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In this article, we explore the intricacies of veteran care and show how care practices come to incorporate veterans' 'self‐performances' to raise political attention and funding for future rehabilitation activities. By bringing into dialogue theories of care and theories of performance and representation, we illustrate how a seemingly classic form of care—veteran rehabilitation—takes the form of representative performance. Drawing on ethnographic fieldwork and interviews with the Danish Invictus Games team, we demonstrate how politics, research and TV documentaries are integrated into veteran care practices. Through this integration, mentally wounded veterans, while performing 'themselves' for shifting audiences with shifting agendas, come to assume the roles of both caregivers and care receivers. Crucially, we highlight that wounded veterans, while undertaking their personal rehabilitation journey, are curated into and (un)willingly positioned as representatives of others. By showing how caring for wounded veterans goes hand in hand with caring for fictive, future wounded veterans and for political, research and media agendas, this article offers new ways of thinking of and with care. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Political scientists have long debated whether citizens meet the expectations of a 'folk theory' of democratic representation, in which voters correctly reward and punish politicians for their actions, make choices primarily on the basis of policy preferences and orient their decisions to the future rather than the past. But how do elected politicians themselves theorize voting behaviour? In this paper, we report results from an original survey of more than 2000 elected local politicians in Canada and the United States which allows us to characterize politicians' own democratic theories. We uncover substantial variation in politicians' theories of democracy, and we find examples of a number of well‐known theoretical traditions (democratic realism, partisan retrospection, folk theory) among politicians themselves. We also show that politicians' theoretical perspectives are related to how they undertake representation when in office. We conclude with an outline of a comparative research agenda on the causes and consequences of politicians' democratic theories. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Political representation does not function well for citizens whose positions on political issues differ from those of elected representatives. In this paper, we argue that opinion incongruence leads citizens to want to bypass elected representatives and place more decision‐making power in the hands of the public. We theorise that this is because incongruent citizens are highly dissatisfied with the existing political system and/or think they will benefit from direct decision‐making in terms of improved policy responsiveness. Using data from the 2019 Belgian Election Survey (n = 3413) and Party Leadership Survey, we find that greater incongruence between citizens' positions and those of their elected representatives is related to higher support for direct decision‐making. This holds for opinion incongruence with the party voted for and incongruence with Parliament as a whole. This paper contributes novel insights into the consequences of the quality of political representation as well as the drivers of citizens' support for direct decision‐making processes. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

How much autonomy elected representatives should have in looking after the interests of their constituents is a central question of democratic theory. While much research has been conducted on the representational roles adopted by elected representatives, we currently lack an understanding of citizens’ preferences for contrasting models of representation, more specifically whether they believe representatives should primarily act as instructed delegates, closely following public opinion or rather as trustees, relying on their own convictions and judgement. As a result, we know relatively little about how congruent citizens’ and politicians’ representational preferences are, whether some subgroups of citizens and politicians are more congruent with each other than others and whether citizens’ and politicians’ representational preferences are driven by the same determinants. Using data from 13 countries, we assess the level of congruence between voters’ and MPs’ preferences in representational style. In all countries, citizens favouring delegate‐style MPs are poorly represented as the vast majority of representatives display a moderate to strong preference for trusteeship. Analysing subgroups of politicians and citizens according to party family, ideology, inclusion in government, populism and social class reveals that MPs from left‐wing or right‐wing radical and populist parties, representatives sitting on the opposition benches and those belonging to lower classes tend to hold representational preferences that are more in line with the preferences of their own supporters or individuals belonging to the same group as themselves, but also with those of the entire electorate. However, even among these politicians there are few delegates. Examining whether citizens’ and politicians’ representational preferences are driven by similar determinants, we assessed the influence of their ideological orientations, socioeconomic status and support for (or affiliation with) a party in government on their representational preferences. For citizens, our results indicate that locating oneself on the right of the ideological spectrum is related to higher scores on the delegate–trustee scale, while supporting a populist party seems to decrease voters’ favourability toward trusteeship. Politicians’ preferences could not be explained by similar factors as none of the tested factors were significant. In line with our congruence analysis, there seems to be little variation in MPs’ representational preferences. Even groups of MPs that can be thought of as most likely to be delegates turn out to be staunch trustees, potentially causing frustration among citizens preferring delegate‐style representation. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Do representatives provide fair and proportional representation to each place in their district or, rather, do they favour some places, creating winners and losers of representation? While the impact of geography on representation has been extensively examined in majoritarian systems, we know little about the geographical losers of representation in proportional representation systems. We investigate the extent to which different places receive unequal levels of attention in parliament, relative to what we would expect based on their population size as a normative proportional ideal. Crucially, we conceptualize place‐based representation at the micro‐level by looking inside electoral districts, using Google Places and Named Entity Recognition. Findings indicate that there are significant deviations from the proportional ideal. We find that small localities and large cities are overrepresented in parliament, while the medium‐sized cities and suburban peripheries of major metropolises are underrepresented. Places with a higher percentage of the population with university degrees are also overrepresented in parliament. These results carry important normative implications for forms of territorial‐based representation. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Nursing has improved over the centuries from the physician's handmaiden to a recognised profession. Yet, the image of a nurse is often associated with notions of caring and nurturing‐ attributes considered feminine. Indeed, cultural, and societal biases exist that can deter men from entering the nursing profession where their sense of masculinity is questioned. Several studies have highlighted the existence of gender‐based stereotypes, stigma, rejection, loneliness and discrimination which impact the retention of men in the nursing profession. Despite the established evidence regarding negative experiences, it appears limited attention has been paid to the men who decide to stay in nursing: how do they thrive in a profession wherein biases are evident within and in the wider societal context? Undoubtedly, several factors such as job security and financial incentives may contribute to men remaining in nursing. Beyond these, we borrow the notion of 'constructive resistance' to underscore that though the biases may be apparent, male nurses are able to construct alternatives that accommodate the image of a man in the nursing profession. Strategies such as developing the image as a 'super nurse' can create opportunities for male nurses to be preferred by other healthcare providers as well as female nurses. Thus, although resistance may usually appear as a negative phenomenon, constructive resistance represents hidden advantages which offers an opportunity to retain male nurses. These need to be highlighted and explored more as they can offer deeper insight into strategies that can be employed to improve retention and representation of men in nursing particularly at a time when the impact of nursing shortage remains a global issue. