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Copyright of Scientific Journal of the Military University of Land Forces is the property of Gen. Tadeusz Kosciuszko Military Academy of Land Forces and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Al-Rafidain for Rights is the property of Republic of Iraq Ministry of Higher Education & Scientific Research (MOHESR) and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Journal of International Relations / Medzinarodne Vztahy is the property of University of Economics in Bratislava, Faculty of International Relations and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Environmental & Social Management Journal / Revista de Gestão Social e Ambiental is the property of Environmental & Social Management Journal and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

This article examines how the peacemaking and preventive diplomacy tasks and labor of the global polity be divided up so as to relieve some of the existing pressure being placed on the universal international organization, the United Nations (UN) system?One of the keys to making Chapter VIII of the UN Charter operational in the 1990s and beyond is to reinterpret the meaning of that Chapter with the subsidiarity principle in mind. As in the European Union (EU) subsidiarity exercise, adopting this principle at the global level is complicated by the fact that it involves more than simply the relationships between different levels of governmental/territorial entities. The subsidiarity principle, as it is used in this paper, of necessity embraces political and sociological notions of relationships that extend well beyond different layers of state governments to involve non-state actors, individuals, civil society, regional and transregional entities, as well as the only existing universal body--the United Nations. This concept of subsidiarity therefore cannot be neatly packaged as a division of labor between higher and lower levels of governance and loci of sovereignty. It is envisaged as a far messier phenomenon that would devolve from the UN system some of the tasks of global governance, particularly in the field of security, between sovereignty-bound and sovereignty-free actors.

This study is part of a series of inquiries being made to ascertain the extent and practical usefulness of the part played by Asian nations in their individual and collective contribution to the norms-formulating functions of Asian States as members of the global community. The current paper is confined to the three areas of jurisdictional immunities in the practice of States under contemporary international law. The first part relates to Asian practice and the practice of other nations affecting Asian communities in regard to the Immunities of States and their Property from the jurisdiction of other national entities. The second part deals with the current practice of diplomatic and consular immunities, available also to ad hoc or Special Missions. The third part concerns the immunities accorded by States to international organizations or in connection with the exercise of their official functions. The final part contains concluding observations calling for meticulous care and attention to find a practical approach to the nature and extent of immunities needed and the necessity to maintain a delicate balance between the interests of the donors and recipients of immunities so as to avoid possible abuses. Asian and non-Asian nations alike are equally grantors and beneficiaries of immunities under review. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The relevance of the subject matter is conditioned primarily by the desire to achieve the national interests of Ukraine and the need to fight russian military aggression for the right to pursue an independent foreign policy. In this regard, the purpose of the study is to reveal the issue of the restoration of Ukraine’s activities in the political sphere as a result of the establishment of the United Nations. The main methods of research of this problem are: analysis, induction, deduction, and synthesis, which allow describing and highlighting the most important aspects of the development of Ukraine’s foreign policy, as well as diagnostic, comparative, system and structural methods. The paper examines the process of resumption of Ukraine’s foreign policy after the establishment of the United Nations. The role of Ukraine in the founding of the United Nations is considered, and its activities in the organisation are evaluated. The prerequisites and historical traditions of Ukrainian diplomacy are revealed. The activities of the Ukrainian Soviet Socialist Republic and independent Ukraine in the United Nations bodies are investigated. The main modern achievements of Ukraine’s foreign policy are considered. It is determined that one of the main goals of Ukraine’s work in the UN Security Council was to inform council members and the international community about any attempts to escalate the situation in the temporarily occupied Crimea and Eastern Ukraine by russia. The main ways of the modern foreign policy of Ukraine were described, namely: preserving the supremacy of the state on its territory, independence in international relations, territorial integrity, and Euro-Atlantic integration. The materials of the study are of practical and theoretical value for political scientists, historians, other representatives of the scientific community, and researchers of the topic of restoring Ukraine’s foreign policy, who are interested in the features and aspects of this state activity, and study the role of Ukraine in the process of founding the United Nations

