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This paper aims to divert from the conventional understanding of diplomacy and foreign policy, which is conditioned by postmodern realities. These emerging realities, which transcend national borders, strongly consider science, technology, climate, environment, and security. Thus, the postmodern age, characterized by fragmentation, uncertainty and risk, requires a shift from conventional multilateral and/or bilateral diplomacy to cosmopolitan diplomacy and foreign policy. This paper will apply Ulrich Beck's theory of cosmopolitanism, reflexivity and risk on Türkiye's diplomatic relations with the Western Balkans countries. A brief analysis of Turkish relations with the Western Balkans countries shall expand to the common questions of climate, environment, digitalization, and security. What could be the role of involuntary enlightenment, enforced communication across different borders, political catharsis, enforced cosmopolitanism, global system of governance, international legalism, and digitalization in framing Türkiye's cosmopolitan diplomacy towards the Western Balkans? How the focus on environmental diplomacy, health diplomacy, migration diplomacy, reconciliation diplomacy, digital diplomacy, youth diplomacy and education diplomacy could encounter an exclusive Western Balkans focus on emancipatory politics, ethnonationalism, narratives and ideologies? [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper seeks to examine Ahmed Tevfik Pasha's training as a Foreign Service officer and his experiences in embassy missions as well as his activities during the political and diplomatic developments of the era in line with the foreign policy objectives of the Ottoman government. Ahmed Tevfik Pasha (1845-1936), led the Ministry of Foreign Affairs as its Minister for more than thirteen years. He held the post for the longest term during the reign of Sultan Abdulhamid II and was one of the most influential figures in Ottoman diplomacy. Ahmed Tevfik Pasha's effectiveness in major foreign policy events, his role in decision-making and implementation processes, his communication with Abdulhamid II on diplomatic matters and his relationship with the Ottoman and foreign ambassadors of the time, reveal the characteristic details of Ottoman diplomacy during the era. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

As a product of globalization and as a fruit of new public diplomacy, digital diplomacy is considered one of the major trends of the twenty-first century in diplomatic communication. Being under the influence of the extraordinary advances in ICT, the internet and social media, the way of realization and presentation of diplomacy has been radically changed and is increasingly removed from the traditional diplomatic elements. The importance of digital diplomacy is based on the usage of ICT, the internet and social media, which at the same time represent its base, for the strengthening of the diplomatic relations. Therefore, knowledge about the role and importance of digital diplomacy is indispensable. This paper will offer information on the definition, goals, evolution and effectiveness of the digital diplomacy. Meanwhile, the main focus of the research lies in the classification of its benefits and risks. For international actors is more than clear how useful is exploitation of digital diplomacy benefits for achieving their goals in the international arena. However, the process of digitization is unseparated from cyber risks, as well as the freedom of the internet and social media is abused for various purposes that state and non-state actors may have. Although coupled with benefits on the one hand and risks on the other hand, the risks of digital diplomacy are still covered by benefits, making digital diplomacy a key element for the realization of diplomatic activities. Based on all the information over the features of the topic, the primary goal of the paper is to provide sufficient arguments for verifying the abovementioned hypothesis, which is also the general hypothesis of the paper. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Hybrid warfare is neither a novel idea nor a new phenomenon. It has been evolving for ages, yet its manifestation in the contemporary era has intensified. Taking advantage of politico-ethnic fault lines, socio-religious vulnerabilities, and identity conflicts, hybrid warfare advocates using all means available including regular or irregular and conventional or unconventional ways of warfare to subdue the will of an adversary. An externally motivated and supported threat requires essential measures in the foreign policy domain to thwart and foil it outside the borders. Therefore, this paper deals with the conceptual aspects of hybrid warfare and highlights the contours of the hybrid threat currently confronting Pakistan. It navigates through the challenges for foreign policy formulation and implementation in a hybrid warfare environment and identifies loopholes and grey areas while recommending tangible measures. Bibliography Entry Naz, Imtiaz Hussain. 2021. "Foreign Policy in Hybrid Warfare Environment – Way Forward for Pakistan." Margalla Papers 25 (1): 1-11.

