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The dual citizenship has been the subject of intense political debate in Pakistan barring the elected representatives, in parliament, the provincial assemblies and the presidency, from holding dual nationality. The perceptions that holding a foreign citizenship challenges the undiluted loyalty to country further engender question mark over their political participation in country's affairs. A qualitative study has been carried out in the city of Rawalpindi to explore the stance of Pakistani nationals on such exclusion of Pakistani dual citizens from mainstream politics of Pakistan asking should the individual's association to the state be an exclusive one? In this paper, in‐depth interviews were conducted with a sample of 40 male and female respondents (22 Pakistani citizens, 18 Pakistani dual citizens) and 6 constitutional experts. The results indicate distrust among Pakistani citizens when considering dual citizens' right of representation in general elections of Pakistan, stemming from a mistrust of their "split loyalties". [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The present study discusses the intricacies of the political landscape in Pakistan and its compatibility with the modern political marketing theory. The election campaigns of the three largest political parties Pakistan Muslim League Nawaz, Pakistan People's Party, and Pakistan Tehreek-e-Insaf in the general elections 2013 were critically analyzed in the print media to comprehend the political marketing trends in Pakistan. It was found out that that the three parties largely employed mutually exclusive strategies in order to garner the support of the electorate. The success ratio of the political parties in the general elections 2013 signifies the importance of certain advertising appeals, advertising themes, and aggressively attacking the opponents. The study also questioned the veracity of the exaggerated and delusive claims made in the advertisements. The findings have implications not only for future electioneering in Pakistan, but also other countries with similar demographics and socioeconomic setups. Copyright © 2015 John Wiley & Sons, Ltd. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

A biography of Pakistani political activist and Marxist sociologist Hamza Alavi is presented. Alavi was born in 1921 and involved in the creation of the State Bank of Pakistan in 1947. He would later become an activist against Pakistan's military dictatorship and work as an academic at Manchester University in England. The author primarily focuses on Alavi's scholarly thought, noting his work on peasants, the colonial capitalist mode of production, and postcolonial economic development.

This article discusses the suggestion made by a small group of U.S. congressmen in 2012 that the U.S. should support the creation of the state of Balochistan in Southern Pakistan as an alternative to pursuing relationships with the allegedly corrupt Pakistani government. Topics include the Baloch nationalist movement's belief that ethnic identity is more significant than religious identity, the history of the Baloch people in the Pakistan region and their repeated insurgencies against the Pakistani government, and the potential economic and political benefits that Balochistan's independence could provide to the U.S.

A martial state's neoliberal policies opened the nation's frontiers to new forms of globalization. This article investigates the political process that undergirded the military and global capital's sequestration of common land in Karachi and the concomitant contestation by a key civil society organization. Using Foucault's conception of sovereignty and government as an assemblage of authority and strategies of rationalization, this paper analyses the role of state and non-state actors and changing power configurations in a conflict that surrounded the enclosure of a common and its transformation into a securitized zone of consumption in Karachi's Civil Lines. The conflict highlights the nature of the politics of space and citizenship in Pakistan's primary metropolis. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

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The article discusses the history and politics of Pakistan, a country which is described as poor, violent, and infested with radical Muslim terrorists. The etymology of the country's name, which is an acronym for Punjab, Afghania, Kashmir, and Baluchistan, is said to reflect the fact that it is an artificial state created in 1947 by Indian Muslim separatists. The four wars fought between Pakistan and India are noted, and the pernicious effects of the country's military and intelligence forces on its political culture are described.

The article discusses the historical, political, socio-cultural and institutional context of public service in Pakistan, which is not hopeful for the delivery of social services such as education. It informs that Pakistan's development experience has been marked by a very low level of human development for the majority of its citizens, despite having a healthy economic growth rate over the past 60 years. The past military regime of the country had introduced devolution reforms in 2001 which had promised improvements in service delivery by enhancing accountabilities and capacities for change in the local government. The article examines the country's poor political economic factors which are stated to remain an obstruction in services like education delivery.

The article discusses whether there is a failure of democracy in Pakistan. The country faces enormous security pressures due to multifaceted problems with India. As State survival became the country's primary concern, the military assumed a greater importance. In the wake of weak political leadership, the military's top brass began to assert its centrality in matters of governance and political management. Military rulers have managed to secure substantial external backing for themselves.

The article discusses the creation and genesis of Pakistan. The emergence of Pakistan towards the middle of the twentieth century was an historic event. Those who participated in the Pakistan movement, or sympathized with the idea of a distinct Muslim identity and the need to protect and preserve it, would assert that Pakistan was the product of the circumstances and a response to the aspirations of the Muslim population of the Subcontinent.

The article discusses Pakistan's foreign policy in the changing international scenario. The foreign policy of Pakistan is based upon certain factors, principles and objectives such as peace and security, national interests, ideology, geopolitics and strategy, economic interest, regional and international situations, and domestic conditions, act in collaboration with one another and at the same time are independent of one another.

