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Abstract: In this article, I argue that human meaning and value are grounded in an infinite horizon as opposed to the finite horizon of the building of a life. This infinite grounding of human meaning and value makes sense of and justifies the desire for everlasting life. I also argue that this infinite horizon can motivate an ethic of social justice better than the necessity of building a life within a finite timeframe could. In this article I take Martin Hägglund's This Life: Secular Faith and Spiritual Freedom as representative of the position that meaning and value can only be made sense of in light of the horizon of death; and I draw on phenomenologist Michel Henry's concept of Life and Jean‐Luc Marion's concept of the saturated phenomenon to argue against that position. I then draw on Friedrich Nietzsche, Karl Marx, and David Graeber to argue that social justice cannot be grounded in secular faith of temporal finitude but is rather best made sense of in view of an everlasting hope and a move to the infinite. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Background: Individuals with fetal alcohol spectrum disorder (FASD) experience complex needs that often necessitate support from multiple systems. There is growing evidence that people with FASD may benefit from integrated service delivery (ISD), but little is known about ISD elements and processes for this population. Method: Using a multi‐method approach involving a literature review, analysis of programme data, and staff interviews, we examined how ISD is enacted at a rural Canadian FASD centre, and identified facilitators, barriers, and potential impacts of ISD at the centre. Results: We describe key elements of integrated FASD programming and identify important contextual factors and themes related to ISD barriers, facilitators, and impacts: (1) connection, (2) freedom and autonomy, (3) client‐centred care, (4) learning and growth, (5) and reframing expectations. Conclusions: This study may help to inform a roadmap for enhancing FASD service delivery and guiding FASD research and policy in Canada and beyond. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper uses biographical, historical and comparative perspectives to examine some of the work of Lawrence Stenhouse, widely regarded as one of the leading curriculum theorists of the twentieth century. Although his best‐known work was carried out in England, he had strong Scottish connections and some of the influences on his output can be traced to his higher education in Scotland, his teaching experience in Glasgow and Fife, and his time as Principal Lecturer in Education at Jordanhill College of Education. Particular attention is given to Culture and Education (1967), written during Stenhouse's time in Scotland, and An Introduction to Curriculum Research and Development (1975), the product of his experience as Director of the Humanities Curriculum Project and subsequently as Director of the Centre for Applied Research in Education at the University of East Anglia. Stenhouse's personal intellectual journey is related to policy developments in Scotland and England and, in particular, to the different approaches to curriculum development in the two countries. His early death in 1982 meant that he did not live to see the assault on his creative, teacher‐centred approach to curriculum development mounted by the political right in the 1980s and 1990s, but his ideas were kept alive by members of the team he had built up. The paper ends by summarising the reasons for Stenhouse's continuing importance. It is noted, however, that the many tributes to Stenhouse's achievements in England have not been matched by similar recognition in Scotland. Arguably, his ideas could have enabled Scotland's Curriculum for Excellence reform programme, launched in 2004, to have avoided some of the problems it encountered in the transition from conception to implementation. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

During the era of New Public Management from the 1970s to the 1990s, government accountability in Australia underwent a significant transformation from compliance to performance evaluation. This change underscores a Machiavellian interpretation presented in this paper, emphasizing the politicized and power‐driven nature of public sector accounting reforms. The Australian Government employed a commercial accounting model to legitimize these reforms, leveraging Machiavellian principles to strengthen political power. Despite the accounting profession's role in legitimizing public sector financial reporting, its control over Australian accounting standard setting diminished. The new public sector accountability framework allowed the shifting of blame to the profession when problems arose. An analysis of the New South Wales Government's journey through the reform, from embracing accrual accounting to rejecting heritage assets measurement and applauding fair value, illustrates the complex interplay between self‐interest and the protection of public interest. The Australian Government strategically enlisted the support of the outer fringe accounting profession and successfully instituted reforms premised on the principle of public accountability and liberty for Australian society. Once the reformer's goals were achieved, the facilitating elites found themselves marginalized from the bureaucratic group and power reclaimed deftly to the Government with CLERP reforms paving the way for the adoption of International Financial Reporting Standards. This shift exemplifies Machiavelli's perspective, where liberty is used as a means to garner public support and ultimately attain power, a strategy that continues to hold validity in contemporary political contexts. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The influence of civil liberties and political rights on environmental disclosure, and the moderating effect of board gender diversity on the relationship between civil liberties and political rights and environmental disclosure, have not to date been studied in detail, as evidenced by the previous literature available. Therefore, this study aims to analyse how these institutional factors affect corporate environmental disclosure practices across different countries. The firms in our sample operate in 36 countries, spread across all the continents, and the period covered is 2009–2019. The database used to collect economic, social, environmental and governance data is Thomson Reuters' ASSET4, while the items for measuring civil liberty and political rights scores come from the Freedom House organisation (https://freedomhouse.org). The method used for estimating the model is the generalised method of moments (GMM) proposed by Arellano and Bond. The main findings of the study show that levels of civil liberty and political rights in the countries where the firms operate are positively associated with environmental disclosure. Furthermore, according to our evidence, the presence of female directors on boards plays a positive moderating role in the relationship between the level of civil liberty and environmental disclosure and between political rights and environmental disclosure. Additional robustness analyses corroborate our findings. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Martin Luther's notion of freedom, as presented in De servo arbitrio, is often interpreted as a denial of free choice wi God (salvation) and as an affirmation of free choice in earthly life. This article questions this twofold distinction and argues that in De servo arbitrio Luther's notion of freedom is set into epistemic discourse in which he distinguishes between different perspectives or perceptions and reality. The article demonstrates that for Luther, freedom denotes human perception, misperception, and deception. This indicates that beneath the free choice debate lies a fundamental question of human ability to understand reality. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Based on a collaborative project with the Sex Workers' Freedom from Injustice Collective (Veshya Anyay Mukti Parishad, otherwise known as “VAMP”) in Maharashtra, India, this article explores sex workers’ narratives on love, life, power and freedom. Sex workers’ own accounts of the joys and difficulties they face in their intimate lives, in and outside work, we suggest here, offer important insights into the way in which they navigate patriarchy and throw fresh light on the questions of power and choice that have been so much at the heart of the sex work/prostitution debate. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In Huckleberry Finn, a thirteen‐year old white boy in antebellum Missouri escapes from his abusive father and befriends a runaway slave named Jim. On a familiar reading of the novel, both Huck and Jim are, in their own ways, morally impressive, transcending the unjust circumstances in which they find themselves in to treat each other as equals. Huck saves Jim's life from two men looking for runaway slaves, and later Jim risks his chance at freedom to save Huck's friend Tom. I want to complicate the idea that Huck and Jim are morally commendable for what they do. More generally, I want to explore how oppression undermines the moral agency of the oppressed, and to some degree, the oppressor. In §1 I take a careful look at Jim's choice, arguing that his enslavement compromises his moral agency. In §2 I show how Jim's oppression also shapes the extent to which Huck can be praiseworthy for his action. In §3, I consider the consequences for thinking about the moral agency of the oppressed, and in §4 I explore the limitations of the concept of moral worth for theorizing in cases of oppression. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper develops a novel conception of freedom of thought as the right to epistemic self‐realization. The recognition of this right is characterized here as a modally robust normative status that I think one has as a potential knower in an epistemic community. It is a status that one cannot enjoy without a specific form of institutionalized intellectual respect and support. To explain and defend this conception of freedom of thought, it is contrasted here with more traditionally "negative" conceptions of freedom of thought, in terms of not being interfered with. It is also contrasted here with a "positive" conception of freedom of thought derived from a recently prominent account of doxastic agency as grounded in the rational capacity to self‐determine one's own response to reasons. In both cases, the crux of the argument in this paper is that a conception of freedom of thought as a right to epistemic self‐realization makes better sense of why we fear the counter‐liberatory forces of propaganda and regulated thinking, and also why we hold out hope for the liberating potential of education and critical engagement with expertise in the public sphere. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper presents mixed finite element formulations to approximate the hyperelasticity problem using as unknowns the displacements and either stresses or pressure or both. These mixed formulations require either finite element spaces for the unknowns that satisfy the proper inf‐sup conditions to guarantee stability or to employ stabilized finite element formulations that provide freedom for the choice of the interpolating spaces. The latter approach is followed in this work, using the Variational Multiscale concept to derive these formulations. Regarding the tackling of the geometry, we consider both infinitesimal and finite strain problems, considering for the latter both an updated Lagrangian and a total Lagrangian description of the governing equations. The combination of the different geometrical descriptions and the mixed formulations employed provides a good number of alternatives that are all reviewed in this paper. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This study explores a shared identity framework for inclusive ethnic relationships under Ethiopian federalism. Decades of the federal experiment show mixed results. On the one hand, it enabled nationalities to exercise extensive rights and freedoms. On the other hand, however, it coincided with pervasive conflicts and state fragility. Contrary to the view that ethnic federalism is fundamentally flawed, this study argues that the problems are epiphenomenons that can be improved. Using an exploratory research approach, the study has taken the Konso‐Derashe‐Alle area to show how shared identity helps to resolve the contradiction in Ethiopian federalism. According to the findings, maturing ethnicity and existing political consciousness suggest ethnic federalism as a viable system for the study area but it should be supplemented by a framework of shared spaces such as the shared society system that capitalizes on the extensive shared sociocultural values of the area to overturn the growing exclusive ethnicity. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The topic of this paper is Hegel's claim in the Philosophy of Right that, within the modern social world, human needs tend to be endlessly expanded. Unlike the role that the system of needs plays in the formation of its participants' psychological makeup and the problem of poverty and the rabble, the topic of the expansion of needs remains underdiscussed in the recent Hegel literature on the virtues and vices of civil society. My discussion of the topic aims to answer the following two sets of questions: How does it come to pass that individuals' needs are endlessly expanded in this way? And is that expansion a phenomenon to be applauded or condemned? In particular, does the endless expansion of needs aid or obstruct the realization of social members' freedom? In answer to the first question, I argue that for Hegel the endless expansion of needs results from the level of specialization and division of labor distinctive of the modern market economy, the human capacity for a certain kind of abstraction, and the desire to be recognized by other participants in the market system. In answer to the second set of questions, and despite Hegel's own apparent ambivalence, I argue on his behalf that the endless expansion of needs represents an obstacle to the realization of freedom, and is on that ground a phenomenon to be condemned, for the following two reasons: First, the endless expansion of needs increases the influence or "pressure" of desire on the members of civil society that are subject to that expansion. Second, that expansion leads to widespread frustration, understood as the inability on the part of the members of civil society to ever fully realize their ends or satisfy their desires. I end by briefly considering two Hegelian solutions to the pernicious effects of the endless expansion of needs. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper is an exploration of possible journeys towards freedom from colonial states of mind. These inner worlds are the distorting forms of self‐observation brought about by living under oppressive conditions, and includes those associated with colonialism itself, and also coloniality, the enduring legacy left behind by colonial regimes. Fanon describes the effect of colonialism on subjectivity as creating "a zone of nonbeing" and suggests freedom from it requires internally "an authentic upheaval." This paper draws the parallels between Fanon's zone of nonbeing and states of mind untethered from the shackles of colonial definition. These states, akin to reverie are potentially the place from which the quest for a new authenticity of being might be found. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The paper contributes to the debate of the Swedish welfare state by re‐examining the view of freedom underlying the design of this welfare model. The point of departure is two interpretations by Bo Rothstein and Henrik Berggren and Lars Trägårdh, which both describe advancement of individual autonomy as the ultimate point of the model. The paper argues that these readings are overly liberal in the sense that they exaggerate the importance of individualism and autonomy. The view of freedom that shaped the Swedish welfare state was not liberal, and individual autonomy was not the overriding goal for the founders of the model. Instead, the view is best described as quasi‐republican and nondomination based. It was mostly a result of semi‐Marxist ideas about capitalist power and exploitation that lingered on in the ideology of the Swedish social democratic party, the SAP, in the 1930s and 1940s. During the first decades of the 1900s, the SAP gradually revised these ideas in a domination‐based direction. It was the outcome of this process that more than anything else gave the impetus to the design of the Swedish welfare state. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Secure children's homes are locked institutions that deprive children of their liberty. The government are investing significantly in these homes, yet there remains a lack of clarity about their nature and purpose. Drawing on data generated through a substantial ethnography in one secure children's home in England, this paper uses Goffman's (1961) theorising as a conceptual lens to view the institution. It concludes that ambiguity and confusion about what these institutions are, and what they seek to achieve, impacts negatively on the experience of everyday life within. Clarity is needed urgently to improve experiences and to enable the assessment of outcomes. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Background: Communities and groups based on person‐centred theoretical principles are often a core part of counselling and psychotherapy training within this modality, yet no research has been undertaken that considers these groups as a community of practice. Furthermore, no research has been undertaken that explores the impact of these groups when they are run alongside, rather than as part of, the curriculum. Aims: This study explores our experiences of facilitating a community of practice for trainee personcentred/experiential therapists that focused on critical thinking skills. This community was established over a 12‐week period and was attended by students from across 3‐year groups. Methods: Using collaborative autoethnography to explore these encounters, we identify four key aspects of our experience of this community. Results: The following aspects were identified: (1) Fecund and Fruitful—A Space for Growth; (2) Freedom to Learn; (3) Jenga!—Navigating the Dimensions of Community Facilitator; and (4) Power and Control. Discussion: This study centres on the idea of student‐centred learning as a way of challenging hegemonic notions of education and learning within higher educational settings. Conclusion: These findings could help others set up and facilitate other communities of practice based on person‐centred principles, in counselling and psychotherapy training, or other associated fields of study. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In this paper, Katja Castillo approaches the phenomenon of teaching through an analysis of Emmanuel Levinas's unedited conference notes titled "Les nourritures," "Les enseignements," and "L'écrit et l'oral." Levinas's thinking prior to the publication of his major works provides an entry point to his philosophy. In this light Castillo interprets his conference notes as laying the groundwork for the argument he develops later in Totality and Infinity. Drawing on the notes, she describes the phenomenon of teaching as a place to bracket subjective freedom in order to let the other call it into question. The phenomenon of teaching serves as a way to describe the relationship between the same and the other. It is, according to Levinas, a unique interplay between interiority and exteriority, where subjective freedom is intertwined with responsibility to the other, with having to answer to the other. He describes the structure of teaching as characterized by six parts: by being given a past, by reflection, by penetration of freedom, by critical spirit, by transcendence of teaching, and as true symbolism. Following the discussion of Levinas's early writings, Castillo returns to his first major work, Totality and Infinity published in 1961, with the intention of examining the evolution of his phenomenological attitude over time. This approach reveals that Levinas's engagement in formulating a philosophy of education was more robust than previous research has indicated. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

A parameterization of a triangle mesh is a realization in the plane so that all triangles have positive signed area. Triangle mesh parameterizations are commonly computed by minimizing a distortion energy, measuring the distortions of the triangles as they are mapped into the parameter domain. It is assumed that the triangulation is fixed and the triangles are mapped affinely. We consider a more general setup and additionally optimize among the intrinsic triangulations of the piecewise linear input geometry. This means the distortion energy is computed for the same geometry, yet the space of possible parameterizations is enlarged. For minimizing the distortion energy, we suggest alternating between varying the parameter locations of the vertices and intrinsic flipping. We show that this process improves the mapping for different distortion energies at moderate additional cost. We also find intrinsic triangulations that are better starting points for the optimization of positions, offering a compromise between the full optimization approach and exploiting the additional freedom of intrinsic triangulations. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The remarkable cultural vitality of Star Wars and the subsequent franchise is due in part to the way in which it simultaneously builds on and bolsters the Gramscian "common sense" that America is not an empire. Like the Western, Star Wars uses apolitical individualism to portray political actions as the result of individuals' search for freedom, while representing the galaxy as home to a single, evil Empire. These narrative mechanisms, invite the viewers of Star Wars to think of the United States as a ragtag group of fighters battling an oppressive empire, but not itself an empire. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Three‐coil inductive power transfer (IPT) charging system can not only achieve inherent constant current (CC) to constant voltage (CV) transition but also tolerate load open‐circuit. However, due to the cross‐coupling between the auxiliary coil and the receiver coil, the output voltage in CV mode may deviate from the CV voltage significantly, which makes the design freedom of the three‐coil coupler low. By replacing the auxiliary coil with a transformer, an improved auxiliary circuit is proposed in this paper to address the cross‐coupling issue and to increase the design freedom of the loosely coupled transformer (LCT). The improved auxiliary circuit can achieve load short‐circuit and open‐circuit protection. Besides, the optimization design of LCT is easy to achieve by load impedance matching. The operating principle and parameters design of the improved auxiliary circuit are discussed. A 1 kW experimental prototype is built to verify the feasibility of the proposed method. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Objectives: The aim of this in vitro study was to investigate whether and to what extent different scenarios of rotational freedom in different IAC designs affect the vertical dimension of a three‐part fixed partial denture (FPD). At the same time, the experimental setup should simulate all clinical and laboratory steps of the implementation of such an FPD as accurately as possible. Material and Methods: Twenty identical pairs of jaw models were fabricated from aluminum, each lower‐jaw model holding two implants with conical or flat IACs. Three impressions of each model were taken to fabricate stone casts and three‐unit FPDs. Three assembly scenarios were compared for the vertical position stability they offered for these FPDs, differing by how the sequential implant components (impression posts > laboratory analogs > abutments 1 > abutments 2) were aligned with the positional index of the IAC. In this way, a total of 60 stone casts and FPDs were fabricated and statistically analyzed for changes in vertical dimension (p < 0.05). Results: Regardless of whether a conical/flat IAC was used (p > 0.05), significantly greater mean changes in vertical dimension were consistently (all comparisons p < 0.0001) found in a "worst‐case scenario" of component alignment alternating between the left‐ and right‐limit stop of the positional index (0.286/0.350 mm) than in a "random scenario" of 10 dentists and 10 technicians with varying levels of experience freely selecting the alignment (0.003/0.014 mm) or in a "best‐case scenario" of all components being aligned with the right‐limit stop (−0.019/0.005 mm). Conclusions: The likelihood of integrating a superstructure correctly in terms of vertical dimension appears to vary considerably more with assembly strategies than with IAC designs. Specifically, our findings warrant a recommendation that all implant components should be aligned with the right‐limit stop of the positioning index. Summary: What is Known: Tiny vertical deviations can result in substantial clinical problems.Little is known about the impact of implant‐abutment connection (IAC) designs and rotational freedom on the vertical dimension of implant‐supported restorations.Past experimental setups, rather than simulating the entire clinical process from impression‐taking to intraoral delivery, have remained confined to specific steps. What This Study Adds: A comprehensive experimental setup is introduced to analyze the vertical impact of IAC designs and rotational freedom on implant‐supported fixed restorations.We can recommend a consistent strategy of assembling implant components that will increase the chances of maintaining a correct vertical dimension. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The authenticity of the Shroud of Turin, also known as the ‘Síndone’ or ‘Holy Shroud’, faces significant doubt based on scientific evidence. Carbon‐14 testing conducted decades ago placed its origin in the Middle Ages, raising questions about its connection to Jesus Christ. This article highlights an anatomical anomaly: the hand placement covering the genitals appears inconsistent with human proportions, suggesting a possible artistic intervention. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The power to make constitutions (the so‐called constituent power) is predominantly understood today as a legally unlimited power belonging to the people. This understanding sits uncomfortably with constitutionalism: the idea that public powers are legally limited. Would such a power not leave an indelible blemish on constitutions that are otherwise committed to constitutionalism? This article shows that this problem, which I call the Stain of Constitutionalism, stems from a misapprehension of what constituent power was originally understood to be. Focusing closely on the writings of Emmanuel Joseph Sieyès, Thomas Paine, and the Marquis de Condorcet, I demonstrate that, far from adopting it, these founding fathers of constituent power theory rejected the notion of unlimited constituent power. Instead, they defended a natural rights approach according to which constituent power is legally limited by considerations such as freedom and equality. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In this article we draw on storytelling and bricolage to reflect on critical accompaniment as relational praxis with cultural workers from the African diaspora inside/outside/in‐between the university‐community nexus in Australia. We write together weaving our voices as we re‐member our journey and our coming together fuelled by our shared desire, to tell our own stories on our terms; to contest virulent racisms and misrecognition of the African diaspora in media, academic, and political discourse; and to create spaces, settings, and narratives for identity, community and belonging. In reflecting on this journey we distil some insights on our efforts to enact just methods, our routes and roots of creating praxis inside/outside and with the university. We suggest that our relationships, forged through critical dialogue and examination of racism in settings that we intentionally create, is central to developing communality. Drawing from the rich history of African and diasporic archives, we also advocate for expanding ecologies of knowledge and practice and modalities for endarkened counter storytelling. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Bernard Williams articulated his later political philosophy notably in response to Ronald Dworkin, who, striving for coherence or integrity among our political concepts, sought to immunize the concepts of liberty and equality against conflict. Williams, doubtful that we either could or should eliminate the conflict, resisted the pursuit of conceptual integrity. Here, I reconstruct this Dworkin–Williams debate with an eye to drawing out ideas of ongoing philosophical and political importance. The debate not only exemplifies Williams's political realism and its connection to his critique of the morality system. It also illustrates the virtues and hazards of contemporary efforts to ameliorate or engineer our concepts; it indicates what political philosophy might look to in appraising political concepts; it adverts to the different needs these concepts have to meet if they are to sustain a politics of pluralism, deal with polarization, and secure the consent of those who end up on the losing side of political decisions; and it presents us with two starkly contrasting conceptions of politics itself, of the place of political values within it, and of our prospects of reducing the uncomfortably conflictual character of those values through philosophy. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Using mixed methods, we looked into USA children's reasons behind their non‐participation in the 2018 Parkland school shooting protests from newsletters of randomly sampled 57 middle (MS) and high schools (HS) across USA. We found five themes of reasons that point to non‐protesting children's concern about protest method and issues. The MS and HS non‐protesters' concerns overlapped and differed. The reasons reveal the protests to pose adherence issues to most CRC articles on and almost all of the basic requirements of child participation. We attribute the adherence issues to problems on assigning duties in non‐adult‐provided child participation spaces like protests. To identify protest as child participation necessitate propping children's freedom of expression as the animating force behind child participation's first key element and children's right to information a prerequisite for both. In this reframing, organizing/leading children become duty‐bearers while adults primarily remain so. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article explores the relationship between heritage, the law, and racial capitalism in Brazil, focusing on the land rights of Afro-descendants known as quilombolas. The Brazilian Supreme Court upheld the constitutionality of legislation granting land rights to quilombolas in 2018, as a form of reparation for historical oppression rooted in slavery. The court's decision leveraged heritage as a means of protecting minority property rights, but also reinforced the idea of a unified national identity. While the court's decision had limitations, it demonstrated the potential for heritage to support rights claims and challenge racial capitalism. [Extracted from the article]

I offer a Kantian argument for the idea that the state lacks the authority to punish neglected, impoverished citizens when they commit crimes to cope with that neglect. Given Kant's own commitments to the value of external freedom and the state's obligation to ensure it, there is no reason a Kantian state can claim authority to punish an impoverished citizen while also failing in significant ways to protect her external freedom. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The received view of Kant's moral philosophy is that it precludes all moral luck. But I offer a plausible interpretation according to which Kant embraces moral luck in circumstance and constitution. I interpret the unconditioned nature of transcendental freedom as a person's ability to do the right thing no matter how she is inclined by her circumstantial and constitutive luck. I argue that various passages about degrees of difficulty relating to circumstantial and constitutive luck provide a reason to accept a pro‐moral luck interpretation of Kant. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