This article ambitions to be an essay on possible answers to the respective interrogation through metaphorical lens monitoring the traces and trajectories of meanderings in the realm of foreign policies and diplomatic actions as being undertaken on MENA's extensive geopolitical space, as well as internal evolutions in the Middle East's states. Practically, the compound of glosses structuring and giving substance to the present paper are aiming at introducing in the narratives on the region of the Middle East and North Africa (MENA) the expression cum metaphor meandering. Used in this dual hypostasis, we see meandering as rather capable to shed the necessary and intensive light on critical and relevant aspects with regard to the present journey of MENA amidst its ever numerous and diverse national, regional, and global challenges, as spread on a wide span, from internal challenges related, among other critical factors, to the reality that its inhabitants "Live in a Highly Authoritarian Region"1, to challenges originating outside but strongly impacting on MENA too, as the presentday Russia's war against the sovereign and independent Ukraine, or, equally currently, the less fortunate global geopolitical background nurtured by the weakening, up to annihilation, of the rules-based (liberal) international order. Mirroring the realities "on the ground" with regard to our subjectmatter, this essay is structured into rather numerous chapters, each with its own title and sub-title, as closer bearing witness to the meanderings in the MENA's realm of countries' internal trends, plus foreign policies and diplomacies. Undoubtedly, other interested fellow analysts could further finesse our present approach, which hopefully would remain known as a pioneering work2. Of course, one should also be aware of the magisterial verse wrote on Pioneers by Walt Whitman: "We take up the task eternal, and the burden and the lesson, Pioneers! O Pioneers!"3 Only that, in this case per se there is a fundamental stimulus to embarking on the proposed endeavouring, one related to the very essence and sourcing of meandering: "History does not follow a straight line, and we forget this at our peril."4 Particularly, "in my own experience, in the Middle East, history rarely moved in a straight line."5 Eventually, this entire hopefully inciting background was intended to make easier the start of our very narrative, letting also "the door" open to including, here and there, some iconoclastic assertions and assessments, if useful. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Estudios Internacionales is the property of Instituto de Estudios Internacionales de la Universidad de Chile and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Objective/context: This paper aims to explore the links that some recent Argentine presidencies (Cristina Fernández de Kirchner, Mauricio Macri and Alberto Fernández) maintained with the Russian Federation. Methodology: It will initially dwell into the longstanding tradition of pacifism which characterizes Argentine foreign policy, and then proceed to register the strategy of its most recent federal administrations regarding their international outlooks and its ties with Russia. Its strategy regarding the war in Ukraine will be inscribed within that broader diplomatic framework and tradition. It will then introduce the concept ‘geopolitical vaccinationalism’ into this scenario, making connections between purely public health issues, originated after the outbreak of the COVID-19 pandemic, and foreign policy postures and decisions that are not necessarily related to them. In this section, the strategies of some recent Argentine administrations regarding the purchase of COVID-19 vaccines to be administered to its population will also be covered. Finally, in the last section of the paper, the issue of the increased rate of pregnant Russian women coming to Argentina to give birth will also be tackled. Conclusions/originality: This situation, prompted by the Russian-Ukraine Conflict, increased the strains between Presidents Alberto Fernández and Vladimir Putin, while also presenting risks in regard to the international standing of Argentina and the seriousness with which its passport is being regarded by foreign governments.

As technology has advanced and our world has become increasingly interconnected, cyberspace has become a key battlefield in great-power competition. The Indo-Pacific has found itself vulnerable in this new reality – the paucity of institutions, heterogeneity in levels of development, and the region being the primary zone of US-China competition fueling these vulnerabilities. Cyberspace provides a multitude of security threats posed by states, non-state actors and state-sponsored actors. Despite this, cybersecurity takes a backseat to other security issues despite its critical importance. Using the concept of neo-middle power diplomacy, this paper examines why the limited cybersecurity cooperation among middle powers in the Indo-Pacific has taken the shape it has. This paper finds that the two most promising areas of cooperation for middle powers are through confidence building measures and capacity building measures. Through actively pursuing these two measures, middle powers can become more effective, capable, and autonomous stakeholders within the Indo-Pacific. Received: 03-17-2024 Revised: 05-03-2024

