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The counter-ethic is that I something i that prevents the ethic's own completion: its potentiality lies I in i , not I in spite of i , the way it "gives form to the claims and limitations" of the ethic (Pinto, 2020, p. 181). Contra what he described as Freud's "unscientific" method of free association, Satya Nand developed a complex "correlative" method, composed of "dream smudges', which might break a person's life experiences into segments they could associate with the themes generated by the [day]dream" (Pinto, 2020, p. 11), which were then reorganized into "long chains of association" including "mythic plot points in epic stretches" (Pinto, 2020, p. 87). Though the long passages of complex associations are certainly "where we are meant to look" (Pinto, 2020, p. 87), Pinto deftly guides our attention elsewhere, namely, to the conversations between Satya Nand and Mrs. At one point, Pinto describes the counter ethical as a "pocket of air...that bubble[s] precisely from the infrastructure of the ethic" (Pinto, 2020, p. 181). [Extracted from the article]

ABSTRACT At a drug rehabilitation clinic in Indian-occupied Kashmir, patients were subjected to a range of biomedical and penitentiary techniques. These techniques included group therapy sessions in which substance users performed narratives of their recovery-a practice that made visible their gratitude to the police, which oversaw the clinic and which, as an arm of the Indian military, many view as an illegal occupying force. While patients publicly pledged to remain sober and technically complied with the clinic's demands, they privately demonstrated ongoing commitments to nasha (intoxication), which places substance use, romantic love, and the search for divine unity in Sufism on the same phenomenological register. Through nasha, patients defied biomedical injunctions to forget their pasts and recuperated intoxication as a worthwhile experience. [ addiction, substance abuse treatment, military humanitarianism, recovery, reverie, Kashmir] [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In the last decade, over half a dozen local and international humanitarian organizations have established psychosocial programs to ameliorate the suffering of victims of violence in Kashmir. Many promote nonpharmacological trauma healing, such as counseling and psychotherapy, in contrast to the pharmacological treatments preferred by state mental health services. Although anthropologists have critiqued humanitarianism for its inadequate attention to local contexts, in this article, I attempt to go beyond this critique by focusing on the locals or 'nationals' who staff these organizations. Kashmiri psychosocial workers mediate between formal, international guidelines of psychosocial treatment, on the one hand, and local understandings of biomedical efficacy and care, on the other hand. I specifically show how counselors appropriate medical and psychiatric expert practices in their everyday work, not to increase their own prestige but to make their practice more legible to their patients or clients. As such, one of the unintended effects of psychosocial programs in Kashmir is the perpetuation of a medical model of care. Rather than being caused by a lack of knowledge of the local context, however, I argue that such borrowings are central to how psychosocial practices have been vernacularized in Kashmir. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]