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ABSTRACT Objective Method Results Conclusion This study draws on life narrative data and an intersectional framework to explore features of narratives around structural domains, aiming to better understand the possible impacts of these domains on identity.Through in‐depth semi‐structured interviews with 177 young adults from primarily minoritized groups (73% Asian American or Latine, 59% Women, Median Parent Income = $50,001 to $75,000), we gathered 885 life narratives. Young adults narrated a domain‐general, ethnic/racial, gender, social class, and intersectional experience. Features capturing the content (Presence of Structural Domains, Connection to and Between Structural Domains) and process (Meaning Making, Affective Tone) of narratives were explored.Structural domains manifested uniquely within narratives such that ethnicity/race was discussed most frequently across narratives, whereas gender and social class were mentioned more in narratives about those domains. Additionally, Meaning Making was highest in self‐defining narratives and positively correlated with the number of structural domains present within and across narratives. Affective Tone was most positive in self‐defining narratives and most negative in social class narratives, which also contained the lowest Connection to Structural Domain.This study combines an intersectional framework and life narrative data to understand how structural domains manifest within young adults' experiences, revealing how those domains are interconnected and may impact identity. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Objective Methods Results Conclusions This study investigates the intersection of gender and social class in determining individual access to social capital in Spain. Specifically, the study aims to examine how gender and class homophily influence the formation and composition of personal networks.The study employs a quantitative approach, using survey data from a representative sample of the Spanish population. It analyzes the relationship between gender, social class, network size, and composition, leveraging a neocapital framework and considering the expected returns on social capital investments.The findings reveal a significant gender gap in social capital, particularly among the upper classes. Women, especially those from working‐class origins, have limited access to upper‐class networks compared to men with similar mobility experiences. These results highlight the reinforcing effects of class and gender homophily on social capital inequalities.The study concludes that gender and class intersect to shape individuals' access to social capital in Spain. Homophily plays a crucial role in reinforcing privilege and limiting opportunities for women, particularly in the upper social strata. These findings underscore the need for policies and interventions to address gender discrimination and promote greater inclusivity in social networks. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

ABSTRACT Charitable giving is often seen as a flexible and efficient way to address societal issues. However, it has also been criticised for having the potential to undermine governmental responsibility for providing public services and leading to concentrations of power. Across three studies, we investigated whether high social class is linked to viewing charitable giving favourably and as fulfilling an important function in society. We found correlational (Studies 1 and 2; United Kingdom and Netherlands; N = 1613) and experimental (Study 3; United Kingdom; N = 400) evidence that high social class is linked to more favourable views of charitable giving. Social class, however, was not associated with preferences for policies aimed at promoting charitable giving over systemic policies when targeting specific social issues. These findings suggest that social class influences general attitudes towards philanthropy but does not consistently guide preferences for specific policies addressing social issues. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Drawing on social identity theory (SIT), this study explored social class group identity, intergroup attitudes, and views about social mobility and inequality among socioeconomically and racially/ethnically diverse adults in the U.K. (n = 457) and the U.S. (n = 595). U.K. participants evidenced greater consensus about the social class groups present in their society than did U.S. participants, but lower, working, middle, and upper class were commonly perceived in both contexts, and many participants self‐identified as working class (38% U.K., 17% U.S.) or middle class (45% U.K., 47% U.S.) Consistent with SIT, participants in both contexts identified with their social class ingroup (e.g., felt they belonged) and stereotyped it less harshly on dimensions (warmth or competence) on which it was generally negatively stereotyped. Importantly, middle and upper class participants tended to feel more positively (e.g., proud) about their ingroup, and believed society was more fair and equal, and upward mobility more likely, than did lower and working class participants. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Does believing that "effort doesn't pay" in society shape how people view dishonest‐illegal transgressions? Across five studies, we show that when people view societal success as non‐meritocratic—that is, more dependent on luck and circumstances than on hard work—they are more lenient in their moral judgements of dishonest‐illegal transgressions. Perceiving society as non‐meritocratic predicted greater justifiability of dishonest‐illegal transgressions in the United States (Study 2), and across 42 countries (N = 49,574; Study 1). And inducing participants to view society as non‐meritocratic increased justifiability of others' dishonest‐illegal transgressions, via greater feelings of sympathy (Studies 3 and 4). Next, we investigated the contours of these effects. Perceiving societal success as non‐meritocratic rather than based on hard work causes people to view dishonest‐illegal transgressions as more justifiable if they are perpetrated by the poor, but not the rich (Study 4), and if the dishonest‐illegal transgressions are related to economic striving, such as money laundering and dealing illegal drugs (Study 5). In sum, when people see a social system as unfair, they show greater tolerance for dishonest‐illegal transgressions perpetrated to circumvent the system. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This study responds to the recent call in the literature for the interrogation and understanding of how social protection is accessed and distributed among various groups and classes of society. It explores who stands to win and lose from social protection through the lens of social class using the case study of Pakistan, where the elite class holds significant sway over decision‐making. Using a unique mixed methods approach, this study offers a two‐fold contribution: First, it applies cluster analysis to group households based on their socioeconomic demographics, with clusters serving as proxies for class and thereby giving unique insight into class composition in Pakistan. Second, it provides analysis of access to and experiences with social protection of households in different classes. The study concludes that social protection in Pakistan is insufficient in reaching and aiding lower‐class households. Instead, it predominantly benefits the wealthy, reinforcing a cycle of privilege and disadvantage among different socioeconomic classes. This study contributes to the construction of knowledge on how concentration of power within an elite group leads to resource allocation that perpetuates existing inequalities, hinders social progress and amplifies challenges faced by the lower classes. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper expands our knowledge on class divides in civic participation by asking a question to what extent class effect may be accounted for by differences in capitals (economic and cultural) and personal social networks. Two pathways of networks operation are considered: one related to the structure of network (size and diversity) and the other referring to the type of people someone is connected to (network content). Using Poland as a case, I evaluate the approach by using representative survey data for one urban population aged 18–75 (N = 1010) and building an integrated measure of civic engagement. The results show that: (i) civic participation varies by class position and depends on access to resources (in particular cultural capital); (ii) individuals with larger social networks are more civically engaged, but the same is not true for network diversity; (iii) having family contacts (but not non‐family contacts) of higher average prestige is positively related to the level of participation, in line with the social influence argument; and (iv) the effect of class position is partially mediated by capital endowment and networking. The findings point to the goal‐specificity of social capital and indicate that individual social capital does not translate automatically into a community's social capital. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Background and Objectives Materials and Methods Results Conclusion Homophily represents the extent to which people feel others are like them and encourages the uptake of activities they feel people like them do. Currently, there are no data on blood donor homophily with respect to (i) people's representation of the average prototypical UK blood donor and (ii) the degree of homophily with this prototype for current donors, non‐donors, groups blood services wish to encourage (ethnic minorities), those who are now eligible following policy changes (e.g., men‐who‐have‐sex‐with‐men: MSM) and recipients. We aim to fill these gaps in knowledge.We surveyed the UK general population MSM, long‐term blood recipients, current donors, non‐donors and ethnic minorities (n = 785) to assess perceptions of the prototypical donor in terms of ethnicity, age, gender, social class, educational level and political ideology. Homophily was indexed with respect to age, gender and ethnicity.The prototypical UK blood donor is perceived as White, middle‐aged, middle‐class, college‐level educated and left‐wing. Current donors and MSM are more homophilous with this prototype, whereas recipients and ethnic minorities have the lowest homophily. Higher levels of homophily are associated with an increased likelihood of committing to donate.The prototype of the UK donor defined this as a White activity. This, in part, may explain why ethnic minorities are less likely to be donors. As well as traditional recruitment strategies, blood services need to consider broader structural changes such as the ethnic diversity of staff and co‐designing donor spaces with local communities. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

It is well evidenced that South Africa is characterised by extreme socioeconomic inequality, which is strongly racialised. We offer an original sociological perspective, which departs from established perspectives considering the dynamics of vulnerability and poverty to focus on the structuring of classed and racialised privilege. We map how stocks of economic, cultural, and social capital intersect to generate systematic and structural inequalities in the country and consider how far these are associated with fundamental racial divides. To achieve this, we utilise rich, nationally representative data from the National Income Dynamics Study and employ Multiple Correspondence Analysis to construct a model of South African 'social space'. Our findings underscore how entrenched racial divisions remain within South Africa, with White people being overwhelmingly located in the most privileged positions. However, our cluster analysis also indicates that forms of middle‐class privilege percolate beyond a core of the 8% of the population that is white. We emphasise how age divisions are associated with social capital accumulation. Our cluster analysis reveals that trust levels increase with economic and cultural capital levels within younger age groups and could therefore come to intensify social and racial divisions. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This study investigates structural inequalities in educational enjoyment in a contemporary cohort of United Kingdom (UK) primary school children. Foundational studies in the sociology of education consistently indicate that the enjoyment of education is stratified by social class, gender, and ethnicity. Analysing data from the UK Millennium Cohort Study, which is a major cohort study that tracks children born at the start of the 21st century, we examine children's enjoyment of both school and individual academic subject areas. The overarching message is that at age 11 most children enjoy their education. The detailed empirical analyses indicate that educational enjoyment is stratified by gender, and there are small differences between ethnic groups. However, there is no convincing evidence of a social class gradient. These results challenge orthodox sociological views on the relationship between structural inequalities and educational enjoyment, and therefore question the existing theoretical understanding of the wider role of enjoyment in education. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This ethnographic study explores how South Korean parents understand their language use as a significant resource for their children's education. By expanding the concept of 'talk labour', this article examines how South Korean parents report on managing their day‐to‐day communication with their children as part of their educational work and how they conceptualize and evaluate their talk labour in different ways according to their socioeconomic backgrounds. Acknowledging the multifaceted dimensions of talk labour, we can better understand the diverse strategies employed by South Korean parents in relation to their aspirations for their children's futures as well as their aspirations to become 'good parents'. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Owing to the COVID‐19 pandemic, strict government interventions in China have been implemented for more than 3 years as of 2023. How do people of high or low social class respond to the prolonged COVID‐19 measures? Recent evidence has yielded inconsistent conclusions. In this study, we move beyond such debate and focus on the underlying motives that are closely related to both social class and COVID‐19 measure responses. Using a large Chinese sample (N = 1193, 48.50% women, Mage = 30.92 years, SD = 6.08), we found that participants with higher (vs. lower) social class, whether subjective or objective, reported greater gratitude, which in turn increased their willingness to support COVID‐19 measures (i.e. greater public health support and self‐prevention behaviour, and less pandemic burnout). However, those with higher (vs. lower) subjective social class also reported more psychological entitlement, which decreased their willingness to support COVID‐19 measures (i.e. less public health support and greater pandemic burnout). These findings contribute to a nuanced understanding of how social class may influence people's response to COVID‐19 measures. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Objectives Methods Results Conclusion To determine the effect of social mobility on self‐perceived oral health (SPOH) by: (i)characterizing patterns of social mobility from birth to adulthood and (ii)assessing their influence on SPOH among British adults.A secondary data analysis of the 1970 British Cohort Study. Data were collected at birth and at 5, 10, 16, 26, 30, 34, 38, 42 and 46 years of age. Social class (SC) was indicated by parental SC from birth to age 16 and own SC from ages 26 to 42. At age 46, SPOH was measured using a single question. Sex, ethnicity, country and residence area were included as potential confounders. Latent class growth analysis (LCGA) was used to identify trajectories of exposure to non‐manual SC over time, instead of predetermined categories.LCGA identified four social mobility patterns: stable high, stable low, upwardly mobile and downwardly mobile; the time for the change in SC happening between 16 and 26 years. A total of 9657 participants were included. In the crude model, stable high had lower odds (OR: 0.67, 95% CI: 0.59–0.76), while downward mobility and stable low had higher odds (OR: 1.36, 95% CI: 1.15–1.61 and OR: 1.57, 95% CI: 1.40–1.77) of poor SPOH than upward mobility. These results were corroborated in the fully adjusted model; being female and living in rural areas was also associated with lower odds (OR: 0.64, 95% CI: 0.59–0.71 and OR: 0.90, 95%CI: 0.80–1.00) of poor SPOH.Social mobility significantly affects SPOH in British adults. Those in non‐manual SC have better SPOH than those in manual SC. When compared to upward mobility, downwardly mobile individuals report bad SPOH more frequently, evidencing that current SC influences oral health in a slightly greater measure than early years SC. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Objective: This research investigated the effect of social class on personal control beliefs. Background: Differences in personal control beliefs serve as a central theoretical explanation for social class differences in cognition, emotion, and behavior. However, prior empirical research has not yet conclusively demonstrated that personal control beliefs differ between social classes. Method: Across four studies (total N = 138,417), we investigated the link between social class and personal control beliefs with well‐established measures of social class (e.g., ISEI, McArthur Scale),representative samples, and data that allow for causal conclusions (e.g., experimental, and longitudinal data). Results: We found that (a) higher social class was associated with higher personal control beliefs across 60 countries. Furthermore, we observed that (b) higher social class of parents was associated with higher personal control beliefs in their children, and that (c) experimentally induced higher (vs. lower) social class led to increases (vs. decreases) of personal control beliefs. Conclusions: Individuals from lower social classes consistently have weaker personal control beliefs than individuals from upper social classes. Social class differences in this fundamental personality characteristic are bound to have important consequences in various life domains (e.g., psychological and physical well‐being, and academic success). [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The COVID‐19 pandemic has detrimentally affected the mental health of lower income communities. We sought to investigate the relationship among multilevel social support, specifically individual‐, network‐, and neighborhood‐level social supports, COVID‐19‐related stressors, and probable diagnoses of depression, anxiety, and posttraumatic stress (PTS), within a racially diverse and predominantly low‐socioeconomic status population. We used multiple logistic regressions to assess the odds of diagnosis for high versus low social support and stressor levels. Participants who endorsed high levels of stress had significantly higher odds of probable diagnoses. Participants who endorsed low individual‐level social support had higher odds of probable depression and anxiety. Those who endorsed low neighborhood‐level social support had higher odds of probable depression and probable PTS. Network‐level social support was not significantly associated with the health indicators of interest. Results indicate the importance of both individual‐ and neighborhood‐level support to protect mental health during COVID‐19. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Transnational class formation has been a subject of considerable interest in recent years. This article provides the theoretical and thematic framework to the special theme on 'Transnational class formation: identities, practices and symbolic classifications' and presents a review of current literature on transnational social classes, arguing that we need to complement this literature by also considering transnational class‐making. We introduce several theoretical approaches and concepts, emphasizing the role of (self‐)classification, distinction, symbolic boundaries and intersectionality for analyses of transnational class‐making. Drawing on the contributions collected in this special theme, we conclude by presenting some potential challenges and unresolved questions concerning the issue of transnational class formation. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article analyzes the viability of women's participation in women's cooperatives in Turkey. The prospects are evaluated by focusing on the sustainability of the cooperatives' economic activities as well as the recruitment and continued participation of individual women members. Taking a feminist social reproduction perspective, the article seeks to understand the underlying dynamics of women's participation in cooperatives, as this perspective enables us to analyze this participation as a process and captures the permeability between women's social reproduction duties, women's relationship with the state, and the economic market. Based on countrywide, semi‐structured in‐depth interviews with members of women's cooperatives in Turkey, we find that familial constraints as well as governmental policies and practices challenge women's economic development aspirations in the cooperatives, while social class deeply informs the challenges faced as well as the resources available to and strategies developed by women. The resulting analysis demonstrates that familial, social, and political issues related to social reproduction need to be addressed prior to focusing on the impact of cooperatives on women's empowerment. This is essential to ensuring the success of women's cooperatives and the continued provision of meaningful opportunities for women's participation. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The aim of the study was to acquire an insight into the experiences of 84 children from two schools in the United Kingdom who were asked to describe their interpretation of 'excellent sports coaching'. Using visual and narrative research methods it was found that the influence of social class was significant. Children from higher socioeconomic groups described excellent sports coaching as a structured and adult‐led process, whereas children from lower socioeconomic classes described it as being more play‐like and self‐determined. Reasons for this difference are explained through the contrasting attitudes to sport and physical activity present amongst different social classes. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The coronavirus disease 2019 (COVID‐19) pandemic has had a detrimental effect on people's mental health. Drawing on the palliative function of ideologies, we suggest that people rely on system‐justifying beliefs to mitigate psychological distress during the pandemic. We conducted three studies with correlational and experimental designs to examine whether and how system‐justifying beliefs can buffer against psychological distress during COVID‐19, and whether this effect may vary across social classes. The results indicated that (a) system‐justifying beliefs alleviated psychological distress during the pandemic, (b) personal control mediated this relationship and (c) this effect was consistent across all social classes. This study provides robust evidence for the palliative function of system‐justifying beliefs during a massive global health crisis (i.e. COVID‐19). [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Objective: Empirically examine whether different economic theories of marriage formation predict the transition from cohabitation to marriage differently across social classes. Background: Less-educated individuals marry their cohabiting partners at lower rates than their collegeeducated peers, but the reasons for this are unknown. Few studies have examined the intersection of social class and couple-level economic resources to understand if the potentially gendered economic determinants of marriage vary according to a couple's social location. Method: Couple-month data come from the 2014 Survey of Income and Program Participation, including 1879 cohabiting couples, 478 of whom transition to marriage. Logistic regression is used to test whether the marriage bar, gender specialization, gendered institutions, or gender revolution framework best predicts the likelihood of marrying. Results: Joint indicators of the marriage bar and the gendered economic organization of couples both predict marriage, but the specific gendered organization varies by the couple's level of education. Among couples where neither partner has a college degree, male-breadwinning couples are most likely to marry; dual-earning couples are most likely to marry among more-educated couples. Conclusion: Although college-educated couples seem to have shifted to a more egalitarian model of marriage, as predicted by the gender revolution framework, the marriages of the less-educated are still characterized by traditional arrangements, in line with the idea that marriage is a gendered institution. By showing that different theories predict marriage depending on the couple's social position, these findings provide groundwork to explore why the less educated are increasingly less likely to marry their cohabiting partners. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Background: Children from disadvantaged backgrounds are at greater risk of attention‐deficit hyperactivity disorder (ADHD)‐related symptoms, being diagnosed with ADHD, and being prescribed ADHD medications. We aimed to examine how inequalities manifest across the 'patient journey', from perceptions of impacts of ADHD symptoms on daily life, to the propensity to seek and receive a diagnosis and treatment. Methods: We investigated four 'stages': (1) symptoms, (2) caregiver perception of impact, (3) diagnosis and (4) medication, in two data sets: UK Millennium Cohort Study (MCS, analytic n ~ 9,000), with relevant (parent‐reported) information on all four stages (until 14 years); and a population‐wide 'administrative cohort', which includes symptoms (child health checks) and prescriptions (dispensing records), born in Scotland, 2010–2012 (analytic n ~ 100,000), until ~6 years. We described inequalities according to maternal occupational status, with percentages and relative indices of inequality (RII). Results: The prevalence of ADHD symptoms and medication receipt was considerably higher in the least compared to the most advantaged children in the administrative cohort (RIIs of 5.9 [5.5–6.4] and 8.1 [4.2–15.6]) and the MCS (3.08 [2.68–3.55], 3.75 [2.21–6.36]). MCS analyses highlighted complexities between these two stages, however, those from least advantaged backgrounds, with ADHD symptoms, were the least likely to perceive impacts on daily life (15.7% vs. average 19.5%) and to progress from diagnosis to medication (44.1% vs. average 72.5%). Conclusions: Despite large inequalities in ADHD symptoms and medication, parents from the least advantaged backgrounds were less likely to report impacts of ADHD symptoms on daily life, and their children were less likely to have received medication postdiagnosis, highlighting how patient journeys differed according to socioeconomic circumstances. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In this article, we analyze the foodwork of mothers when feeding their families on low and reduced incomes. By exploring their accounts of food shopping and household budgeting, we argue that foodwork is intrinsically linked to other areas of social life and dominant values associated with "good mothering." Through a careful consideration of the contexts and relations in which foodwork is valued, embedded, and made meaningful, we draw two key conclusions. First, we find that mothers' foodwork is oriented towards avoiding devaluation and maintaining a level of respectability as opposed to accumulating cultural capital. Second, we introduce the concept of foodcare arguing that it potentially offers low income mothers an alternative to the logic of capital for their demonstration of self‐worth. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In this article I examine the simultaneous expansion of urban sprawl and influx of middle‐class migrants in the context of Gurugram, India, to highlight how physical and social space plays an integral role in shaping class distinction among the migrant middle classes. I make a case for social class, generally, and migrant middle classes in neo‐urban contexts, specifically, to be understood as a sociospatial category. My arguments build primarily on Bourdieu's argument that both physical and social space operates on similar principles of reciprocal externality of positions in the context of social class distinction. I highlight how the migrant middle classes formulate and consolidate their social class distinction against competing claims over sociospatial dominance of the local ancestral agrarian community in neo‐urban Gurugram, India. My findings highlight how existing local sociopolitical fractures interact with global capitalist circuits of capital to shape the sociospatial context in which social class distinction is formulated. The article allows for grounding theorizations of social class to accommodate local sociopolitical and sociospatial dynamics. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This original study followed up ten beneficiaries of a UK charity‐led programme that supported disadvantaged students in applying to elite US universities. First interviewed in 2015 during their early university days in the United States, in our 2019 follow‐up all participants had graduated. Six remained in the United States and four had returned to the United Kingdom, with only one returning to their pre‐university community. They reported benefitting immensely from their international opportunities and were nearly all in high‐paying graduate jobs or high‐profile graduate programmes. Drawing on Bourdieu's concept of the 'cleft habitus', which can result from rapid and substantial shifts in field, we found that this was rare. Rather, the majority had undergone a 'wholesale escape', replacing their originary habitus with one that was consistent with their new field. The significance of the study is that the findings allow us to propose the concept of 'helicopter mobility' to describe individualised approaches to social mobility, whereby those considered to have merit are removed from their communities without questioning or affecting wider structural inequalities. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Is class‐based contact associated with legitimation of inequality? Drawing from the idea that people adopt beliefs predominant in groups with whom they interact, we hypothesized that upper‐class contact would correspond to greater legitimation of inequality, whereas lower‐class contact would correspond to lesser legitimation of inequality among lower‐ and upper‐class individuals. We also hypothesized that middle‐class individuals might possess a more precarious identity, leading lower‐class contact to correspond to higher legitimation of inequality. We tested hypotheses using a nationally representative sample from Chile (N = 4446; Study 1), and nationally representative samples from 28 countries (N = 43,811; Study 2). Support for hypotheses was mixed. Upper‐class contact was often associated with greater legitimation of inequality, whereas lower‐class contact was frequently related to lower legitimation of inequality. Patterns emerged among most social class groups, but there was also variation across groups. We discuss potential explanations for results along with theoretical implications for class‐based contact. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Income‐based educational inequality is a global issue. In Australia, schools in the relatively large private sector charge a range of fees, with public schools also exhibiting considerable income differences. Using a nationally representative sample in the Australian Survey of Social Attitudes, we examined the public's fairness perceptions of income‐based educational inequality and how their fairness perceptions are related to self‐interest (particularly regarding social class) and ideological orientations. We found that people hold diverse views about the fairness of income‐based educational inequality and that the number of people who perceived it as unfair was almost double the number of those who perceived it as fair. Respondents categorised as upper/upper‐middle‐class were, however, more likely to perceive income‐based educational inequality as fair, while agreement with government responsibility for economic well‐being was associated with a negative view of income‐based educational inequality. Implications of these findings for the promotion of socially just and equitable education are discussed. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Immigrant educational selectivity—immigrant parents' educational attainment relative to their peers who did not migrate—is associated with better schooling outcomes for children at later stages of the educational pipeline in the United States. Less is known, however, about its influence on early education‐related outcomes. Using Early Childhood Longitudinal Study data from three different cohorts and quantitative analyses, I examine the relationship between immigrant selectivity and school readiness at school entry (proxied through math skills and approaches to learning evaluations). I find that immigrant selectivity is positively associated with school readiness, but it does not generate a widespread immigrant advantage at school entry, contrary to findings related to schooling outcomes later in the schooling pipeline. Notably, among most Asian groups, immigrant selectivity partly accounts for school readiness advantages compared to their White peers with native‐born parentage, whenever they emerge. By contrast, accounting for immigrant selectivity reveals the full extent of the immigrant disadvantage at school entry among most Latino groups. These results suggest that immigrant selectivity is an important factor in shaping racial/ethnic stratification early in the schooling pipeline. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

We explore the foodwork performed by white middle‐class mothers in the United Kingdom who were preparing to feed their families in anticipation of post‐Brexit resource scarcity. We illustrate their laborious preparations ('prep‐work') as they stockpiled items (mostly food) in anticipation of shortages. We reveal tensions in how they envisaged how (and who) to feed. Analysis reveals how our (privileged, white middle‐class) participants enrolled 'good' motherhood into prep‐work and engaged in a new form of 'othering'. Non‐prepping '(m)others' were positioned as deficient, 'bad' parents due to failure to save children from post‐Brexit risk/hunger, and participants downplayed their own (classed and material) advantage in being able to prepare. By exploring their prep‐work accounts, we illustrate how they assumed a morally superior motherhood position to the non‐prepared underclass and make several contributions. First, we extend foodwork categories, recognizing additional foodwork of managing and hiding stockpiles (given stigma/ridicule surrounding prep‐work). Second, we illustrate the darker side of motherhood that prep‐work revealed, which clashes with elements of intensive motherhood ideology. Third, we illuminate the 'othering' of a new parental underclass: the unprepared. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Around the world, we witness not only growing levels of economic inequality but also the rise of protests whereby people from different social classes are demanding a more equal society. Our research uses a person‐centered approach to examine subgroups of participants in a social movement against inequality on the basis of their social class, intention to participate in conventional and/or radical collective actions, and social identification with the movement. We used longitudinal data from the Chilean student movement (two time points; total N = 1226) to conduct latent profile and latent transition analysis. We identified four profiles of participants: (1) inactive supporters (mostly from the upper class), (2) low radicals (mostly from the middle class), (3) moderate radicals (mostly from the middle class), and (4) high radicals (mostly from the middle class). The four profiles were generally stable over the one‐year period. We further found that group efficacy and a "nothing to lose" mindset predicted the profile membership of participants. Group efficacy also predicted transitions of participants between different profiles. Our findings highlight the key role that the middle class plays in diverse forms of collective action. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Large‐scale international achievement studies such as PISA have been widely used to study how educational inequality compares across countries. Yet the various different biases that may affect these estimates are often not considered or are poorly understood. In this paper we draw upon the total survey error framework to provide a case study of the potential biases affecting estimates of the socio‐economic achievement gaps using PISA data from Germany. The results illustrate how procedural and measurement errors have a substantial impact upon estimates of socio‐economic achievement gradients in Germany, including how it compares with other countries. This leads us to conclude that estimates of socio‐economic achievement gaps using the PISA data for Germany do not seem to be particularly robust. More generally, we argue that better articulation and reporting of such challenges with comparing socio‐economic achievement gaps using large‐scale international assessment data such as PISA are needed. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

A great deal of work in consumer psychology has been devoted to understanding how individuals manage resource discrepancies. This includes tangible resources – such as money, food, and products – as well as intangible resources – such as time, skills, and social relationships. Resource discrepancies can either be positive – as in the case of having substantial wealth – or negative – as in the case of poverty. Several constructs across the behavioral sciences have been introduced to describe how consumers perceive their various resource discrepancies including, but not limited to, power, social status, scarcity, inequality, and social class. However, little guidance is provided to understand when and why these resource‐based constructs can produce both overlapping and opposing consequences. This conceptual article provides a resolution to this issue by introducing an integrative theory that situates these constructs within the same unifying framework based on two fundamental dimensions: high (vs. low) personal control and self‐ (vs. other‐) dependence. Based on this framework, we offer eight testable propositions and develop a research agenda for academics interested in studying resource discrepancies. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In the U.S., people with marginalized racial/ethnic, social class, sexual, and gender identities often have worse physical and mental health than people with more privileged identities. This paper reviews psychological research suggesting that inclusive school cultures can improve the health and well-being of those with marginalized identities. Specifically, we review two examples of sets of ideas and practices in schools that create more supportive environments: (a) ideas and practices that recognize and include diverse identities and (b) ideas and practices that support interdependent ways of thinking, feeling, and acting. We also speculate about the psychological and behavioral mechanisms by which each protects health and well-being, including reducing discrimination, increasing school belonging, strengthening positive ingroup identities, and allowing students to access culturally relevant support. We suggest that changing school cultures to make them more inclusive is one way to reduce health and well-being disparities. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The topic of this article is the classed formation of health lifestyles in youth. Based on longitudinal interview data (41 youths, 17 of their parents) from two contrasting class contexts in Norway, we investigate how health lifestyles are reproduced across generations and during youth, focussing particularly on diet and physical activity. We find that young people's health lifestyles are powerfully shaped by social class and moulded over time in ways that may impact their further health trajectory. The health practices of upper‐class young people are closely monitored; they are practically and emotionally scaffolded by their parents. Developing a rigorous health orientation, they come to view health as an investment for the future, intrinsically linked to achievement, discipline and identity. Working‐class parents focus more on the child's autonomy in matters of diet and physical activity. Separating health practices from family life, their children's health orientation becomes more fragile and their children's health lifestyle trajectory more arbitrary and vulnerable to peer influence and marketised body cultures. Combining temporality, youth agency and relationality, it becomes evident that young people internalise their parents' health lifestyle, leaving room for different expressions of youth agency. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The purpose of this article is to explore how parents of children with higher weights are represented in policy documents constituted by health authorities in the Danish welfare state. It focuses on how discourses of moral judgements might play a role in child rearing, by framing child obesity as a parental problem in health professionals' practical guidelines. The article is based on a discursive analysis of cases from three guidelines published by two respected Danish health bodies. The cases describe how health professionals should perceive families with obesity when providing interventions. Using sociocultural class theories, we find that the cases in the guidelines display a middle‐class hegemony, which implies a preoccupation with moral judgements. Combining this with a post‐structuralist concept of discursive subject positions and representations, we reveal how mothers of obese children are subject to these judgements, either as passive and irresponsible lower‐class citizens or as morally worthwhile and responsible middle‐class citizens because of shame and fear of being judged. We conclude that the ways obesity is discursively constructed by the Danish health authorities is concerning because they build on outdated and stigmatising views on obesity. The moral implications of this might increase inequity in access to health by distributing stigma and thereby legitimating welfare retrenchment with reference to economic necessities and irresponsibility among the less privileged groups. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Aim: The aim of this cross‐sectional study was to investigate whether family income modifies associations between dental caries and sex, age, mother's education, type of preschool, sugar intake, and toothbrushing. Background: Dental caries is a multifactorial dyanamic disease primarily mediated by biofilm and sugar. Design: A randomly selected sample of 308 Brazilian preschool children aged 1–3 years underwent a clinical oral examination for the assessment of moderate/extensive dental caries using codes 3–6 of the International Caries Detection and Assessment System. Mothers were asked to fill out a form addressing the child's demographic and socioeconomic characteristics as well as the frequency of sugar intake. Statistical analysis involved descriptive statistics, the chi‐squared test, and Poisson regression models. Results: The prevalence of moderate/extensive dental caries was 42.5%. The adjusted model revealed that within low‐income families (<2 times the monthly minimum wage), the prevalence of dental caries was higher among children with a high frequency of sugar intake (≥ twice per day) than in those with a low frequency of sugar intake (< twice a day) (RR = 1.79; CI: 1.38–2.33). In families with higher income (≥2 times the monthly wage), no significant association between sugar intake and dental caries was, however, found. Conclusions: In conclusion, monthly family income can modify the association between the high frequency of sugar intake and dental caries. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Most research on the structural foundations of cultural consumption views tastes and practices as a better or worse emanation of social class or status. In contrast, this paper shows that cultural consumption is also embedded in a larger system of social networks. Not only does it examine whether having more diversified personal network translates into being involved in a wider range of cultural activities (omnivorousness), it also tests whether holding networks of different strength corresponds with different levels of cultural engagement (strong vs. weak). Based on the survey data collected in Poland in 2017, the analyses yield three main findings. First, cultural consumption continues to reflect social class divisions and is a potential mechanism for social exclusion. Second, network diversity is associated with cultural variety independently of class position. Third, the number of weak ties people hold is more strongly associated with the number of "weak" practices (that is practices of less frequency) and the number of strong ties is positively associated with the number of strong practices (voraciousness). These findings are discussed in terms of balance theory, interactional foci and weak versus strong culture. The implications of the article are that omnivorism both signifies class boundaries and indicates participation in different network structures. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Alcohol is a modifiable breast cancer risk, increasing risk in a dose‐dependent manner. Mid‐life women (aged 45–64 years) consume alcohol at higher rates than younger women and this, combined with age, make them a high‐risk group for breast cancer. This critical public health problem has a seemingly obvious solution (reduce drinking); however, women do not necessarily know alcohol causes breast cancer, and if they do, reducing consumption is not always possible, or desirable. To innovate public health responses, we employ an interpretative sociological framework 'candidacy' to understand women's perspectives on breast cancer risk relative to alcohol consumption and their social class. Drawing on 50 interviews with Australian mid‐life women, our findings reveal the socio‐structural determinants of 'candidacy', that mean modifying alcohol consumption for breast cancer prevention is impacted by social class. Utilising Bourdieu's relational capitals, our interpretations show how social class shapes women's ascriptions and enactments of breast cancer candidacy. We offer an important theoretical extension to 'candidacy' by demonstrating more or less fluidity in women's assessment of breast cancer risk according to their agency to adopt breast cancer prevention messages. Understanding the social class possibilities and limitations in women's perceptions of breast cancer risk provides a new opportunity to reduce inequities in breast cancer incidence. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

German family policy was dramatically reformed in the 2000s because of dual reforms to parental leave and childcare provision. While considerable evidence has suggested the reforms affected employment and other outcomes, this article asks what the consequences of these reforms are for the family, specifically for patterns of work‐family arrangements. Moreover, it asks how education matters for work‐family arrangements post‐reform. Using German Socio‐Economic Panel data, I show that college‐educated mothers giving birth to their first child after the reforms earned roughly half of household income if they benefited from expanded local childcare access. By contrast, in areas with lower childcare availability, even among the college‐educated, mothers' earnings resemble pre‐reform patterns, where mothers earn between a quarter to a third of household income. Therefore, the reforms contributed to greater differences in family structures based on the education. One interpretation of these findings is that the status reproducing nature of the Continental welfare states has recalibrated for the modern age, de‐gendered for those with the greatest labour market returns. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This study investigates how the staff in one preschool group in Finland deals with questions of social class. Despite a lack of reference to class in policy documents, social class emerges in three ways in the discussions among the Early Childhood Education and Care (ECEC) professionals: regarding how they view their group of children, in relation to their own inter‐relational dynamics, and in their perception of the practice in another less privileged ECEC setting. The study suggests a need for a more nuanced discussion about social class within ECEC, bearing in mind how it affects relations and the need for consciousness about how inequalities are reproduced. