Search

An understanding of genetics is becoming increasingly relevant to receiving medical care. It is important for health care providers and educators, including genetic counselors, to understand patients' perceptions about trait transmission and their interpretation of terms used in biomedicine. Knowledge about the patient perspective about trait transmission is important when health care providers are not fluent in the patient's language. Sixty Latinx immigrant adults (30 men and 30 women) who were born in Mexico or Central America (MCA) and living in North Carolina were interviewed about their heredity beliefs. By design, most participants had limited education. Eight percent had a least a high school education; 45% had less than a seventh grade education. Semi‐structured, in‐depth interviews were conducted to examine how participants think and discuss trait transmission. The translated transcripts were systematically analyzed using a case‐based approach, supplemented by theme‐based coding. Five lay mental models of heredity were identified that varied in terms of involvement of genes. Four of the five heredity mental models encompass genes; four out of five mental models do not link DNA to heredity. The centrality of blood, whether used metaphorically or literally, varies widely across the models. One model references God and depicts that heredity involves blood and/or genes, but not DNA. The mental models of heredity for most adult immigrants with limited education do not include DNA. Trait transmission by blood appears to have a more prominent role in lay mental models held by Mexicans than Central Americans. Increased patient knowledge about genetics can facilitate shared decision‐making as genetics becomes increasingly relevant to medical care. Efforts to educate people can be most effective when we first understand the layperson's conceptions or mental models. Health care providers and educators should be aware that MCA adults with limited formal education hold diverse mental models about heredity. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Background: Little research has addressed the safety environment of child farmworkers. This analysis examines the work safety culture experienced by Latinx child farmworkers in North Carolina. Methods: Survey interviews were conducted in 2017 with 202 Latinx children aged 10 to 17 years employed on North Carolina farms. Analysis included measures of the behavioral, situational, and psychological elements of work safety culture. Results: The work culture on North Carolina farms employing Latinx child farmworkers places limited value on safety. Behaviorally, many did not wear appropriate work clothing (eg, 47.5% wore gloves, 37.1% wore boots). Situationally, few received safety training for tools (40.6%), machinery (24.3%), or pesticides (26.0%); about one‐third (33.7%) had worked piece‐rate; and many did not have field sanitation services available (eg, 37.1% had water for washing, 19.8% had soap). Safety attitudes were mixed, and work safety climate was low, with 21.8% stating that their supervisor was only interested in doing the job fast and cheaply. Greater safety training, field sanitation services, and work safety climate were associated with working in western North Carolina, migrant workers, limited English fluency, and working in tomatoes. Wearing appropriate work clothing, not working piece‐rate, fewer unsafe work attitudes were associated with working in eastern North Carolina, seasonal worker, speaking English, and working in tobacco. Conclusions: This study makes it apparent that efforts are needed to improve safety culture wherever child farmworkers are employed. Current policy is not providing a safe environment for children working on farms in the United States. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Background: Children as young as 10 years of age can be hired to work on farms. Many of these hired child farmworkers are Latinx. Although these children experience high rates of injury, little research has addressed work‐safety perceptions among hired Latinx child farmworkers. Methods: For this qualitative study, we conducted in‐depth interviews in North Carolina in 2016 with 30 Latinx child farmworkers, ages 10 to 17. Our analysis used the work‐safety culture conceptual framework to delineate their perceptions of the psychological, behavioral, and situational elements of safety culture. Results: The child farmworkers describe a weak work‐safety culture. Psychologically, they understand that their parents want them to be safe, but they observe that safety is important to only a fraction of their supervisors and coworkers. Behaviorally, they recognize many of the hazards they confront while working, but it is not clear how well they use this knowledge to mitigate these hazards or to change their behaviors to avoid these hazards. Situationally, several children note that the only safety training they receive is the imperative to "be careful." Most receive little formal training, much of the training they receive is informally provided by family members and coworkers rather than supervisors, and their training is geared more toward how to complete a task than how to complete the task safely. Conclusions: Child farmworkers perceive that work‐safety culture is of limited importance in agriculture. Regulations are needed that improve work‐safety culture in agriculture, especially for those vulnerable due to minority age. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Background: US government child labor policies allow children as young as age 10 to be hired as workers on farms not operated by family members. Children may face substantial health risks in an industry known for high worker morbidity and mortality rates, due to high demands for productivity, and low control and little support because of the organization of the workplace. This paper examines how child farmworkers in North Carolina experience their work situation. Methods: In‐depth interviews conducted in 2016 with 30 Latinx child farmworkers, ages 10 to 17, were analyzed using concepts from the demand‐control‐support model. All had worked as either migrant or seasonal hired farmworkers within the past year. Results: Children reported planting, cultivating, and harvesting crops including fruits, vegetables, and tobacco. The crew leader supervisory system, piece‐rate pay, and coworker pressure produced significant demands to work quickly and take risks including lifting heavy loads, operating mechanical equipment, and working in excessive heat. Children had little control over work to counter demands they experienced; and they labored in a state of fear of firing, wage theft, and other sanctions. Support was variable, with younger children more likely to experience family and coworker support than older children. Conclusions: The high demands with limited control and, for some, little support, that these children experience place them at risk and show the possibility of injury and exploitation. Future research should systematically document the occupational injury and illness of hired child farmworkers, and consider whether changes in labor policy are warranted. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Background: Although children as young as 10 years can work in agriculture, little research has addressed their occupational health. This paper describes a large, multicomponent study of hired Latinx child farmworkers, and the characteristics of children participating in this study. Methods: Survey interviews were conducted in 2017 with 202 Latinx children aged 10‐17 years employed in agriculture across North Carolina (NC). Results: Most (81.2%) participants were born in the United States, 37.6% were female, and 21.3% were aged 10‐13 years. Most (95.1%) were currently enrolled in school. Thirty‐six (17.8%) were migrant workers. 34.7% had worked in agriculture for 1 year; 18.3% had worked 4+ years. 33.7% worked piece rate. 57.4% worked in tobacco. Participants in western NC differed in personal and occupational characteristics from those in eastern NC. Conclusions: This study has enrolled a large and diverse child farmworker sample. This overview indicates several important issues for further analysis. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]