The construction of a positive international image is profoundly correlated with advancing one's national interests abroad. Influencing foreign audiences and creating multisided links with countries of interest, is the main objective of public diplomacy. In the highly interconnected XXI century, countries have increasingly invested in that practice, assisted by major technological advancements. China is not an exception. The current paper will examine in which ways the latter conducts public diplomacy and through which actors. The study will also try to showcase the evolution and challenges that took place in this domain. Afterward, the case study of Greece will be considered, presenting the Chinese actors engaging in the country, the practices they use, and how the bilateral relationship has been affected. The essay will conclude with estimating the total effectiveness of the practices, possible challenges that exist, and several insights for future reference. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Abstract: ‘Community of common destiny’, a new concept in China's diplomacy, has been increasingly used by the Chinese government, especially President Xi Jinping, on international occasions. Given the paucity of academic research on the concept, this paper aims to fill the gap and examine three aspects: meaning, motives and implications. Building upon the author's long observation of China's foreign policy, the paper argues that this concept of ‘community of common destiny’ is vague in meaning and loosely used by China. While initially proposed by China to mend ties with neighbouring states in the context of escalating territorial disputes, the concept constitutes part of China's long‐term strategy to maintain a peaceful ‘period of strategic opportunity’ in the first two to three decades of the 21st century to further develop itself. However, the ambiguity of the concept poses a main challenge for China to promote the acceptance of this concept by the developing world, let alone developed countries. This process demands more transparency, commitment and concrete actions from China. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper aims to describe analytically Indonesia and Russia's bilateral relations, particularly concerning the defense cooperation between the two countries in the Southeast Asian region. Historically, at the beginning of the Cold War, the government of the Soviet Union (currently the Russian Federation) recognized and fully supported the independence of the Republic of Indonesia on August 17, 1945. The Soviet Union has never abandoned Indonesia in obtaining international recognition of its independence. The establishment of informal relations between both countries since the first years of the existence of the UN. Postnational reform in 1998, Indonesia has always put forward the concept of a defense strategy without having enemies from any country. A qualitative method and primary data were gathered through interviews with informants from several government institutions. Literature, journals, and related documents are utilized in supporting data analysis. In fact, for more than seventy years' diplomatic relations between the two countries have been established, and importantly, bilateral defense cooperation still needs to be further strengthened, apart from the current sustainable economic cooperation. It has so far been carried out through the procurement of the defense system equipment (alutsista), in line with efforts to increase the capacity and capability of the Indonesian armed forces. Russia recognizes Indonesia's leadership in Southeast Asia and fully supports Indonesia's role in maintaining peace and world order. This study revealed that Southeast Asia's regional stability is secured and has a good impact on international harmony. The role and contribution of defense cooperation between Indonesia and Russia in Southeast Asia need to be developed and empower further to boost mutual understanding and trust. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Scientific Journal of the Military University of Land Forces is the property of Gen. Tadeusz Kosciuszko Military Academy of Land Forces and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Background: The ongoing COVID-19 pandemic has shown a crystal-clear warning that nobody will be safe until everybody is safe against the pandemic. However, how everyone is safe when the pandemic's fat tail risks have broken every nerve of the global economy and healthcare facilities, including vaccine equity. Vaccine inequity has become one of the critical factors for millions of new infections and deaths during this pandemic. Against the backdrop of exponentially growing infected cases of COVID-19 along with vaccine in-equity, this paper will examine how multilateralism could play its role in mitigating vaccine equity through Global Health Diplomacy (GHD). Second, given the most affected developing countries' lack of participation in multilateralism, could GHD be left as an option in the worst-case scenario?. Methods: In this narrative review, a literature search was conducted in all the popular databases, such as Scopus, Web of Science, PubMed and Google search engines for the keywords in the context of developing countries and the findings are discussed in detail. Results: In this multilateral world, the global governance institutions in health have been monopolized by the global North, leading to COVID-19 vaccine inequities. GHD aids health protection and public health and improves international relations. Besides, GHD facilitates a broad range of stakeholders' commitment to collaborate in improving healthcare, achieving fair outcomes, achieving equity, and reducing poverty. Conclusion: Vaccine inequity is a major challenge of the present scenario, and GHD has been partly successful in being a panacea for many countries in the global south. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper aims to analyze how changing patterns about notions of "actor" and "order" in international relations inform the practices of diplomacy through the framework of complexity theory in an age of uncertainty. To this end, concepts in complexity theory--nonlinearity, network, emergence and co-evolution--are used as analysis tools to revisit actor and order. The main findings of the research suggest that changing global dynamics lead to the emergence of a complex adaptive international system encouraging scholars and practitioners to rethink actor and order. Four findings about the practice of diplomacy also emerge due to this new theoretical analysis: First, understandings of order in the international system have evolved to reflect a more regional-centered approach rather than a global one. Second, the diversification of actors and interactions in the international system directly change the nature of diplomacy, now conceived as a process that evolves in a networked-based relationship. Third, the dominant consequences of participating in a complex, adaptive system are interdependence and co-evolution between actors within diplomacy. Lastly, policymakers have increased their ability to navigate inherent uncertainties and expand the purview of diplomacy to include non-traditional diplomatic agents. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Trabalhos em Lingüística Aplicada is the property of Universidade Estadual de Campinas - Portal de Periodicos Eletronicos Cientificos and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