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Despite predominantly lower social class origins, the second generation of established immigrant groups in the UK are now attaining high levels of education. However, they continue to experience poorer labour market outcomes than the majority population. These worse outcomes are often attributed in part to their disadvantaged origins, which do not, by contrast, appear to constrain their educational success. This paper engages with this paradox. We discuss potential mechanisms for second‐generation educational success and how far we might expect these to be replicated in labour market outcomes. We substantiate our discussion with new empirical analysis. Drawing on a unique longitudinal study of England and Wales spanning 40 years and encompassing one per cent of the population, we present evidence on the educational and labour market outcomes of the second generation of four groups of immigrants and the white British majority, controlling for multiple measures of social origins. We demonstrate that second‐generation men and women's educational advantage is only partially reflected in the labour market. We reflect on the implications of our findings for future research. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Objective: To estimate frailty prevalence and its relationship with the socio‐economic and regional factors and health care outcomes. Methods: In this study, participants from the harmonized Diagnostic Assessment of Dementia for the Longitudinal Aging Study in India (LASI‐DAD) were included. The frailty index (FI) was calculated using a 32‐variable deficit model, with a value of ≥ 25% considered as frail. Data on demographic (including caste and religion) and socioeconomic profiles and health care utilization were obtained. The state‐wise health index maintained by the government based on various health‐related parameters was used to group the participants' residential states into high‐, intermediate‐, and low‐performing states. Multivariable and zero‐inflated negative binomial regression was used to assess the relationship of frailty index with sociodemographic characteristics, health index, and health care expenditure or hospitalization. Results: Among the 3953 eligible participants, the prevalence of frailty was 42.34% (men = 34.99% and women = 49.35%). Compared to high‐performing states, intermediate‐ and low‐performing states had a higher proportion of frail individuals (49.7% vs. 46.8% vs. 34.5%, P < 0.001). In the adjusted analysis, frailty was positively associated with age, female sex, rural locality, lower education level, and caste (scheduled caste and other backward classes). After adjusting for the socio‐economic profile, FI was inversely associated with the composite health index of a state (P < 0.001). FI was also significantly correlated with total 1‐year health care expenditure and hospitalization (P < 0.001 and 0.020, respectively). Conclusion: There is a high prevalence of frailty among older Indian adults that is associated with sociodemographic factors and regional health care performance. Furthermore, frailty is associated with increased health care utilization and expenditure. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Against what they considered the immoral politics of sectarianism, leading activists in Lebanon in the 2010s combined entrepreneurialism and activism to animate systemic change and build an effective nation‐state. In doing so, they created an ethicopolitical subjectivity that I call entrepreneurial activism. Entrepreneurial activists articulated an ethical politics that celebrated patriotic citizens who work autonomously on both individual moralities and political structures. Examining activist biographical accounts that tied entrepreneurialism to imaginations of change and revolution in Lebanon, this ethnography reveals both the possibilities and limitations of the middle‐class politics of entrepreneurial activism. Translocal encounters between the middle class, the aspirational middle class, and the returning diaspora entangled globalized projects of active citizenship and social entrepreneurship with lived experiences of war and leftist legacies in Lebanon. Fostering social mobilization and new ways of doing politics, entrepreneurial activism is a compelling case in which moral and political imaginations co‐constitute each other, and in which entrepreneurialism cannot be reduced to neoliberalism. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

A substantial body of research indicates that higher education students from lower social class backgrounds tend to have poorer health than those from higher social class backgrounds. To investigate sleep as a potential mediator of this relationship, online survey responses of students from five large Australian universities, one Irish university and one large Australian technical college were analysed in three studies (Study 1 N = 628; Study 2 N = 376; Study 3 N = 446). The results revealed that sleep quality, sleep duration, sleep disturbances, pre‐sleep worries and sleep schedule variability mediated the relationship between social class and physical and mental health. Sleep remained a significant mediator when controlling for related variables and other mediators. Thus, the findings suggest that sleep partly explains social class differences in health. We discuss the importance of addressing sleep issues among students from lower social class backgrounds. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Objective: The aim of this analysis is to understand why young adult students in the US South marry in college or shortly afterwards. Background: While the median age at first marriage in the United States has risen and marriage delay has become culturally normative, a substantial minority of young adults marry in their late teens or early 20's, particularly in the US South. Young adult college students who marry negotiate conflicting imperatives of marriage and educational attainment, and how these are negotiated or resolved sheds light on the social, cultural, and economic forces that inform family formation. Method: This study draws from in‐depth interviews conducted with 45 18–23‐year‐old engaged or married college students in Mississippi. Results: Entering college, most participants had expected to marry close to median ages, with marriage perceived as a hindrance to educational achievement. This marriage timeline was negotiated downwards with the influence of four interrelated factors: personal orientation to marriage; a marriage‐oriented culture, being in the "right" relationship; and social and financial supports for marriage. Conclusion: The norm of marriage delay that these young adults embraced became perceived as inapplicable given evidence that marriage would not compromise college completion or financial stability. There were also social and cultural pressures toward marriage. "Why wait?" captures participants' sense of few barriers but clear incentives to marriage. Incentives were sometimes financial but also social, as marriage enabled students to establish themselves as more mature than peers. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Background: We investigated the link between the endorsement of self‐enhancement values (e.g., ambition, influence, authority and social power) and school achievement (i.e., grades). Aim: Adopting an intersectional framework, we argued that the link may be qualified by both students' gender and their parents' education level. We hypothesized that depending on students' different experiences in the school system as a function of their gender and their parents' level of educational attainment, the endorsement of self‐enhancement values might be either beneficial or detrimental to their academic achievement. Samples: We conducted two studies: a pilot study (N = 191) and a preregistered main study (N = 652). Method: High‐school students reported their endorsement of self‐enhancement values, their gender and their parents' education level. The school administration provided students' grade average. Results and Conclusions: In the pilot study, we found an interaction effect between the endorsement of self‐enhancement values, gender and parental level of education on grades: For male students, the endorsement of self‐enhancement values was associated with lower grades when their parents had a lower education level, but there was no such association for male students whose parents had a higher education level. No such effect was found for female students. With an improved methodology, the main study found an interaction effect between the endorsement of self‐enhancement values and gender on grades. Independent of parental education level, the endorsement of self‐enhancement values had a positive effect on grades among male students. No effect of self‐enhancement values on grades was found among female students. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article interrogates the depiction of working‐class and subaltern characters in neoliberal US cinema. Deploying a Marxian class schema in a content analysis of 53 top‐grossing films released between 1980 and 2010, we find working‐class characters unexpectedly prominent. They appear in most films, lead in a plurality, and are far more often heroes than heavies. Yet the vast majority are white, male and US‐born while exhibiting near ubiquitous subordination to up‐class co‐leads, mainly professional‐managers. Most working‐class characters also die or exit their class by film's end, abdicating agency and leaving up‐class figures in charge. We argue this amounts to a metaframe of nostalgic resignation: a collective image mobilizing masculinity and Eurocentrism to justify a historic loss of working‐class power. In contrast to critical, disconnected or escapist models of mass media's relation to actual social inequality, we argue these findings support a reproductionist (Althusser 2014) or propagandist (Herman and Chomsky 2002) understanding of that dynamic enriched by Hall's "racially structured dominance" approach (1980). [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The negative impact of economic inequality on social issues and wellbeing is of importance to social psychology that historically has an interest in social justice. Social Identity Theory is explored as an approach that acknowledges the wider context of social issues. The use of experiments encounters challenges in categorizing wealth and how individuals account for extreme wealth. Mainstream research agendas in psychology are not neutral and draw upon current ideology (such as neoliberalism) that can often maintain inequality. These difficulties are addressed by Critical Social Psychology driven by a social justice agenda that challenges the acceptance of neoliberal values. The application of Critical Social Psychology to wealth inequality is demonstrated with research using UK media data. Critical feminist psychology is discussed to explore the role of class and how to challenge the stigmatization of working‐class people. Finally, this paper outlines how Discursive Psychology addresses how extreme wealth and the practices of the super‐rich are warranted. A discursive approach questions the acceptance of wealth inequality as an everyday assumption and demonstrates how dominant discourse draws upon individualism. Furthermore, Discursive Psychology has examined how accountability for problematic practices, such as tax avoidance that maintain inequality, are managed in media broadcasts. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Background/Objective: There is limited information about the potential relationship of socioeconomic status (SES) with acne in preadolescents. Our objective was to assess the possible relationship between SES and preadolescent acne. Methods: A population-based retrospective cohort study was conducted to identify Olmsted County, Minnesota, residents with an initial acne diagnosis between 7 and ≤12 years old during 2010 to 2018 using the Rochester Epidemiology Project. For each acne case, we randomly selected 2 sex- and age-matched controls without an acne diagnosis from the county. Individual HOUsing-based SocioEconomic Status index (HOUSES) derived from real property data was used to evaluate SES, represented as four quartiles with higher quartile representing higher SES. Results: A total of 604 patients met the criteria. HOUSES distribution significantly differed between cases and controls (p = .001); a higher proportion of acne cases were in quartile 4 (42.2% vs. 32.7%), indicating higher SES. Race and ethnicity did not significantly differ between cases and controls. Among cases and controls, 74.5% and 72.3% were White, respectively. Study limitations include its retrospective design, only patients who visited a physician were included, and Olmsted County residents are largely non-Hispanic White. Conclusion: Preadolescents diagnosed with acne have a higher SES than those without diagnosed acne, highlighting a potential disparity in access to care and appropriate diagnosis. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

When are voters more likely to project their own political position onto a candidate for office? We investigate this question by examining the assumed partisanship of a (self‐declared) centrist politician, using data from a survey experiment fielded in Canada, the United Kingdom, and the United States. In doing so, we build on the social categorization model as well as recent U.S.‐focused political science research on projection and ingroup/outgroup racial divides—extending our analysis to incorporate racial and class similarities/differences across three countries where these divides likely vary in salience. We thus seek: (1) to contribute to research on the inferences citizens draw in nonpartisan elections and low‐information contexts generally and (2) to highlight some potential methodological complications of using partisanship‐less candidates in vignette experiments. Results suggest that even in the face of a self‐declared centrist, voters from across the political spectrum tended to assume shared partisanship in Canada, the United Kingdom, and the United States. Examining projection by ingroup/outgroup divisions indicated that class appears to shape projection across all three countries, but that the racial divide only mattered in the United States. Finally, we also find evidence of counterprojection toward outgroup members—but once again only in the American context. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Objective: We assess Cherlin's deinstitutionalization of marriage thesis by examining the meaning couples ascribe to their cohabiting unions, how this differs between partners and by social class, and over the relationship life course. Background: Cohabitation is often portrayed as a precursor to marriage. Declining shares of cohabitations that transition into marriage challenge this presumption. Method: Data are from in‐depth interviews conducted with a class‐diverse sample of 61 different‐gender cohabiting couples (n = 122 individuals). We utilize open, axial, and selective coding to analyze our data. Results: Cohabitation initially serves largely as a form of intensive dating, though over time many respondents described relationships that intensified to a trial for or a precursor to marriage. Maturation, relative comparisons with others' life course transitions, parenthood desires, and conforming to societal expectations abetted intensification, whereas discord—about domestic and fiscal responsibilities, sex, and life goals—and domestic abuse led to de‐escalation, with many in this category "waiting to break up." Relationship intensification among the middle‐class highlighted continued adherence to the hegemony of marriage, supporting Cherlin's thesis about developmental change. Less advantaged cohabitors more often viewed cohabitation and marriage as equivalent, supporting transformational change. Gendered enactments both challenged and supported existing institutional norms. Conclusion: In the early 21st century, cohabitation is part of the developmental change reshaping marriage among the middle‐class, but plays a more transformational role among the less advantaged, where the institution's hold has weakened. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]