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In response to biodiversity declines worldwide, over 190 nations committed to protect 30% of their lands and waters by 2030 (hereafter, 30×30). Systematic conservation planning and return on investment analysis can be helpful tools for determining where protection efforts could deliver the most efficient and effective reserve design, and supporting decision‐making when trade‐offs among objectives are required. Here, we propose a framework for efficient "30×30" implementation and apply it to the state of California (USA). Because conservation of a region's full suite of biodiversity is the primary objective of the global initiative, we prioritized representation in our analysis. We used Zonation to identify networks that close the gap in representation of major habitat types in California's protected area network and that also conserve the places important for biodiversity or climate change mitigation. We identified networks that are efficient relative to metrics likely to be important in implementation including land acquisition cost, number of transactions, and conservation benefit per hectare, and we illustrate not only trade‐offs associated with these metrics but also differences in the co‐benefits achieved. Five of the eight major habitat types in California are not currently protected at a 30% level statewide, and if representation was achieved solely through private land acquisition, targets could be met for as little as $5.84 billion, with as few as 364 transactions, or with 2.18 million additional conserved hectares. Implementation of 30×30 will likely require more flexibility than a single network design. A "no regrets" action would be to protect properties that were prioritized across all networks and additional implementation should include properties with characteristics of any of the individual networks. Our analytical framework and implementation guidance can be applied to other geographies and jurisdictions to increase the likelihood of both meeting 30×30 targets and delivering the conservation benefits they aim to secure. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Polarization within Western societies escalates, as citizens increasingly distrust their governments and disagree with one another in an increasingly emotional way. Departing from a literature devoid of ideas to break this destructive trend, this paper presents a novel approach: While societies have evolved—becoming more diverse, individualized, and interconnected—democratic systems have remained unchanged, hence rooted in outdated structures. This misalignment drives the rise of political polarization. Through a comprehensive review of literature and data across OECD countries, this paper states the generality of the polarization problem, with the U.S. only as severest example. It introduces the concept of 'partitioning representation' of representing individuals as parts of non‐overlapping subsets of society, a form that fitted a bygone era of geographically and socially partitioned communities. The paper identifies three mechanisms through which the disjunction between this traditional form of representation and contemporary individualization leads to polarization: disconnection of voters from the political process, intra‐party dynamics that favor radicalization, and perverse incentives for political and media actors. Ultimately, breaking this destructive cycle requires rethinking how representation can work in a world that no longer conforms to the partitioned societies of the Western past. This calls for new forms of doing politics, empowering citizens to engage meaningfully with the political process and restoring the capacity for collective problem‐solving that is essential for democratic resilience in a new approach usefully called a 'civil democracy'. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

While it is generally admitted that governments in most democracies make extensive use of public opinion research, we do not know much about the way they mobilize this resource. When and why do they want to learn about public opinion? What determines differences in the intensity of government polling over the electoral cycle? Are government opinion polls primarily a tool for testing the reception of government proposals or for learning more about issues that are important to citizens? And what does this tell us about the way political representation works? Understanding governments as actors in the production of public opinion, not just as passive consumers, our focus is on polls commissioned directly by governments. We argue that government polls can help us to better understand how contemporary political representation works since they can play an important role as ‘update instrument’ in anticipatory representation or as a decision‐making aid in promissory representation. By studying government polls as dependent variable, we develop an innovative research design and systematically analyse the factors that explain whether the intensity of government polling (the number of questions asked) varies across different stages of the electoral cycle and whether the issues they ask about correspond more to the government's priorities or those of the public. We present evidence from Germany, mobilizing an original database of all survey questions directly commissioned by the German government during the 18th and 19th legislative periods (2013–2021). Our findings help to better understand the factors that determine the intensity of government polling at different moments of the electoral cycle and to identify the different logic of representation behind this activity. The transition from the post‐election period to the routine period and from the routine period to the pre‐election period correspond to turning points in the German government's use of this instrument. While we could not observe any direct effects of the electoral cycle on the intensity of government polling, the interplay between the former and different types of policy issues proves to be insightful. The government commissions significantly more survey questions on government priorities during the first 3 months in office than during routine times and significantly more survey questions on salient issues as federal elections approach. Moreover, we show that governments commission fewer questions on issues they ‘own’, which points in the same direction as previous studies showing that governments are less interested in public opinion on these issues. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Summary In an attempt to address the large inequities faced by the plant biology communities from the Global South (i.e. countries located around the tropics and the Southern Hemisphere) at international conferences, this Viewpoint is the reflexive thinking arising from the concurrent session titled ‘Arabidopsis and its translational research in the Global South’ organized at the International Conference of Arabidopsis Research 2023 (ICAR 2023) in Chiba, Japan in June 2023. Here, we highlight the main obstacles plant biology communities in the Global South face in terms of knowledge production, as measured by the unequal production and citation of publications, investigating and advancing local plant genomics and biodiversity, combating disparities in gender and diversity, and current initiatives to break isolation of scientists. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

We develop a mathematical approach to formally proving that certain neural computations and representations exist based on patterns observed in an organism's behaviour. To illustrate, we provide a simple set of conditions under which an ant's ability to determine how far it is from its nest would logically imply neural structures isomorphic to the natural numbers ℕ. We generalise these results to arbitrary behaviours and representations and show what mathematical characterisation of neural computation and representation is simplest while being maximally predictive of behaviour. We develop this framework in detail using a path integration example, where an organism's ability to search for its nest in the correct location implies representational structures isomorphic to two‐dimensional coordinates under addition. We also study a system for processing anbn strings common in comparative work. Our approach provides an objective way to determine what theory of a physical system is best, addressing a fundamental challenge in neuroscientific inference. These results motivate considering which neurobiological structures have the requisite formal structure and are otherwise physically plausible given relevant physical considerations such as generalisability, information density, thermodynamic stability and energetic cost. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The given text is a list of references and citations for various academic articles and books related to the topic of property and representation. The articles and books cover a range of perspectives and topics, including the relationship between property and democracy, the role of corporations in society, and the concept of workplace democracy. The author, Rutger Claassen, is a professor of political philosophy and economic ethics at Utrecht University. [Extracted from the article]