International military organizations derive their identity from the objectives they are set to perform thus acquiring ontological security. Organizations like NATO—adhering to a realist approach to International Relations (IR) and Security Studies (SS) – have historically reconfigured their identity depending on the ontological threat du jour by prioritizing Anglo-American interest at the expense of Russian and Franco-German socio-economic security. By adopting an ontological security perspective critically approaching a realist lens to IR and SS, the following sections highlights that NATO has in the past, and continues in the present, to acquire ontological security by constructing imaginaries founded on an ontological double-requirement emphasizing that Anglo-American Self-security is based on demanding a threatening Other-identity. That is, while most studies on NATO focus on the question "why does NATO still exist?", the sections seek to highlight "how" did the process of ontological security seeking unfold, and what were the driving naturalized assumptions that enabled such process. The introductory section familiarizes the reader with the Anglo-American camp known as Atlanticism perceiving Continentalism interest as trivial. The second section defines the perspective of ontological security and its inter-related concepts of "critical situation", "environmental stability", "routine", "socialization" and "narratives". The third section highlights Atlanticist's protracting the war in Ukraine for ontological security purposes by fabricating narratives relating to Russia seeking "past glory", Ukraine becoming a possible NATO member, and finally, by undermining Franco-German sovereignty. The final section reveals the importance of considering diplomacy as the primary solution remedying the ontological insecurity accenting world politics. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Within the study of world politics, the relationship between alliance formation and war remains one of the most perplexing problems. This paper contends that explanations of the linkage can be improved by inspection of the effects of global war on changes in the degree to which alliance norms support or reject binding treaty obligations. A macro indicator of alliance commitments is devised that is anchored in international law, and a longitudinal analysis of temporal variations in this indicator in the aftermath of global wars is conducted. Two hypotheses regarding changes in the content of alliance norms are derived from Modelski's well-known theory of the long cycle of world leadership, and are tested through focused comparisons of discrete historical systems. The results suggest that in the 19th century flexible conceptions of alliance commitments tended to predominate in the wake of global war. However, the evidence also suggests that in the aftermath of 20th-century global wars a secular trend toward support for binding conceptions of treaty commitments has prevailed. The historical patterns and permutations within alliance norms observed are evaluated in terms of their implications for cyclical theories of global change'. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article presents a discussion related to studies in international relations in reference to a paper titled "Mexican Legislation in the Light of International Law" published in September 1928 issue of the "Social Science Quarterly," by David Y. Thomas. The Thomas article has been chosen by the author because, the author believes that it is an excellent illustration of its own kind of scholarship in its own time and it is curiously modern, or even "post-modern" in flavor. Its own kind of scholarship is more or less diplomatic history. It is an up-to-the-minute, argumentative interpretation which the historians might reject as premature and the political scientists might refuse to claim as inadequately "scientific." Call it academic journalism if one wishes, but it is very good academic journalism. Thomas documents impressively from a wide variety of sources, official, scholarly, journalistic and even inventively personal. Thomas prepares his "brief" carefully and persuades with the weight of evidence. If one wishes to emulate the scholar engaged he could find few better models than Thomas.

The founding myth of international law is the sovereign equality of its member states. How, then, can and should it accommodate the rise of one potential hegemon and the decline of another? This review essay discusses an important new book by Cai Congyan, of Xiamen University, that tries to reconcile an international rule of law with rising powers in general and the rise of China in particular. The larger theoretical project is less successful than a more immediate one, which is describing and explaining China's instrumentalist approach to the rule of law at the domestic and international levels. Though the tone of the book is assured and reassuring, Cai's diplomacy at times leaves some interesting questions unanswered – and a few crucial ones unasked. It is, nonetheless, essential reading for anyone seeking to understand how China sees and uses international norms and institutions. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

When rebel groups engage incumbent governments in war for control of the state, questions of international recognition arise. International recognition determines which combatants can draw on state assets, receive overt military aid, and borrow as sovereigns—all of which can have profound consequences for the military balance during civil war. How do third-party states and international organizations determine whom to treat as a state's official government during civil war? Data from the sixty-one center-seeking wars initiated from 1945 to 2014 indicate that military victory is not a prerequisite for recognition. Instead, states generally rely on a simple test: control of the capital city. Seizing the capital does not foreshadow military victory. Civil wars often continue for many years after rebels take control and receive recognition. While geopolitical and economic motives outweigh the capital control test in a small number of important cases, combatants appear to anticipate that holding the capital will be sufficient for recognition. This expectation generates perverse incentives. In effect, the international community rewards combatants for capturing or holding, by any means necessary, an area with high concentrations of critical infrastructure and civilians. In the majority of cases where rebels contest the capital, more than half of its infrastructure is damaged or the majority of civilians are displaced (or both), likely fueling long-term state weakness. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article takes the developments from the Enrica Lexie Case, currently pending between Italy and the Republic of India in front of the International Tribunal for the Law of the Sea (ITLOS) and the International Arbitral Tribunal, in order to analyse some current problems related to the international law of the sea. The controversy has fomented an intense debate not only in Italy and India but also in the whole International Community. Moreover, it has caused a dangerous diplomatic crescendo between the two involved countries. Thus, the case provides the occasion for important reflections on a major and very debated topic of international law, i.e. the issue of state jurisdiction for crimes committed at sea. This article will therefore analyse the controversies arising from the Enrica Lexie incident, the opposing positions maintained by the two States and some problematic aspects concerning the interpretation of the United Nations Convention for the Law of the Sea and other related sources of the law of the sea. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article deals with the difficulties that may arise in organizing "Geneva-2" as well as those that may appear in the course of the Conference itself. It focuses on the inter-Syrian talks that will be aimed at achieving a compromise on the key issues of Syria’s future.The author provides us with a comparative analysis of the Syrian parties' “degree of readiness” to engage in dialogue as well as with a review of the negotiation documents prepared by various factions of the Syrian opposition in which they outline their vision of transition in Syria.Emphasis is made on how outside players with influence on the Syrian sides (USA, France, Turkey, Qatar, Saudi Arabia and others) should act in the case of impasse of talks or difficulties in the implementation of decisions taken. The paper examines the role that Russia must play in order for the Conference to succeed, as well as that of Lakhdar Brahimi, Special Representative of the UN on Syria.The material presented is particularly relevant in the framework of the revival of the political process around Syria, especially in terms of the intensifying efforts to organize the International Conference with the purpose of finding a comprehensive political settlement to the crisis in Syria through the full implementation of the Geneva Communiqué (30 June, 2012).

