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This paper examines the Department of Defense's use of corporate strategies to manage U.S. overseas military bases and concludes that the Department of Defense's continued use of these corporate strategies--which have negatively impacted the United States' relationship with host nations--depends on the Department of Defense's ability to successfully strike a balance between efficiency and diplomacy. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Many scholars and policymakers in the United States accept the narrative that China is a revisionist state challenging the U.S.-dominated international liberal order. The narrative assumes that there is a singular liberal order and that it is obvious what constitutes a challenge to it. The concepts of order and challenge are, however, poorly operationalized. There are at least four plausible operationalizations of order, three of which are explicitly or implicitly embodied in the dominant narrative. These tend to assume, ahistorically, that U.S. interests and the content of the liberal order are almost identical. The fourth operationalization views order as an emergent property of the interaction of multiple state, substate, nonstate, and international actors. As a result, there are at least eight "issue-specific orders" (e.g., military, trade, information, and political development). Some of these China accepts; some it rejects; and some it is willing to live with. Given these multiple orders and varying levels of challenge, the narrative of a U.S.-dominated liberal international order being challenged by a revisionist China makes little conceptual or empirical sense. The findings point to the need to develop more generalizable ways of observing orders and compliance. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper explores when and why private communication works in crisis diplomacy. Conventional audience-cost models suggest that state leaders must go public with their threats in international crises because leaders cannot tie their hands if signals are issued privately. I present a crisis bargaining game where both the sender and the receiver of signals have a domestic audience. The equilibrium analysis demonstrates that a private threat, albeit of limited credibility, can be equally compelling as a fully credible public threat. The analysis suggests that secrecy works in crisis diplomacy despite its informational inefficacy. Secrecy insulates leaders from domestic political consequences when they capitulate to a challenge to avoid risking unwarranted war. The logic of efficient secrecy helps shed light on the unaccounted history of private diplomacy in international crises. The Alaska Boundary Dispute illustrates this logic. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article examines the decision making process for nuclear defense program in the United States. Growing anti-nuclear sentiment with the public had stopped the administration of U.S. President Ronald Reagan from acquiring more weapons. Without such outpourings of anti-nuclear sentiment the government might have cancelled the Threshold Test Ban Strategic Arms Limitation Talks (SALT ) II and Anti-Ballistic Missile (ABM) Treaties. Deputy Undersecretary of the U.S. Defense Department James Wade believed that the ABM and SALT I agreements between the U.S. and the Soviet Union provoked a relaxed response.

Copyright of Codrul Cosminului is the property of Codrul Cosminului and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Foro Internacional is the property of El Colegio de Mexico AC and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

In a creative twist on Philadelphia, Pennsylvania, Bicentennial celebration, 128 Members of the U.S. Congress so far have agreed to sign a "Declaration of INTERdependence" drafted by historian Henry Steele Commager. One-quarter of the nation's legislative leaders do not put their names in an election year to a piece of paper that is in serious dispute. Durable though the nation-state has proven to be, interdependence is more and more contagious. No nation now controls even that central symbol of national independence, the value of its money: inflation and recession are both transnational. The interdependence issues cut across the traditional jurisdiction of congressional committees, just as they cut across the responsibilities of existing Executive Departments. The U.S. Congress had just as much notice of the need for a national energy policy as U.S. President did, but there was apparently no way in which a legislative leader or caucus could develop a widely supported package to consider as a congressional alternative to U.S. President's program, even though the latter was already a year late when it finally emerged from the Executive.

Copyright of Security Strategies Journal / Güvenlik Stratejileri Dergisi is the property of Strategic Research Institute and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

This study examines the Turkish decision not to ally with the United States on 1 March 2003. It argues that Turkey, motivated by the struggle for autonomy, developed a proactive strategy of avoidance against the US's demands mainly because of its concerns on the possible consequences of the instability that was expected as an outcome of a US war in Iraq. This was neither a balancing nor a bandwagoning behaviour. Through the use of diplomatic channels on different levels, Turkey attempted to decrease the harmful effects of the approaching instability. Five diplomatic tracks show that the Turkish behaviour was a proactive avoidance strategy. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Outside of the International Labour Organization, the United States uses two main channels to promote labour standards internationally: bilateral or regional trade agreements and “labour diplomacy”. Examining developments in these areas between 2001 and 2008, the author argues that the Bush Administration weakened the United States' capacity to uphold internationally recognized core labour standards. Although it concluded an unprecedented number of free trade agreements, their labour clauses are largely devoid of meaningful enforcement mechanisms – suggesting a closer connection with general foreign policy objectives than with concern for workers' rights. Furthermore, the work of the Federal Advisory Committee on Labor Diplomacy was eventually suspended. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article discusses the contribution of Little Abraham to Iroquois neutrality and the American Revolution. Iroquois neutrality is considered as a transient stage in the Revolution, doomed to failure and left relatively unexamined. Abraham has been as understudied and as misunderstood as the neutrality though he is the most spectacular Iroquois neutral of the Revolution. He gets more than a brief reference before the spotlight shifts to military partisans. His experiences brighten a vital era of eighteenth-century diplomacy, suggesting that support since neutrality was stronger than most scholars thought. He is also determined to protect his own lands and those of his community.