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Copyright of Cahiers d'EMAM is the property of EMAM and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

The foreign policy of Romania throughout the first decades of the 20th century was neither unplanned nor spontaneous. It was pursued by the Kingdom’s leadership within the framework of the idea of establishing the “Greater Romania”. Generally, the policy of official Bucharest during the war period and the period of the formation of the Versailles system of international relations was concentrated on defending national interests and gaining the status of a regional leader in the Balkans. The purpose of the article is to analyse the political struggle around the “Bessarabia” issue at the Paris Peace Conference throughout December 1919 — March 1920. Indeed, exactly this time frame became decisive for the Romanian Kingdom in terms of the recognition by the international community of its sole priority to rule Bessarabia. Great amount of relevant information and materials enabled authors of the article to analyse a comparatively short-term period of proceedings of the Paris Conference as it clearly demonstrates the tense atmosphere of the process of creating a new geopolitical map of post-war Europe. As a whole, Alexandru Vaida-Voevod’s activities in solving the “Bessarabia” problem had positive outcomes for Romania. On March 12th, the National Assembly directed the decision on this issue to the government in Bucharest. Taking into account preliminary conclusions and “yearning” of Bessarabia population the Allies in general declared for the reunification of Bessarabia and Romania. At the same time, they demanded that official Bucharest guarantee legitimate interests of Bessarabia on the same conditions as for other parts of the Kingdom. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Studii de Ştiintă şi Cultură is the property of Studii de Stiinta si Cultura and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

The article discusses the need for a comprehensive biography of Norman Kirk, the fourth Labour prime minister of New Zealand, emphasizing the lack of insights on Kirk's dynamics with key officials, Frank Corner and Bill Gilbert, in recently published biographies. It suggests that future biographers should delve into Kirk's extensive papers at Archives New Zealand and explores specific topics not covered in existing biographies, focusing on Kirk's global diplomacy and foreign policy.

This paper aims to highlight the contents of theAlgerian approach to resolving the current Libyan crisis, which is basically consistent with the principles of its foreign policy, by focusing on the principle of dialogue and emphasizing peaceful solutions, and rejecting all forms of foreign intervention. In this context, the Algerian diplomacy strives within the framework of the regional competition to find a solution to the Libyan conflict through dialogue between the Libyans parties. Thus, the Algerian approach and its perceptions of the solution to the Libyan crisis do not depart from the principles of theAlgerian foreign policy and the principles of its military doctrine. In fact, Algeria does not hide its fulfilment to these principles, which are mainly based on non-interference in the internal affairs of states, respect for the sovereignty and unity of states and the choices of peoples, and searching for peaceful and diplomatic options to resolve international crises instead of resorting to the use of force and military decisiveness. Since President Abdelmadjid Tebboune came to office, the Libyan issue has topped the priorities of the Algerian foreign policy. Hence, Algeria's diplomatic initiative to solve the Libyan crisis is based on its historically impartial diplomatic weight in the region, and the output of Algeria's network of relations with the various active powers in the Libyan arena which has been the establishment of a new equilibrium. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Temáticas is the property of Tematicas and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

The UN organization sustain that is universally recognized as a platform for reliable collaboration and with an important role of preventive diplomacy in maintaining peace and security in the world. This approach announces the importance of a new era of multilateralism, where the countries of the earth are working together to solve global problems, the international system is working quickly to protect everyone in the event of an emergency. The paper aims to present the report "Our Common Agenda" which sets out the vision for the future of global cooperation. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In this paper, the author links the 1862 Kanlica Conference with the demographic changes in Northeast Bosnia that occurred during the 1860s. The author claims that there was a direct link between these two, or in other words, that the Kanlica Conference was a major factor that contributed to changing the demographics — more precisely, switching the majority between the Christians and Muslims in favor of the latter. It’s important to note it here that the Conference itself wasn’t the only reason for the changes, but the factor which, intentionally or not, caused them.

