. If it is to achieve real power, the United States must first come to grips with a sober awareness of the limits of violence and the requirements of coexistence. In "The Trojan Women," Euripides attributes the suffering of one people to the hatred of another. His wisdom suggests that enormous dangers lie latent in the continuing effort by the Reagan administration to cast USSR-U.S. rivalry in the form of a war between the sons of light and the sons of darkness. Unless this effort is quickly reversed, the United States will suffer the fate of folly brought on by the search for security in military might. (RM)

Three perspectives on President Ronald Reagan's Strategic Defense Initiative (SDI), which is intended to defend U.S. targets from a Soviet nuclear attack, are presented in separate sections. In the first section, "Soviet Interpretation and Response," Jerry F. Hough examines possible reasons for Soviet preoccupation with SDI. He discusses the perceived threat, diplomatic considerations, and domestic strategies. In the second section, "A New Dilemma for NATO," Stanley R. Sloan examines the web of political and military strategies and events that followed NATO's decision to embark on plans to deploy new U.S. intermediate-range nuclear missiles while continuing to pursue negotiations with the Soviets on limiting such weapons. He then applies the lessons from NATO's recent experiences to the next nuclear crisis looming on the horizon, SDI, and identifies its implications for NATO's future. In the final section, Paul Warnke and David Linebaugh appraise the arms race and the prospect for arms negotiations in "Breaking the Deadlock." They map a clear alternative to the present course, providing a formula that not only deals with SDI but also reduces warhead totals and bars destablizing weapon systems. A list of other Stanley Foundation publication and activities concludes the document. (LH)

The popular revolution in Iran has been one of the most publicized yet least well understood events in world politics. This booklet was developed to contribute to the understanding of the complexities of the situation in relation to Iran's future and U.S.--Iranian relations. The booklet contains three parts that include: (1) the revolution; (2) the question of succession; and (3) U.S. policy options. The revolution had widespread support due to countrywide opposition to the royal regime. The liberal leaders of the revolution accepted the charismatic Ayatollah Ruhollah Khomeini because of the powerful appeal of his personality. The revolution quickly polarized between the liberal reformists and the revolutionary religious elite. With the passing of Khomeini from the political scene, the dedication to achieving a consensus government based on Islamic ideology will subside. A struggle for leadership will occur, and a major effort will be made by the victors to achieve strong central control of the government and its institutions. Iran is militarily significant to the United States in containing the southward expansion of the Soviet Union. But the vicissitudes of U.S. policy toward Iran suggest that there has been no crystallization of a conclusion as to whether the Islamic Republican regime is a greater liability than an asset. A glossary of names and terms is provided. (SM)