In recent years, China has sought to supplement its traditional use of hard power with soft power, and thus the Chinese government has paid more and more attention to public diplomacy. Chinese governments have previously demonstrated a limited understanding of public diplomacy, seeing it either as external propaganda or a form of internal public affairs, but this has not prevented China from becoming a skilled public diplomacy player. Key aspects of traditional Chinese culture and politics have presented major obstacles for Chinese public diplomacy. In comparison to the United States, China needs an enduring and effective public diplomacy strategy and needs to improve its skills to make full use of the modern media. The peaceful rise/peaceful development policy in Chinese grand strategy has sought to integrate Chinese hard power and soft power to create a soft rise for China. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article discusses the argument that resolution on the tensions between U.S. and Iran through diplomacy is a sign of hipocracy. It is mentioned that U.S. used the military aid to employ tension in the Middle East. It includes a Memorandum of Agreement in Jerusalem signed by Under Secretary of State Burns with Bank of Israel. This agreement was a part of the military aid package announced by Secretary of State Condoleezza Rice. The article, however, mentions that racing regional arms is not effective to ease tensions with Iran. It explains that it is hipocracy for President George W. Bush to mentions that destroying human life in the hope of saving human life is not ethical.

Copyright of Comunicación y Sociedad is the property of Servicio de Publicaciones de la Universidad de Navarra, S.A. and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

The article discusses the difference in the approach of the United States and the United Kingdom to business and public diplomacy. Diplomacy is performed in two aspects, which are communication between one government and another government and in the form of private discussions. Technological innovations and mass media also changed how diplomacy works since conversations between state leaders could not be exclusively done between themselves. The different approach of the United States and the United Kingdom led to the conclusion of a need for a more open and comprehensive position on public diplomacy.

Questions positive claims about the state of high-level Anglo-American relations during the premiership of Harold Macmillan between 1957 and 1963. Period between two eras of threatened alliance; Failure of the Suez Canal collusion brought about by the swift American diplomatic and financial response; Thrust of literature that portrayed Post-Suez Anglo-American relations over the Middle East.

The article begins with a description of factors that elaborates the antecedents to China's new diplomacy and posture in Asia. It then examines the multilateral, political, economic, and security dimensions of China's efforts to engage its periphery. This is followed by a discussion of the implications of China's regional rise for the U.S. and Sino-American relations. China's growing economic and military power, expanding political influence, distinctive diplomatic voice, and increasing involvement in regional multilateral institutions are key developments in Asian affairs. The traditional underpinnings of international relations in Asia are undergoing profound change, and the rise of China is a principal cause.

In January 1964, riots broke out along the so-called border between Panamanian cities and the U.S.-run Canal Zone, resulting in loss of life among Panamanians and U.S. citizens and serious economic and political damage on both sides. While historians have mainly focused on the causes of the riots and the U.S.-Panama diplomacy that followed, a close look at the lesser-known international investigations of the violence adds texture and detail to the riots themselves as it also uncovers broader cultural and political dynamics surrounding the episode. This essay, informed partly by interviews with Panamanian participants and by documents from the Panamanian government, argues that Panamanians expressed a potent anticolonial discourse during the investigations, one that allowed them to conceal their government's substantial irresponsibility during the riots and help convince the U.S. government to negotiate the devolution of the canal into Panamanian hands. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article provides information on the U.S.-Democratic People's Republic of Korea nuclear rapprochement. To some South Koreans, the whole process of the U.S.-Democratic People's Republic of Korea (DPRK) nuclear rapprochement, culminating in the 1994 Geneva agreement and the 1995 light water reactor deal, has been a collection of bad dreams--U.S. inattention and vacillation, superpower double diplomacy, ally-adversary bed-sharing, double betrothal, officiator-bride elopement, dilution of traditional alliances, subservience of South Korean diplomacy, sponsoring of somebody else's festival, DPRK diplomatic adroitness, Chinese hegemonic arrogance, etc., in none of which could South Korea play any other than an antihero's role.

The article presents a study on how the United States might tip the diplomatic scales towards peace. The author relates that by constraining its own and other countries' military involvement, the U.S. can actually reduce the violence and better serve its own and all countries' security. The author added that the international community has a strong stake in ending the war, because the oil-rich region is vitally important to Japan and numerous other energy-importing countries. Lastly the author added that to be most effective, diplomacy would demilitarize the political cultures in the region as well as the human mind's perception of ways to resolve conflicts.

The article focuses on some key elements of foreign policy which include power, force, and diplomacy. It discusses the meaning, use and relationship of these three elements as well as their importance on international politics. It also looks into the foreign policy of the U.S. and the conflict between the U.S. and the Soviet Union which has been brought about by the desire for power. Moreover, it is noted that diplomacy is used as an instrument for power.

The article highlights the achievements and pitfalls of American diplomacy from 1776 to 1980. It is stated that the American Declaration of Independence has established a moral basis for American international relations through announcing principles of universal validity. The Declaration served as a guide for American foreign relations with other countries. However, when it separated the affiliations with Great Britain, military aid reached the colonies in France through clandestine channels.

The article presents a perspective on the history of diplomacy in the U.S. It has been noted by the author that the nature and function of diplomacy have not been the same in various historical periods. Moreover, the author added that the institutional development of diplomacy began in early intertribal relations.

The article presents a position paper from the American Public Health Association relative to world peace and the military budget in the U.S. The association backs up the passage of Strategic Arms Limitation Treaty (SALT) II and the speedy resumption of dialogues for an even stronger SALT III. It fights back increases in the U.S. military budgets which are based solely on the passage of Salt II. Further, it supports the passage of the Transfer Amendment. Other significant decisions of the group are presented.

Reports developments related to environmental health in the U.S. as of April 2004. Popularity of oyster shells in South Carolina; Effort of the U.S. and China to normalize diplomatic relations; Prevention of smoking in most states in the U.S.