The paper analyses the nature and features of the Knowledge Regions and their emergence in the international system as strategic players in the process of glocalization, strongly anchored in the creation of dense knowledge networks and the development of an active paradiplomacy which enables the regions to project externally their specific interests and to reinforce their influence in the process of multilevel governance functioning as strategic brokers between the global and the local. In this context the paper discusses the implications of the paradiplomacy of sub-national governments to the foreign policies of central governments and argues that not only paradiplomacy does not present a risk to the coherence of foreign policy but constitutes a major factor for the consolidation of the soft power of states. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

With the outbreak of the novel coronavirus, the PRC experienced one of its worst internal and international crises, in economic terms but above all in terms of image and prestige. The COVID-19 pandemic, in fact, came at a critical juncture in both China's internal and international relations, given that in recent years the communist Government has become a target of criticism on various internal and international issues. At the same time, it represented a crucial challenge for the CCP, while preparing the celebrations for its 100th anniversary and the achievement of its first «centenary goal». Beyond the undeniable effects on the country's economy, undoubtedly the most relevant effects were recorded in terms of image and reputation, as has emerged in different global opinion polls. Despite the Chinese authorities' highly effective management of the health emergency crisis after a first period of inaction, Beijing's authoritarian rule has again been an object of consistent criticism from liberal Western democracies, both on the intrusive methods adopted to cope with the crisis and its aggressiveness in imposing its official narrative regarding events. After analysing the effects of COVID-19 on China's global image, the paper focuses on the importance of «image» for China and its quest for prestige and image-building throughout history, with special reference to the communist experience. In the last part, it reflects on the opportunity that vaccine diplomacy may represent for China to recover its reputation. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Al-Rafidain for Rights is the property of Republic of Iraq Ministry of Higher Education & Scientific Research (MOHESR) and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Revista Universitaria de Historia Militar (RUHM) is the property of Centro de Estudios de la Guerra and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Istraživanja: Journal of Historical Researches is the property of Faculty of Philosophy, University of Novi Sad and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Starting with the Lisbon Treaty, which establishes the new European diplomatic landscape structure, this paper analyses the difference between the objectives expressed in the treaties governing the European Union's foreign policy, and the diplomatic European and international reality. The main objective of this paper is to reveal the extent in which the European Union runs a coherent and unified foreign policy, especially highlighting the problems faced by these institutions in the current international environment, after five years since the creation of the High Representative of the Union for Foreign Affairs and Security Policy, as well as the European External Action Service The results of this paper show that, although from a legal standpoint it was attempted to clearly outline how the Union's external policies should work, on a practical level, this area still faces difficulties in performing at its full capacity. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper explores the underlying factors that pushed Russia, the European Union (EU), Türkiye, and somehow the U.S. to offer mediation to settle the conflict between Armenia and Azerbaijan. The eruption of the fierce clashes between Azerbaijan and Armenia ended the war that happened in 2020 when Russia brokered the ceasefire. However, Russia's war in Ukraine was signaling renewed fighting in Nagorno-Karabakh. Hence, some actors started to step into the hostility to facilitate diplomatic efforts to lower the temperatures of the conflicting parties. Meanwhile, Azerbaijan made a military assault on Artsakh in 2023 and gained a final victory over Nagorno-Karabakh. Amid tension, the EU, Russia, and Türkiye will hold a responsible role and bring hopes that diplomacy may bring Azerbaijan and Armenia closer to peace, and an eventual settlement will ensue. The research demonstrates that a new geopolitical change has been taking place in the South Caucasus region, which is causing complexities amid some options set by the mediators. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Cities play a very important role in contemporary international relations. We introduce the concept of city diplomacy in this paper. Many important themes addressed by cities within the framework of city diplomacy are those related to history. Cities often build their promotional narratives around them. We look at selected contemporary cities and their policies in the area of cultural diversity, taking into account the historical perspective. For many cities, the building of a community of memories and the running of a coherent narrative using history are becoming very important elements in strengthening their identity and image. The article will point to museums as an example of such activity. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Trans-Pasando Fronteras is the property of Rafael Silva Vega and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Grand Strategy determines the ultimate goals and interests of a state. It has long-term effects on state policies. With the advent of the 21st century, China has emerged as a regional and global power. After entering the new era of development, China set specific goals and decided to achieve them, especially in the Asia-Pacific region. These goals are to convert China into a prosperous society, increase per capita income at par with developed states and realize modernization. In 2013, Xi Jinping announced China’s Grand Strategy, while stating that the period extended to 2020 (and beyond) is the era of strategic opportunity for China. This article discusses China’s Grand Strategy in the Asia-Pacific region. First, it conceptualizes Chinese strategy by focusing on its main objectives and interests. Secondly, it analyses its components while identifying how China is utilizing its economic, political, diplomatic, and security means to secure its interests in the region and maintain regional order. It also examines Chinese foreign policy in the Asia-Pacific region according to the institutions of international society described by Hadley Bull. Bibliography Entry Manzoor, Saima. 2021. "China’s Grand Strategy in the Asia-Pacific Region: An English School Perspective." Margalla Papers 25 (1): 81-91.