This study analyzes whether the personality traits of Members of Parliament (MPs) affect their attitudes toward the representation of gender equality issues. Based on the Big Five personality traits, we argue that Openness to Experience and Conscientiousness shape MPs' positions toward gender equality policies through two different pathways. The first pathway proposes a direct connection. While Openness is expected to positively affect MPs' support for gender equality, Conscientiousness is assumed to have a negative impact. The second pathway runs indirectly, linking Openness and Conscientiousness to preferences toward gender equality through the effect of these personality traits on MPs' general ideological positions. Using data from a survey of elite politicians in Germany and Switzerland, the results of a causal mediation analysis show a positive direct effect of Openness that holds independent of a mediating influence of political ideology. The analysis deepens our understanding of gender equality legislation and the MPs engaging in it. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Biodiversity research is essential for addressing the global biodiversity crisis, necessitating diverse participation and perspectives of researchers from a wide range of backgrounds. However, conservation faces a significant inclusivity problem because local expertise from biodiversity‐rich but economically disadvantaged regions is often underrepresented. This underrepresentation is driven by linguistic bias, undervalued contributions, parachute science practices, and capacity constraints. Although fragmented solutions exist, a unified multistakeholder approach is needed to address the interconnected and systemic conservation issues. We devised a holistic framework of collective responsibility across all research participants and tailored strategies that embrace diversity and dismantle systemic barriers to equitable collaboration. This framework delineates the diverse actors and practices required for promoting inclusivity in biodiversity research, assigning clear responsibilities to researchers, publishers, institutions, and funding bodies. Strategies for researchers include cultivating self‐awareness, expanding literature searches, fostering partnerships with local experts, and promoting knowledge exchange. For institutions, we recommend establishing specialized liaison roles, implementing equitable policies, allocating resources for diversity initiatives, and enhancing support for international researchers. Publishers can facilitate multilingual dissemination, remove financial barriers, establish inclusivity standards, and ensure equitable representation in peer review. Funders must remove systemic barriers, strengthen research networks, and prioritize equitable resource allocation. Implementing these stakeholder‐specific strategies can help dismantle deep‐rooted biases and structural inequities in biodiversity research, catalyzing a shift toward a more inclusive and representative model that amplifies diverse perspectives and maximizes collective knowledge for effective global conservation. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

A close connection between public opinion and policy is considered a vital element of democracy. However, legislators cannot be responsive to all voters at all times with regard to the policies the latter favour. We argue that legislators use their speaking time in parliament to offer compensatory speech to their constituents who might oppose how they voted on a policy, in order to re‐establish themselves as responsive to the public's wishes. Leveraging the case of Brexit, we show that legislators pay more attention to constituents who might be dissatisfied with how they voted. Furthermore, their use of rhetorical responsiveness is contingent on the magnitude of the representational deficit they face vis‐à‐vis their constituency. Our findings attest to the central role of parliamentary speech in maintaining responsiveness. They also demonstrate that communicative responsiveness can substitute for policy responsiveness. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

How does political experience affect the issues that men and women politicians prioritize? Gender stereotypical expectations dictate that women focus more on traditionally "feminine" policy areas. While past findings broadly support this, they do not examine how policy priorities shift with increased experience. Focusing on the United Kingdom, I argue that gender differences in the extent to which politicians raise issues traditionally associated with women will be most pronounced among junior politicians who lack experience in the eyes of the public and their colleagues, but will decline with increased political experience. To test this, I study parliamentary debates between 1997 and 2019 and leverage novel quantitative text approaches to measure politicians' issue priorities. I show that, among junior politicians, women talk significantly more about "feminine" issues, however this gap decreases markedly with increased seniority. These findings have important implications for the representation of women's voices and perspectives within the policymaking process. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

How does women's representation in politics affect working‐class women's attitudes toward political processes? Despite their increasing presence in the workforce, many women continue to concentrate in occupational sectors characterized by high economic vulnerability and low social status. This dynamic has important implications for the politics of representation. Previous studies suggest that women politicians positively affect women voters' political attitudes, but women's representation in politics is likely to have differing impacts on the political attitudes of working‐class and professional women. This study demonstrates that women's representation has a large class impact among women voters. In particular, using cross‐national data from 31 OECD countries as well as panel survey data from the British Election Study, we show that in countries with a higher degree of women's representation, there is more skepticism among women in low‐skill sectors toward voting and leadership than among those in white‐collar sectors. This is because there exist higher standards of accountability and relatability for women representatives among women voters. Given such high expectations, there is greater room for dissatisfaction among working‐class women than among their white‐collar counterparts when they constantly experience occupational segregation despite a high share of women in politics. In these settings, by contrast, women voters with high‐skill jobs are more likely to believe that voting and leadership matter, as they can better associate themselves with women political elites. Since men voters do not have strong expectations for relatability and accountability for public officeholders, the class impact of women's representation is weak among men. These findings have important implications for the symbolic representation of marginalized groups and democratic accountability. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The shortage of teachers from Black, Asian and minoritised groups is well documented. Over the past decade, a body of research has confirmed that discrimination and inequality is a factor in the recruitment of teachers from Black, Asian and minoritised groups in England. Drawing on findings from the 2017 Runnymede Trust Report, which highlighted Bristol's lack of racial diversity within the teaching community, this paper explores the experiences of a group of pre‐service teachers on university teacher education routes who are minoritised within the general teaching population. The identified lack of diversity in the teacher workforce extends beyond race to other aspects of identity and representation in the classroom and is mirrored in teacher education. A series of focus group interviews were conducted across a 9‐month period. Results are presented as vignettes to capture the voice of minoritised participants. The findings have implications for the recruitment and retention of a diverse teacher workforce, as well as highlighting the need to ensure a sense of belonging for all pre‐service teachers entering the teaching community. This paper proposes a model relating to the analysis of critical incidents, which aims to inform future research into how pre‐service teachers respond to critical incidents regarding their identity. This model seeks to clarify tensions in the diverse lived experiences of pre‐service teachers and helps to explore the importance of context. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Objective: In September 2017, the American Academy of Otolaryngology–Head and Neck Surgery (AAO‐HNS) added 2 questions querying panel organizers if gender/racial diversity was considered in selecting panel presenters, beginning with the 2018 Annual Meeting (AM). This study examines how this checklist impacted the gender diversity of panel presenters at the AAO‐HNS AM. Study Design: This was a cross‐sectional investigation comparing female representation before and after the addition of questions inquiring about diversity in 2018. Setting: A review of abstract submissions for the AMs from 2015 to 2021. Methods: AM Official Program Abstracts were used to obtain presenter names and specialty area for each panel. The percentage of female presenters, in total and stratified by specialty area, were compared before and after 2018 to quantify changes following the addition of the checklist. Results: There was a significant increase in the proportion of female panel presenters from 22.3% (total n = 1199) in 2015 to 2017 to 33.0% (total n = 1868) in 2018 to 2021 (P <.001) and in all panel specialties. The number of female moderated panels also significantly increased after checklist implementation from 22% to 38% (P <.001). Correspondingly, the number of panels with no female representation decreased from 42% in 2015 to 2017 to 23% in 2018 to 2021 (P <.001). Conclusion: The addition of a checklist asking panel organizers to consider diversity in selecting panelists was associated with an increased proportion of female presenters at the AM. This simple strategy can be implemented by all medical conferences to help close the gender gap. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Does the enactment of gender quotas in legislatures affect satisfaction with democracy? Although extensive research has generally affirmed the potential of gender quotas to advance women's political representation, our article investigates how quota adoption has shaped public attitudes toward democracy. We argue that positive effects resulting from the descriptive representation of women could be attenuated by negative reactions to the implementation of a quota system. Specifically, we posit that the backlash to these compulsory parity‐corrective policies will lead to lower levels of satisfaction with democracy, particularly for men. Using cross‐national survey evidence from as early as 1973 covering 69 countries and well over a million respondents, as well as a generalized synthetic control design to causally assess the impact of quotas, we find strong support for our expectations regarding the negative effects of quotas on democratic satisfaction. However, we do not find clear evidence that gender conditions this relationship and report heterogeneous region‐specific findings with ideology and support for quotas as moderators. Importantly, we observe the strongest negative associations between quotas and satisfaction in contexts with higher levels of corruption, specifically in Latin America. Seeing that quotas have the potential to generate lower levels of democratic satisfaction among men and women, our analysis contributes to our understanding of public responses to fast‐tracking women's representation and has broader implications for other top‐down initiatives aimed at deepening norms of democracy and equality. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article explores how citizens’ legitimacy perceptions are affected when decision makers deviate from the recommendations of a deliberative mini‐public (DMP), and what can be done to mitigate negative consequences. The results of a preregistered vignette experiment in Belgium (N = 2659) support our two main expectations. First, citizens’ legitimacy perceptions decrease when politicians do not follow the outcome of a DMP. Second, when politicians communicate responsively about this – meaning that they show respect for the recommendations and publicly justify why they deviated from them – legitimacy perceptions substantially increase, generally reaching the level of those cases where recommendations are followed. Diving deeper into this result also shows that for this effect to occur, citizens must find the provided reasoning valid and acceptable. Finally, the results hold among both policy winners and policy losers. These findings have implications for the literature on democratic innovations, empirical legitimacy, and political representation, but also for policymakers striving to combine arrangements of public participation that go beyond triviality, with political responsibility for the whole, and sustained mechanisms for accountability. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Indigenous Peoples are gaining renewed attention within both policy and academia, as examples of “resilience” and of non‐humanist, non‐modern ways of relating to nature, which might, it is hoped, provide tools to withstand the socio‐ecological crises associated with “the Anthropocene”. This paper argues that such representations obscure both their own colonial foundations and the ongoing forms of racialised dispossession and ecocide faced by Indigenous Peoples today. Instead, we conceptualise indigeneity and nature as deeply entangled categories that are co‐produced with capitalist modernity. Engaging anti‐colonial and Marxist scholarship, and drawing on our long‐term research with Indigenous movements in Bolivia and Colombia, we highlight how discursive and material assemblages of indigeneity and nature are dialectically linked to capitalist processes of dispossession and subaltern efforts to contest these. We further highlight how romanticised accounts of non‐modern nature‐cultures are unsettled by the violent world‐making of colonial capitalism and the unequal burdens placed on Indigenous territories and bodies. We use an ethnographic vignette from the Bolivian Chaco to illustrate the messy everyday ways in which real Indigenous people navigate, contest, endure, and make do amidst the contradictory processes of racialisation, dispossession, and conditional recognition that characterise their positioning within colonial capitalism. In doing so, we show how thinking from the sacrifice zones of extractive capitalism unsettles contemporary debates on decolonising nature in the Anthropocene. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Replete with espoused discourses of equality, diversity and inclusion within public bodies, is the UK, wherein lauded initiatives reward its universities’ commitments to increasing the access and positioning of ‘women’ in higher education. This paper contributes a critical quantitative analysis of the state of representation and participation of academic staff within these universities generally, and the majority‐female discipline of education particularly. Education is important because it has a direct relation to social change and ethicality. It may maintain or reproduce the status quo; however, exercising its transformative potential is essential for the success of various international frameworks aiming to address global inequality, including most recently the Sustainable Development Goals. Sensitised by QuantCrit principles, a descriptive statistical exploration was undertaken of the staff composition and employment conditions captured within the administrative datasets reported on academic staff by all the public universities in the devolved nations of England, Northern Ireland, Scotland, and Wales from 2015 to 2020. The findings of this study confirmed: (i) the continuation of gendered inequalities across the academic hierarchy, particularly as the pyramid narrows to the assigned intellectual leadership position of ‘professor’; (ii) racialised, gendered inequalities in access to employment, and in positioning once employed; and (iii) more adverse conditions where gendered, racialised and geopolitical inequalities intersect, most extremely for Black African female academics. The study demonstrates that the centring of ‘race’ and consideration of nationality are required to challenge coloniality, and to bring to the fore the differential impacts of systems of discrimination within this globally influential sector. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Decades of research has revealed that humans can concurrently represent small quantities of three‐dimensional objects as those objects move through space or into occlusion. For infants (but not older children or adults), this ability apparently comes with a significant limitation: when the number of occluded objects exceeds three, infants experience what has been characterized as a "catastrophic" set size limit, failing to represent even the approximate quantity of the hidden array. Infants' apparent catastrophic representational failures suggest a significant information processing limitation in the first years of life, and the evidence has been used as support for prominent theories of the development of object and numerical cognition. However, the evidence for catastrophic failure consists of individual small‐n experiments that use null hypothesis significance testing to obtain null results (i.e., p > 0.05). Whether catastrophic representational failures are robust or reliable across studies, methods, and labs is not known. Here we report a systematic review and Bayesian meta‐analysis to examine the strength of the evidence in favor of catastrophic representational failures in infancy. Our analysis of 22 experiments across 12 reports, with a combined total of n = 367 infants aged 10–20 months, revealed strong support for the evidence for catastrophic set size limits. A complementary analysis found moderate support for infants' success when representing fewer than four objects. We discuss the implications of our findings for theories of object and numerical cognitive development. Research Highlights: Previous work has suggested that infants are unable to concurrently represent four or more objects—a "catastrophic" set size limit.We reviewed this work and conducted a Bayesian meta‐analysis to examine the robustness of this limit across individual small‐n experiments.We found strong support for the evidence for catastrophic set size limits, and moderate support for infants' success when representing fewer than four objects. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Cognitive science was founded on the idea that the mind/brain can be understood in computational terms. While computational modeling in science is ubiquitous, cognitive science takes the stronger stance that the mind/brain literally performs computations. Moreover, performing computations is crucial to explaining what the mind/brain does, qua mind/brain. Unfortunately, most scientists fail to consider analog computation as a legitimate and theoretically useful type of computation in addition to digital computation; to the extent that analog computation is acknowledged, it is mostly based on a simplistic and incomplete understanding. Taking computation to consist of only one type (i.e., digital) while ignoring another, interestingly distinct type (i.e., analog) leads to an impoverished understanding of what it could mean for minds/brains to compute. A full appreciation and understanding of analog computation—particularly in relation to digital computation—allows researchers to develop computational frameworks and hypotheses in new and exciting ways. Thus, somewhat counterintuitively, looking to the once‐dominant computing paradigm of yesteryear can provide novel computational ways of thinking about the mind and brain. This article is categorized under:Philosophy > Foundations of Cognitive Science [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Engaging students in the reading process is challenging when they are unable to connect to texts. It is important to provide inclusive and diverse texts (IDTs) in the language arts curriculum. To promote a positive reading experience, all students need to read IDTs with non‐stereotypical depictions of girls, women, people of Color, and more. This is challenging when obstacles such as limited resources, a lack of teacher preparation to meet challenges, and stakeholder opposition to "non‐traditional" literature may hinder educators' efforts to include IDTs. Using effective instructional strategies, increasing home and school literacy connections, and providing focused teacher training can help overcome these obstacles. Literary texts that reflect multiple identities will promote a more equitable representation of all students within the classroom community. This paper discusses possible strategies and approaches for including and engaging with IDTs and resources educators can use to address instructional challenges and find high‐quality texts. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

A certain type of citizen holds technocratic views. They favour pragmatic problem solving through scientific and technical expertise, and reject party politics for being harmful to the common good. Yet, empirical evidence on the ideological profile of these citizens is fragmented and inconclusive. Using an original survey in Western Europe, Australia and the United States, we test predictions about the left−right alignment of citizens with technocratic attitudes on the economic and cultural dimensions of politics. We argue that technocracy is not antithetical to ideology and that citizens holding technocratic attitudes are not immune to ideological positions. Findings show that technocratic citizens are more economically left‐wing than mainstream voters, contrary to common associations of technocracy with neoliberal economic principles. However, they are more centrist than populists. This highlights that, in addition to a representational challenge, technocracy mounts an ideological challenge to party‐based representative democracy. In times of cumulative crises, which put democracies under stress with demands for competence and effectiveness, these findings offer insights about the appeal of alternative forms of representation. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

We have good reasons to be concerned about the underrepresentation of historically marginalized people's perspectives from philosophical and academic discourse. Normative case studies provide a potential avenue through which we can address this lack of diversity. However, there is a risk that those who engage in this kind of project are "speaking for others" in ways that reproduce the inequalities we seek to remedy. While this challenge cannot be avoided, Jennifer Morton discusses here how the problem can be mitigated by conceiving of normative case studies as a way to facilitate dialogue within our classrooms and with communities outside the academy. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Introduction: The mental health of young people (aged 16–25 years) is a growing public health concern in the United Kingdom due to the increasing numbers of young people experiencing mental health difficulties, with many not in contact with mental health services. To design services that meet the needs of all young people, a diversity of young people must be involved in mental health research, beyond being participants. This Delphi study aimed to identify different types of 'involvement' and to define and describe 'under‐representation' in young people's involvement in mental health research. Methods: Twenty‐seven experts in young people's mental health research completed a series of online questionnaires. The experts were academic researchers, patient and public involvement (PPI) professionals and young 'experts by experience'. Round 1 generated panellists' views on 'involvement' and 'under‐representation'. Round 2 summarised panellists' responses from Round 1 and sought consensus (minimum 70% agreement) in nine question areas. Round 3 validated the findings of the previous rounds. Results: Consensus was achieved in eight out of nine areas, resulting in a matrix (with definitions) of the different types of young people's involvement in mental health research, from being advisors to involvement ambassadors. The findings generated an agreed‐upon definition of under‐representation, an identification of when in the research process there is under‐representation and the characteristics of the young people who are under‐represented. Experts further agreed on demographic data that should be collected to improve reporting on involvement. Conclusions: This study adds to our understanding of involvement and under‐representation in the context of young people's mental health research through expert consensus. It provides a practical resource for researchers considering involving young people in the research process and suggests the data that should be collected to improve reporting on the diversity of the young people involved. Patient and Public Contribution: A research oversight group of five young people advised on this study. They contributed throughout the project—from endorsing the research question to commenting on the findings and dissemination. Two of the group reviewed all participant materials and piloted the initial questionnaire. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Teleosemantics has an indeterminacy problem. In an earlier publication, I argued that teleosemanticists may afford to be realists about indeterminacy, pointing to the phenomenon of vagueness as a case of really‐existing semantic indeterminacy. Here, I continue that project by proposing two criteria of adequacy that a semantically indeterminate theory should meet: a criterion of theoretical adequacy and a criterion of extensional adequacy. I present reasons to think that indeterminate versions of teleosemantics can meet these criteria. I end by discussing vagueness, concluding that it most likely is not the same kind of phenomenon as the semantic indeterminacy afflicting teleosemantics. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In recent years, there has been growing awareness of the importance of representation in fiction books, to ensure all children and young people can see themselves reflected in what they read. Much of this work has focused, importantly, on increasing ethnic representation, yet there has been much less exploration of the representation of other minority experiences, such as those of neurodivergent young people, and how these are perceived by neurodivergent young people themselves. This article provides new insights into neurodivergent young people's perceptions of representation of neurodivergence in fiction books (and other text types) based on semi‐structured interviews with 16 neurodivergent young people (aged 14 to 17 year olds) from 2 high schools in Scotland. Using an inductive data‐driven thematic analysis process, three themes were identified: (1) representation of neurodivergence should be complex, realistic, and positive; (2) representation of neurodivergence should be normalised; (3) representation of neurodivergence beyond books is important. Each of these themes is explored in detail, followed by implications for future research, practice and the publishing of Young Adult fiction. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The maiden speech – the first speech given by a newly elected member of parliament (MP) – is a tradition in many parliaments, a personalized rite of passage to political power. As ethnic minority MPs remain relative newcomers, the maiden speech is, for them, even more politically charged. How do ethnic minority MPs represent their identities in this transformative moment? Our data set includes 93 ethnic minority MPs who have held a seat in the Dutch parliament, covering 88 maiden speeches, spanning 11 cycles (1986–2023). The diachronic and intersectional analysis shows that the relation between descriptive, substantive and symbolic representation for historically marginalized groups fluctuates and is influenced by the political environment. The ‘firsts’ of a particular gender/ethnicity intersectional group are less likely to narrate a minority identity than non-firsts. Progressive party ideology influences the extent to which ethnic minority MPs emphasize an (intersectional) minoritized identity. Personal stories and family histories are often used to counter stereotypes, unmute silenced cultures and share values. The focus on the maiden speech as a political narrative sheds light on the blurry lines between substantive, symbolic and descriptive representation. The political narrative is a strategic tool for MPs from historically disadvantaged groups to represent collective identities. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Recent scholarship has shown that legislators with deeper local roots and other preexisting place‐based attachments to their districts enjoy far‐reaching electoral advantages over their more "carpetbagging" colleagues. In this article, we consider how local roots, and its intersection with legislative polarization, influences legislative behavior, using a dataset of nearly 5,000 state legislators and novel measures of their local roots. We hypothesize that state legislators with deep local roots in their districts should be less ideologically polarized than their less‐rooted colleagues. This is precisely what we find. Using Shor‐McCarty ideology measures, we show that the most locally rooted legislators are 16% less ideologically extreme than their unrooted counterparts. These effects are comparable to or exceed those of district partisanship, chamber seniority, or other legislator characteristics. Collectively, these findings show that legislators' local roots not only affect their electoral fortunes, but also have major implications for legislative activity and party polarization. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Objective: This article analyzes the monument‐building and meaning‐making processes in the construction of the Statues of Peace erected to commemorate the Korean "Comfort Women." The tensions surrounding the erection of the Statues of Peace did not stop with their installation, as people then started to place different objects on the statues. This article uses actor‐network theory (ANT) to shed light on the formation that this has involved of a new representational and cultural politics. Methods: First, archival research was conducted to understand current issues involving both ANT and the Statues of Peace. Participant observations and semistructured interviews with NGOs were conducted. Results: I look at the afterlife of the Statues of Peace in cases involving not only destruction or restoration but also smaller acts of support or subversion. New material quality and meanings were formed by these actions. Conclusion: I show that ANT is a useful framework for understanding the representational complexity surrounding public monuments and their reception. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Ever since labour geography first started demonstrating workers' ability to shape geographies, geographers have problematised the agency of labour. This article responds to a recent intervention by Strauss (2020a; Progress in Human Geography 44 [1]:150-159), challenging the sub-discipline to reflect on who counts as a worker and what counts as work. By combining theories of roles and intersectionality, the article poses a related question: as whom do workers act? Theoretically, a critical realist approach to labour agency forms the basis for an intersectional reading of the active subject. To illustrate our argument, we juxtapose the accounts of three people who speak for groups of workers or are asked to justify the actions of collective actors like unions or social movements. By showing how these actors improvise their own role incumbency while actively negotiating social identities, the article problematises the epistemology of constrained labour agency while responding to Strauss' call for a rethinking of the ontologies of work. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Science educators now broadly recognize the multimodal nature of learning in science, where learners make meanings within modes (linguistic, mathematical, visual, and actional) by using the conventions of different sign systems or grammars in these modes. However, how teachers guide students to link and infer new meanings across modes, called "transduction" (Kress & Van Leeuwen, 2006. Reading images: The grammar of visual design. Routledge, p. 39), is less clear. This mapping of meanings across modes through realizing, generating, aligning, and coordinating meanings in representations is crucial to learning and communicating scientific concepts, inquiry processes, and reasoning. In this paper we propose a pragmatist account of how young students can be guided to achieve cohesion in this process. Drawing mainly on Peirce's (1998, The essential Peirce: Selected philosophical writings. Indiana University Press) theory of sign functions and affordances, we describe how, in practice, transduction entails a sequence of meaning-making steps across and within sign systems. For Peirce, sign systems in science enable inferential meaning-making within modes, but signs within these grammars can also prompt, support, and confirm meanings across modes. We analyze student learning in an elementary school astronomy class to identify how transduction is enacted and supported. We draw on micro-ethnographic analysis of the teacher's interactions with students and their artifacts to identify key transduction enablers. We found that young students can engage successfully in trans-modal reasoning if multiple conditions are met, with implications for science inquiry design in general and the teacher's key role in transduction guidance. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Numerous studies have found that selective attention affects category learning. However, previous research did not distinguish between the contribution of focusing and filtering components of selective attention. This study addresses this issue by examining how components of selective attention affect category representation. Participants first learned a rule-plus-similarity category structure, and then were presented with category priming followed by categorization and recognition tests. Additionally, to evaluate the involvement of focusing and filtering, we fit models with different attentional mechanisms to the data. In Experiment 1, participants received rule-based category training, with specific emphasis on a single deterministic feature (D feature). Experiment 2 added a recognition test to examine participants' memory for features. Both experiments indicated that participants categorized items based solely on the D feature, showed greater memory for the D feature, were primed exclusively by the D feature without interference from probabilistic features (P features), and were better fit by models with focusing and at least one type of filtering mechanism. The results indicated that selective attention distorted category representation by highlighting the D feature and attenuating P features. To examine whether the distorted representation was specific to rule-based training, Experiment 3 introduced training, emphasizing all features. Under such training, participants were no longer primed by the D feature, they remembered all features well, and they were better fit by the model assuming only focusing but no filtering process. The results coupled with modeling provide novel evidence that while both focusing and filtering contribute to category representation, filtering can also result in representational distortion. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Collaborative practice can sometimes be flawed and exploitative. Drawing on my ethnographic fieldwork within an Indian Muslim women's organization, my article examines the co‐creative practice and its pitfalls and what it ultimately reveals about reflexivity and the politics of (self)representation. I discuss how my attempt at making a collaborative/co‐authored film project with my research participants became difficult to realize in its theoretical and methodological intent, for the collaborators inevitably fall across different positionalities and accesses to power. Rather than succeeding at co‐writing the film, the experience revealed how the power dynamics can be even more pronounced in collaborative filmmaking practice. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Research utilizing event‐related potential (ERP) methods is generally biased with regard to sample representativeness. Among the myriad of factors that contribute to sample bias are researchers' assumptions about the extent to which racial differences in hair texture, volume, and style impact electrode placement, and subsequently, study eligibility. The current study examines these impacts using data collected from n = 213 individuals ages 17–19 years, and offers guidance on collection of ERP data across the full spectrum of hair types. Individual differences were quantified for hair texture using a visual scale, and for hair volume by measuring the amount of gel used in cap preparation. Electroencephalography data quality was assessed with multiple metrics at the preprocessing, post‐processing, and variable generation stages. Results indicate that hair volume is associated with small, but systematic differences in signal quality and signal amplitude. Such differences are highly problematic as they could be misattributed to cognitive differences among groups. However, inclusion of gel volume as a covariate to account for individual differences in hair volume significantly reduced, and in most cases eliminated, group differences. We discuss strategies for overcoming real and perceived technical barriers for researchers seeking to achieve greater inclusivity and representativeness in ERP research. Differences in hair volume that frequently vary by race may introduce systematic bias in ERP amplitudes. Our results indicate that accounting for these differences by quantifying gel volume used during cap setup provides a means to statistically control this confound, facilitating greater inclusivity of participants in EEG research. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

A recent paper by Hanci et al examines the gender distribution on editorial boards for toxicology journals and its impact on journal growth. The study finds that the United States is close to achieving gender balance on editorial boards, with 49.7% of editors being female. In contrast, European toxicology journals have significantly lower representation, with only 15.5%–15.6% female editors. The authors also note that the percentage of female representatives in editorial positions seems to have stagnated. The study suggests that gender representation should be a defined priority for toxicology journals and highlights the positive correlation between the number of female editorial board members and journal impact factor. The authors of the paper, as female senior editors of a pharmacology and toxicology-related European journal, comment on the need for change and urge for increased awareness and efforts to achieve a more balanced gender composition in scientific journals. They also provide recommendations for improving journal quality and reputation, such as increasing the visibility of female members on editorial boards and including both men and women in nominations for journal-based prizes. The authors emphasize the importance of gender balance in the editorial room to reflect a balanced scientific community and to provide role models for female scientists. [Extracted from the article]

Introduction: Analysis of the diversity of reading lists on courses offered by universities is one way to assess what is being taught and how it shapes our understanding of the world. Very little work has been carried out so far within dentistry on decolonising the curriculum. Existing work looks at the representation of women or ethnic minorities but not at the dental curriculum per se. This article starts to address this. Methods: The reading lists within the 5 year Bachelor of Dental Surgery curriculum in a large UK dental school were collected and assessed. A data extraction spreadsheet was developed and journal articles on every course reading list across the 5 year curriculum were read in detail. Information on authorship and author affiliations, alongside patient and population representation within the article itself, were collected and collated. Results: We found that there are 2.5 times more male authors than female authors, and almost three times more male lead authors in the articles evaluated. The majority of journal articles included in the reading lists are written by academics and/or clinicians affiliated with institutions in the United Kingdom and most articles are from the global north. In addition, 65% of articles do not specify the focus patient or population group studied. Discussion: It is unlikely that current reading lists within dentistry fully reflect the composition of the profession itself, the variety of knowledge needed to provide evidence‐based practice in a globalised oral health arena or the heterogeneous nature of the patient population. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Khalidi identifies cognition with Marrian computation. He further argues that Marrian levels of inquiry should be interpreted ontologically as corresponding to distinct semi‐closed causal domains. But this counterintuitively places the causal domain of representations outside of cognition proper. A closer look at Khalidi's account of concepts shows that these allegedly separate Marrian domains are more tightly integrated than he allows. Theories of concepts converge on algorithmic‐representational models rather than computational ones. This suggests that we should reject the wholesale identification of cognition with computation. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Some have thought that the plausibility of teleosemantics requires that it yield a determinate answer to the question of what the semantic "content" is of the "representation" triggered in the optic nerve of a frog that spots a fly. An outsize literature has resulted in which, unfortunately, a number of serious confusions and omissions that concern the way teleosemantics would have to work have appeared and been passed on uncorrected leaving a distorted and simplistic picture of the teleosemantic position. I will speak to a half dozen of the worst of these misunderstandings and then say just a word about the frog question itself. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This essay answers the question What good is anthropology? via a discussion of Susan Sontag's review of photographer Diane Arbus's 1972 retrospective exhibition at the Museum of Modern Art. Sontag asserts that Arbus, in depicting people whom Sontag smugly regards as "ugly," is necessarily exploiting them. I perceive an exact comparison between Arbus's photographs and anthropology as an epistemological project and a representational practice. Like Arbus's photographs, anthropology is good for subverting the privileged protocol articulated by critics like Sontag, who are prepared to contemplate "ugly" people, vastly different from themselves, but only through an optic of pity or of vicarious indignation at the supposedly unrelentingly grim conditions under which such people are imagined to live their lives. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Introduction: Recently, different actors have intensified their efforts to make drug development more participatory. They have produced many frameworks, tools and dedicated fora, where patients are portrayed as relevant stakeholders to be involved throughout the entire drug development trajectory. To better understand what such participatory efforts entail, in this article, we investigate how patient representation is configured in drug development and what patients can engage as representatives in this field. Methods: This is a qualitative study based on the thematic analysis of 40 semistructured interviews with different stakeholders in the field and three patient engagement How‐To guides (HTGs) complemented by observations of two sessions of the Patient Engagement Open Forum (PEOF) and a patient expert training of the European Patients' Academy on Therapeutic Innovation (EUPATI). Findings: The emerging practices of patient engagement in drug development configure representation as hinging upon three types of knowledge—drug development knowledge, autobiographical knowledge and community knowledge—and a specific set of skills. We discern a new kind of representation based on these findings, termed 'knowledge‐based representation', which appears to more accurately describe how patients are expected to represent others in drug development. Conclusion: Even though knowledge‐based representation may be understood as an attempt to downplay the political aspects of representation in favour of its epistemic elements, the political processes involved in patient representation in drug development cannot be ignored. The extent to which reliance on knowledge‐based representation will contribute to democratic decision‐making is likely to depend on the resources needed to develop the types of knowledge relevant to representation work and on how these types of knowledge are determined. Patient or Public Contribution: Patient representatives and practitioners in the field of patient engagement (including 13 interviewees, representatives of EUPATI and HTG developers) gave feedback on the interpretation of the findings during a multistakeholder workshop we organised. We also sent an interviewee an extended draft and discussed it during an online meeting. Claudia Egher presented these findings at a PEOF session in June 2023, which further contributed to their validation. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Motivation: Formal social protection systems, such as health insurance and representation, are often biased in favour of formal workers, thereby excluding most of the world's working population who make a living in the informal economy. Purpose: The article extends existing critiques of formality bias by investigating the reality of work for people in the informal economy in Kenya and Tanzania and analysing related social protection challenges. Specifically, we look at: (1) the governance of work; (2) the organization of work relations; and (3) collective agency. In terms of social protection, we focus on formal and informal forms of social insurance and representation. Methods and approach: We draw on interview and survey data from people working in micro trading, transport, and construction in Nairobi and Kisumu in Kenya, and Dar es Salaam and Dodoma in Tanzania. A total of 1,462 workers were surveyed and 24 focus group discussions were held with such workers. Interviews were conducted with 120 key informants: leaders and members of informal workers' associations in the three sectors, as well as representatives of authorities, trade unions, and business associations. Data were collected from June 2018 to December 2019. Findings: Formal social insurance and representation do not fit the real experience of most people working in the informal economy. They have been modelled on and designed to support workers in formal standard employment relations. At the same time, informal workers' associations play important roles in meeting—albeit inadequately—the social insurance and representational needs of their members. Policy implications: Meaningful engagement with the reality of work and collective agency in the informal economy is necessary to inform more appropriate policies and measures to provide informal workers with appropriate social protection measures, particularly social insurance and representation. Their reality should not have to conform to an inadequate model; rather, the model should fit their reality. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

INTRODUCTION: Alzheimer's disease (AD) is a complex disease influenced by genetics and environment. More than 75 susceptibility loci have been linked to late‐onset AD, but most of these loci were discovered in genome‐wide association studies (GWAS) exclusive to non‐Hispanic White individuals. There are wide disparities in AD risk across racially stratified groups, and while these disparities are not due to genetic differences, underrepresentation in genetic research can further exacerbate and contribute to their persistence. We investigated the racial/ethnic representation of participants in United States (US)‐based AD genetics and the statistical implications of current representation. METHODS: We compared racial/ethnic data of participants from array and sequencing studies in US AD genetics databases, including National Institute on Aging Genetics of Alzheimer's Disease Data Storage Site (NIAGADS) and NIAGADS Data Sharing Service (dssNIAGADS), to AD and related dementia (ADRD) prevalence and mortality. We then simulated the statistical power of these datasets to identify risk variants from non‐White populations. RESULTS: There is insufficient statistical power (probability <80%) to detect single nucleotide polymorphisms (SNPs) with low to moderate effect sizes (odds ratio [OR]<1.5) using array data from Black and Hispanic participants; studies of Asian participants are not powered to detect variants OR <= 2. Using available and projected sequencing data from Black and Hispanic participants, risk variants with OR = 1.2 are detectable at high allele frequencies. Sample sizes remain insufficiently powered to detect these variants in Asian populations. DISCUSSION: AD genetics datasets are largely representative of US ADRD burden. However, there is a wide discrepancy between proportional representation and statistically meaningful representation. Most variation identified in GWAS of non‐Hispanic White individuals have low to moderate effects. Comparable risk variants in non‐White populations are not detectable given current sample sizes, which could lead to disparities in future studies and drug development. We urge AD genetics researchers and institutions to continue investing in recruiting diverse participants and use community‐based participatory research practices. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Inductive algebras for a compact group are self‐adjoint. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Much knowledge production, both academic and non‐academic, is driven by a need to simplify the world in order to enable people to navigate the complexities of everyday life. Such simplifications not only risk offering less reliable representations of the world, they can also turn into disruptive and harmful images of the world. In this article, students and teachers in the field of religion and theology are encouraged to value scientific research as a form of knowledge production that complicates things. In an age in which scientific knowledge is constantly contested and in which it competes with other forms of knowledge production (including problematic ones such as fake news, conspiracy theories, stereotyped representations of religion and religious others, and poorly executed journalism), it is important for students to understand that complicating things is a key step in developing reliable knowledge on religion and the (ir)religious other. This article, written for students starting out in the field of theology and religion and for those who teach them, explains how complicating things takes shape in scientific research by discussing three basic elements: (1) not taking things at face value, (2) understanding science as knowledge production and reflecting on science as production, (3) and realizing that there is no absolute certainty. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The capacity of Indigenous peoples to officially name taonga species (flora and fauna) within taxonomy signifies resilience and a reworking of western scientific processes and institutions. This article explores the ways in which Ngāti Kuri women contribute to environmental justice through the naming of taonga species. Ngāti Kuri were the first tribe in the world to install a tribal name into the co‐authorship of a nomenclature. The article explores the ways in which Ngāti Kuri women, both past and present, rework environmental relationships and knowledge in both tribal and non‐tribal spaces in Aotearoa's most northern region. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]