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Jean Améry's memoir of his imprisonment and torture by the Nazis links the loss of "trust in the world" to the violence he experienced. The loss of trust makes him feel homeless. He can no longer find a place in the intersubjective world, the world for everyone. What is this "trust in the world" (Weltvertrauen)? How does violence destroy it? In this article, I use Améry's remarks as guide for understanding the relation of violence, trust, and homelessness. Trust, I argue, is crucial to the constitution of the intersubjective world. Violence, by undermining trust in Others, destroys the sense that this world is "for everyone." In excluding the victim from its "for everyone," it enforces a homelessness that transforms the victim's very being-in-the-world. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Even a quick look at the history of religions leaves one impressed with how often the animal has been taken as a manifestation of the sacred. Another feature, frequently found, is the emphasis on the transcendence of the divine. Its radical alterity is such that we cannot directly encounter it. What is the alterity, the transcendence that conjoins these features? In this article, I argue that this alterity is that of the unconscious. Two types of impulses spring from it: impulses that we symbolically project as the Eros rooted in our animal, embodied existence and impulses that we project as springing from the divine. The only way that we can form a stable representation of ourselves is through the intertwining of both of them. Such an intertwining can be accounted for by means of Merleau-Ponty's model of reversibility and mutual disclosure. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Hannah Arendt's notion of public space is one of her most fruitful, yet frustrating concepts. Having employed it to analyze political freedom, she claims that such space has largely disappeared in the modern world. In what follows, I am going to argue that this pessimistic assessment follows from Arendt's exclusion of labor and work from the public realm. Against Arendt's claim that such activities are essentially private, I shall argue that they, like action, manifest our embodied being-in-the-world. When we think of public space in terms of our embodied presence, it becomes a concept applicable to modern democratic politics. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]