As a complementary continuation of the narrative in PART I, in this PART II we intend to follow the Interests-Diplomacy tandem's journey through the tumultuous landscape of the actual international system, one seen by analysts as being arrived at a historical inflection point 1. National interests are approached here as an uncontested perennial factor in molding and directing the realm of international relations, being laid indestructibly and intimately at Diplomacy's foundation. Generally, the process of defining the international profile for any country would not be complete without integrating fully the country's national interests, in conceptual,substantive, and semantic terms. Eventually, any international order, as, in our vision, the Quadrilateral P(lus) Global Order (QPGO), represents an interplay among the national interests, starting with those of the major players on the respective stage. All that with the caveat that the national interests would reach their full transformative potential only in conjunction with the diplomatic profiles of the states-actors in the respective order (a critical issue we intent to discuss in PART III). In the same context, the equation national interests - foreign policy profile would be deeper understood when identifying and taking into account at least one or two symbols cum metaphors as variable specific for each nation's Diplomacy. Finally, if all this narrative is one from the perspective of a "traditional Diplomacy", it would be equally relevant to determine "the fate" of national interests against the potentially emerging of new patterns of Diplomacy, for instance Post-Diplomacy and Hybrid Diplomacy, as we see them, in the last section of this paper, as being foreshadowed by evolutions at the encounter line between the present ubiquitously heavy pressuring coronavirus Pandemic and the time's global geopolitical foggy horizon. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Revista de Estudios Internacionales Mediterraneos is the property of Taller de Estudios Internacionales Mediterraneos and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

NATO's enlargement in the Western Balkans (WB) has been the focus of a number of debates for almost two decades. Opinions and positions regarding this question range from serious doubts, criticisms and opportunistic press releases to enthusiastic support for membership. This paper assesses Bosnian reforms and policy changes, as well as the country's efforts to join NATO. Bosnia and Herzegovina (BiH) has made significant steps in moving towards NATO's military and political standards, but not sufficiently. Although BiH is viewed by some observers as a country approaching the point of joining the Membership Action Plan (MAP), this prospect remains uncertain. The findings of this research suggest that BiH is different from other WB countries and that it is not suitable for understanding the NATO integration challenges in the WB. In order to understand Bosnian 'specifics', it is necessary not only to view the challenges through the prism of technical and other domestic issues in BiH. A wider approach must be adopted. Through understanding the Bosnian specifics, the dilemmas related to the NATO membership of BiH become more obvious and clear. Bosnian specifics illustrate why BiH is not able to take significant steps towards long-term stabilization and NATO membership. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The mainstream literature on global cities tends to explain the internationalization of cities almost exclusively from the perspective of recent developments in global capitalism, developments that have put cities at the heart of an increasingly globalized, financialized, and deregulated world economy. The internationalization of these so-called global cities is seen as a response to, and is conditioned by, external, and mainly economic, exigencies. Research on the foreign relations of city governments has followed in this tradition, with a predominant focus on the global drivers and manifestations, as well as the systemic implications of this phenomenon. Little academic attention has been given to the domestic contexts within which city governments develop and exercise their international agency. This paper is inspired by the emergence of alternative accounts in the global cities literature, which have underscored the importance of the domestic context in making sense of the contemporary internationalization of cities, to analyze the domestic sources of the City of Johannesburg's foreign relations from 2011 to 2016. While acknowledging Johannesburg's global cities ambition as a major driver of the city government's international relations during this period, we identify and analyze a set of local and national factors that equally inspired and conditioned the city's foreign engagements. These include the huge socio-economic and spatial divide that continues to define the city, the influence of the ruling African National Congress (ANC) and its doctrine of progressive internationalism, as well as the then mayor's internationalist outlook and domestic political ambitions. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