In the face of a rising China, the most fundamental concern of Asia Pacific governments is how a stronger China affects their own security. While China could achieve a reasonable amount of security and prosperity playing within the current international rules, there is reason to expect China to use its expanding economic, military, and diplomatic influence to press neighboring governments to conform to its wishes on political issues. Based on a historical perception that a China-centered regional order is the region's natural destiny, China sees itself as the rightful leader of the region. And despite pragmatic forces restraining aggressive behavior by China, there is immense nationalistic pressure that pushes the top leadership toward more confrontational foreign policies. An important aspect of the strategic impact of China's rise depends on whether its policies violate international norms and threaten the security of other countries. Regional security will be defined in part by the willingness and ability of the region to stand up to China's demands. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Rivista di Studi Politici Internazionali is the property of Edizioni Studium S.r.l and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

This article examines the divergent approaches pursued by Japan and South Korea in their attempts to resolve an issue that is related to a fundamental responsibility of sovereign states: the protection of citizens. The case considered here is North Korea's abduction of Japanese and South Korean nationals. In Japan, the abduction issue has taken center stage in the country's North Korea policy, whereas in South Korea, recent administrations have downplayed the issue—despite the fact that nearly 500 South Korean citizens remain detained in North Korea, compared to fewer than 20 known Japanese abductions. The authors find that the key to understanding the divergent responses lies in the politicization of specific, ostensibly apolitical demands for the state to fulfill its duty to protect citizens. In particular, the proximity of the abductions issue to key nationalist themes, which politicians in each country use to mobilize support, prevents the matter from being addressed in a neutral way. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In this article the author examines international relations and diplomatic measures undertaken by Mongolia since the adoption of a new constitution in 1992. The author notes that since that date Mongolia has sought significant security agreements with its large neighboring countries, Russia and China, and to protect itself under the rubric of international law. The author designates these undertakings "preventive diplomacy," measures designed to create a an atmosphere is which conflict will not occur, in contrast to the option of managing discord after is has arisen.

Burke's justification for intervention in French internal affairs in the name of the international community has formed a powerful strand of thought in both diplomacy and international relations theory. However, the strength and openness of Burke's advocacy, traced here, changed according to his target audience, the domestic, and the international political context. Crucially, when he came to justify the case openly, the arguments changed completely. Beginning with a Grotian argument drawn from Vattel and premised on states as isolated rights-holders in a p re-social 'state of nature', Burke always struggled to draw justification for intervention in the case, allowed by Vattel, of irrevocable political disunion. This conflicted both with Burke's general conception of states as corporate wholes and his linked policy aspiration to restore the totally of French ancient institutions. Ultimately, abandoning this, his final argument, fully set out only in the Letters on a regicide peace, is complete(y new. It is premised not on modern international law but on remedies to be found in Roman domestic law, invocation of which he justifies by claiming Europe to be a single juridical enclave, drawing on an eighteenth-century discourse of shared manners, law, and culture as constitutive of political identity and community. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article presents information on the reservations or interpretative declarations of forty-seven states parties, who attended a Convention on the Rights of the Child. Forty-seven states parties to the Convention on the Rights of the Child have accompanied their ratification of the instrument with reservations or interpretative declarations intended to limit the scope of their obligations. Thus, although the Convention on the Rights of the Child is now the most successful and widely-ratified human rights treaty, with more than 175 states parties, this impressive support for the instrument is regrettably mitigated by the reservations. Making reservations to multilateral treaties is a well-accepted practice in international law. It facilitates negotiation of treaties because states know that they may eventually accept an instrument without binding themselves to every single provision, it also encourages ratification, because it is possible for a state to avoid assuming obligations in conflict with certain aspects of its internal legislation. At the same time, in partially limiting the scope of an instrument, reservations detract from the protection of individuals which is the purpose of international human rights law.

The article presents a study on how the United States might tip the diplomatic scales towards peace. The author relates that by constraining its own and other countries' military involvement, the U.S. can actually reduce the violence and better serve its own and all countries' security. The author added that the international community has a strong stake in ending the war, because the oil-rich region is vitally important to Japan and numerous other energy-importing countries. Lastly the author added that to be most effective, diplomacy would demilitarize the political cultures in the region as well as the human mind's perception of ways to resolve conflicts.