The article discusses the religious education and institutions in Pakistan. When Pakistan became a U.S. ally in its war against terrorism in the aftermath of the events of 9/11, it became the focus of world attention. Its madaris or religious educational institutions or seminaries and their perceived role in harboring and nurturing terrorism have generated debate. The media, government, the 9/11 Commission, the U.S. Congress and Cabinet all are apprehensive of madaris.

The article discusses Pakistan's federal structure and the Constitution of 1973. Pakistan is geographically composed of four constituent units. As in the U.S., these constituent units comprising the federation are of unequal size. The Punjab has the largest population, with nearly 58% of the nation's people. Baluchistan, with the largest land size of any constituent unit, has the smallest of the populations. The nationalities comprising these four provinces are all different.

The article discusses the performance and challenges of the Pakistani economy. Pakistan's economic performance since it emerged as an independent state in 1947 can be considered the most volatile in the region. Schooling, openness, strong institutions and government spending contributed to economic growth in East Asia while South Asia lagged behind. In South Asia, capital accumulation emerges as the most important contributor to growth, but its contribution is still lower than that in East Asia.

The article presents a vision and reality of Pakistan, past and future. Pakistan emerged on the political map of the world as an independent state on the fourteenth of August, 1947. Its uniqueness lies in being more than a country and a state. The Pakistan movement was not just one more liberation struggle against colonial rule: it aimed at carving a separate state in territories where the Muslims of India were in a majority as a homeland for Muslim India as a faith-based nation.

Compares some of the principal forms of nationalism found in India, Pakistan and Central Asia. Criteria invoked in the definition of national identity; Non-national forms of belonging or community from which the national ideology may itself be historically derived; Hindu nationalism.

Provides an analysis of the key elements of the British colonial legacy which laid down the foundations of Pakistan's administrative system from 1947 to 1987. Overview of the country's major reform proposals, their outcomes and their political context; Impact of reform on administrative institutions which dominate the bureaucratic system in Pakistan; Socio-political context of administrative reform and accountability.

Twenty years ago a pioneering study of planning and budgeting in Pakistan pointed to significant weaknesses. This article reviews the changes made subsequently to the formal processes and assesses how these are currently working. The planning agency is now a permanent organization. Planning and budgeting have been combined and these processes have moved closer to the centre of political power. On the other hand there are difficulties over linking planning and budgeting to the management of economic and fiscal policy; planning is geared to securing foreign aid funds; the planning processes favour large expensive projects which emerge from the more developed areas of the country and discriminate against the smaller projects with a shorter time horizon needed in less developed province--thus accentuating economic imbalances. Finally, although the importance of evaluation is recognized, in practice reporting and evaluation are not adequately practised. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

President Barack Obama pledged in his first TV interview—with the Arab satellite channel Al Arabiya—that America under his watch would “listen with respect and not dictate” to the world. Secretary of State Hillary Clinton has further announced that this country will no longer just throw around its military might but will pursue a “smart power” approach by tempering the use of hard weaponry with the “soft power” of persuasion and cultural attraction. Or, as Madame Secretary's husband Bill has put it, America will now lead through the power of example instead of the example of power. The first exceedingly complex test of Obama's smart power strategy will be how to end George W. Bush's misguided “war on terror” in Afghanistan and Pakistan, keeping al-Qaida at bay without being swallowed by the quagmire of tribal politics. An array of experts from New Delhi to Paris offers their views in this section. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

President Barack Obama pledged in his first TV interview—with the Arab satellite channel Al Arabiya—that America under his watch would “listen with respect and not dictate” to the world. Secretary of State Hillary Clinton has further announced that this country will no longer just throw around its military might but will pursue a “smart power” approach by tempering the use of hard weaponry with the “soft power” of persuasion and cultural attraction. Or, as Madame Secretary's husband Bill has put it, America will now lead through the power of example instead of the example of power. The first exceedingly complex test of Obama's smart power strategy will be how to end George W. Bush's misguided “war on terror” in Afghanistan and Pakistan, keeping al-Qaida at bay without being swallowed by the quagmire of tribal politics. An array of experts from New Delhi to Paris offers their views in this section. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article provides an overview of the politics, government and the people of Pakistan. One of the seven declared nuclear states and the sixth most populous country in the world, endowed with strategic location and actively engaged in world affairs, Pakistan has always been the center of global attention. Its role in history-making events and developments during the last three decades has been crucial.

The article reviews the book "Pakistan: A Hard Country" by Anatol Lieven.

President Barack Obama pledged in his first TV interview—with the Arab satellite channel Al Arabiya—that America under his watch would “listen with respect and not dictate” to the world. Secretary of State Hillary Clinton has further announced that this country will no longer just throw around its military might but will pursue a “smart power” approach by tempering the use of hard weaponry with the “soft power” of persuasion and cultural attraction. Or, as Madame Secretary's husband Bill has put it, America will now lead through the power of example instead of the example of power. The first exceedingly complex test of Obama's smart power strategy will be how to end George W. Bush's misguided “war on terror” in Afghanistan and Pakistan, keeping al-Qaida at bay without being swallowed by the quagmire of tribal politics. An array of experts from New Delhi to Paris offers their views in this section. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]