India's coastal cities have been playing a pivotal role in international relations through culture, commerce, and connectivity since the hoary past. In modern times, coastal cities such as Mumbai (formerly Bombay) on the Arabian Coast and Kolkata (formerly Calcutta) on the Bay of Bengal have been active actors in international affairs. While Mumbai has been the hub of international trade and commerce, Kolkata has been the junction of cultural bonhomie with Bangladesh and Southeast Asian countries, which gained more traction due to cross-border movements of technology, information, education, trade and finance, and artistic tools bolstered by the New Economic Policy beginning in the early 1990s. Indian states and metropolitan cities are enhancing their positions in international affairs with tangible gains. Mumbai is referred to as India's financial capital and the home to the headquarters of great global business houses and financial organisations. Similarly, Kolkata is known as the cultural capital of India (Sri Aurobindo, Tagore, Shanti Niketan, Bengali folk art and culture etc.) and a destination for foreign tourists, artists and curious researchers. This paper examines the growth and impact of city diplomacy in India through the prism of federalism in advancing local interests in international politics. It attempts to assess the role of Indian cities from a comparative perspective in the conduct of city diplomacy from economic and cultural aspects. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

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Increasingly, non-state actors exercise unofficial forms of influence within international affairs. Analyzing the actions and platforms in which they operate offers a broader perspective on their influence within diplomatic spheres traditionally occupied by state actors. This paper explores the relationship between victim-oriented advocacy roles taken by the NGO 'Mothers of Srebrenica' and the resulting formulation of a 'culture of remembrance' as an unofficial part of Bosnia and Herzegovina's cultural and public diplomacy portfolio. We examine the Mothers' advocacy work in promoting genocide remembrance and fighting genocide denial within the country's foreign policy agency framework. We scrutinize under which circumstances their advocacy shapes or is formulated in parallel with official state diplomacy. We trace three types of advocacy engagement and discuss the influence in contributing to the country's cultural and public diplomacy. This analysis contributes to scholarship on the influence of non-state actors in public diplomacy by examining the role of advocacy organizations on local, regional, and global levels and expanding the scholarship about the intersection of non-state actors and cultural and public diplomacy to include states undergoing transition, particularly postconflict states. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Owing to its character and location, Pakistan is among the countries that often remain in international focus. Situated in one of the world's most-happening regions, the state and nation of Pakistan always have several challenges and options to work their way through. Naturally, the foreign office of Pakistan is expected to do a lot on various fronts to tap the opportunities, deal with the challenges, safeguard national interests, and serve overseas Pakistanis. This office, however, works with several limitations in terms of its capacity and the liaison with the relevant policy-making institutions in the country. The incumbent government in Pakistan had come with the promise of strengthening the foreign service of Pakistan through expansion, modernization, and better coordination. It, however, seems to have a lot more to do during the rest of its current tenure to actualize its promise. There certainly are achievements and positive developments that offer foundations for further developments but a detailed look at the conduct of national policy asks for a renewed and more inclusive approach at the external front. This paper reviews the operational, institutional, and political factors that have shaped the conduct of foreign policy by the current regime during the first half of its five-year tenure. It underscores the strengths and issues that need to be acknowledged and properly tackled. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Grand Strategy determines the ultimate goals and interests of a state. It has long-term effects on state policies. With the advent of the 21st century, China has emerged as a regional and global power. After entering the new era of development, China set specific goals and decided to achieve them, especially in the Asia-Pacific region. These goals are to convert China into a prosperous society, increase per capita income at par with developed states and realize modernization. In 2013, Xi Jinping announced China's Grand Strategy, while stating that the period extended to 2020 (and beyond) is the era of strategic opportunity for China. This article discusses China's Grand Strategy in the Asia- Pacific region. First, it conceptualizes Chinese strategy by focusing on its main objectives and interests. Secondly, it analyses its components while identifying how China is utilizing its economic, political, diplomatic, and security means to secure its interests in the region and maintain regional order. It also examines Chinese foreign policy in the Asia-Pacific region according to the institutions of international society described by Hadley Bull. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The purpose of this paper is to introduce the thought of Brazilian statesman Rui Barbosa (1849–1923) on foreign policy and international relations from the vantage point of doctrinal reflection. In recent years, scholars have thoroughly sought to find the existence of a distinct Brazilian national thinking, building on the premise that there is no great diplomacy without a consistent foreign policy perspective. Thus, it would be mandatory to search for ideas and reflections that had assisted the foreign policy construction of the country, considered by many as well succeeded in most respects. In this context, the paper seeks to identify the possible foundations of Rui Barbosa's vision on foreign policy and international relations, which is highlighted by a strong moral and religious foundation and settled on his contemporary conceptions on the pursuit of international peace. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

While global health diplomacy (GHD) has attracted growing attention, accompanied by hopes of its potential to progress global health and/or foreign policy goals, the concept remains imprecise. This paper finds the term has largely been used normatively to describe its expected purpose rather than distinct features. This paper distinguishes between traditional and "new diplomacy", with the latter defined by its global context, diverse actors and innovative processes. A more concise definition of GHG supports the development of a research agenda for strengthening the evidence base in this rapidly evolving area. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Drawing upon ideas from critical geopolitics, this paper compares the role that the British government plays within the contemporary transatlantic alliance with that played by Churchill's government during the Second World War. It argues that the Blair government's approach to foreign policy has parallels with Churchill's – that it should act as a bridge between the US and European governments. From this basis the paper reflects upon geopolitical change since 1945, re-evaluating the reasons for foreign policy failures during the Iraq War. Belying the assumption that these were caused by Blair's failures at diplomacy, it argues that failure was the result of an outdated geopolitical strategy. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper aims to discuss defense diplomacy efforts by TNI to strengthen the country existence. The world multipolarization put foreign policy into new challenges of world power distribution, non-boundary and not centered on two classical blocs (East and West). This condition requires the TNI to have an adaptive capacity related to the role and ability in responding to challenges in defense diplomacy tasks. There are 3 conclusions related to defense diplomacy in strengthening the existence of country. First, world multipolarization creates challenges to provide an opportunity for Indonesia to use it as an opportunity to build more constructive relationships in developing the country interests from the economic, socio-cultural and defense sectors. Second, actualization of defense diplomacy as a national policy must be consistent with country interests, especially in effort to maintain domestic stability which is closely related to regional situation. Third, several strategic partner countries of Indonesia need to receive comprehensively a systematic and programmed treatment in according with character of defense diplomacy, namely Confidence Building Measure (CBM), enhancement of defense capabilities and development of defense industry. Therefore, government needs to develop its relevance by exploring defense diplomacy as the spearhead to strengthen the existence of Indonesian nation and country. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper is a response to a 2018 call for greater understanding of how previous examples of marine science diplomacy could help shape present day efforts to draft a new law of the sea that protects marine biodiversity and conserves the marine environment. It tackles this through analysis of the various twists, turns, and challenges of early science diplomacy efforts in marine science during the early twentieth century. It looks in turn at questions of defining and agreeing on research objectives, how backchannel science diplomacy can become official government diplomacy, and finally, how careful science diplomacy brought Germany back to the international research arena so as to successfully put in place marine conservation measures during the 1920s. In doing this, it argues that the foundation of the International Council for the Exploration of the Seas in 1902 represented a revolutionary moment where supra-national scientific research, coordination, and conservation politics for the ocean first emerged; with International Council for the Exploration of the Sea becoming a key model for all subsequent marine science diplomacy. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The diplomacy of Japan towards its Asian neighbours has always been a complex issue. Throughout the years, the foreign policy of Japan has witnessed severe alterations specifically after the Second World War. Since then, new challenges and opportunities have risen which have formed a new, adapted Japanese diplomacy, albeit not disconnected from its traditional aspects and its past. The current purpose of the paper is to highlight these evolutions and challenges of the post WWII Japanese diplomacy. The focus will be on the two main neighbours and traditional partners of Japan, the People's Republic of China and the Republic of Korea. There will be an effort to highlight the challenges that Japan experiences with the aforementioned countries, its diplomatic approaches and how these could be evolved in the near future. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]