I argue that Sartre's Transcendence of the Ego draws on Kant's theory of spontaneity to articulate its metaphysical account of consciousness's mode of being, to defend its phenomenological description of the intentional structure of self‐consciousness, and to diagnose the errors that motivate views of consciousness qua person or substance. In addition to highlighting an overlooked dimension of Sartre's early relation to Kant, this interpretation offers a fresh account of how Sartre's argument for the primacy of pre‐personal consciousness works, and brings the extent of his proximity to idealist models of mind into greater relief. It also affords Sartre the resources to respond to criticisms that his account of self‐consciousness relies on a spurious distinction and that his view of freedom cannot explain how consciousness is conditioned by its world. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This essay argues for a new conception of bad faith based partly on Harry Frankfurt's famous account of personal autonomy in terms of higher‐order volitions and caring, and based partly on Sartre's insights concerning tacit or pre‐thetic attitudes and "transcendent" freedom. Although Sartre and Frankfurt have rarely been connected, Frankfurt's concepts of volitional "wantonness" and "bullshit" (wantonness about truth) are similar in certain revealing respects to Sartre's account of bad faith. However, Sartre leaves no room for Frankfurt's central point that people can volitionally commit themselves to develop certain motives and reduce others, thereby shaping an authentic identity through volitional "identification" and "alienation" of motives. Frankfurt in turn minimizes the role that a sense of liberty to form and alter higher‐order volitions plays in experiences of autonomy, which Sartre recognizes in the transcendence of the "for‐itself." When these points are combined, we get a tri‐level theory of intrasubjective volitional stances that explains Sartre's cases better than his own theory can, and also clarifies how sincere or procedurally autonomous self‐relation is possible. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article explores the concept of fair value of voting rights in a just liberal democratic society, with a focus on equal political liberty and unencumbered access to the ballot. The author criticizes restrictive voter ID laws and argues that societies committed to equality should make it easier, not harder, for citizens to vote. The historical context of voting rights in the United States, particularly for black citizens, is highlighted, emphasizing the need to guarantee fair value through unencumbered access. The article also discusses the varying opinions of Supreme Court Justices on voting rights and the disproportionate impact of voter ID laws on marginalized communities. The author asserts that the burden should be on states to justify making voting more difficult and emphasizes the importance of equal participation in the political process. [Extracted from the article]

How do tensions between moral values predict how likely we are to receive Covid‐19 vaccination? Previous work suggests that moral foundations, particularly purity and liberty, relate to decisions to vaccinate. In addition, research on the moral trade‐off hypothesis suggests value in exploring trade‐offs between foundations. We conducted three studies across the pandemic: at the start of the vaccine rollout (Study 1, N = 170); during delivery (Study 2, N = 328) and 2 years later (Study 3, N = 388). We find that trade‐offs between purity and care and between liberty and care are predictive of higher levels of vaccine reluctance—individuals who endorse purity or liberty more, relative to care, were more reluctant towards Covid‐19 vaccination, less likely to have received a vaccine and have lower intention to get future Covid‐19 vaccines. This research highlights the relevance of moral values, and trade‐offs between them, in vaccine attitudes and decisions. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Objective: To investigate the effects of 52 weeks of treatment with relugolix combination therapy (relugolix 40 mg, estradiol 1 mg, norethindrone acetate 0.5 mg) on symptoms of uterine fibroids (UF) and quality of life (QoL) in women with heavy menstrual bleeding associated with UF and anemia (hemoglobin ≤10.5 g/dL) at baseline. Methods: This post hoc analysis included women from the LIBERTY long‐term extension study with anemia (hemoglobin concentration ≤10.5 g/dL) at pivotal study baseline and documented hemoglobin values at week 52 (anemia‐evaluable population). Treatment responders: women achieving a menstrual blood loss volume of <80 mL and a ≥50% reduction over the last 35 days of treatment. Anemia responders were women achieving a hemoglobin increase of >2 g/dL from baseline to week 52. Least squares (LS) mean changes from baseline in uterine fibroid symptom (UFS)‐QoL symptom severity, fatigue, and health‐related QoL total (HR‐QoL) and (sub)scale scores were calculated. Results: In total, 115 women were included in the anemia‐evaluable population. Of 39 anemia‐evaluable women who received continuous treatment with relugolix combination therapy for 52 weeks, 34 (87.2%) met treatment responder criteria and 23 (59.0%) were anemia responders. LS mean hemoglobin concentration increased by 29.4% at week 52. LS mean UFS‐QoL symptom severity and fatigue scores decreased by 38.5 and 31.9 points, respectively, and HR‐QoL total score increased by 41.6 points. Conclusion: In women with UF and a high disease burden due to anemia, relugolix combination therapy substantially improved hemoglobin levels, decreased distress due to symptoms, especially fatigue, over 52 weeks. Synopsis: Relugolix combination therapy improved hemoglobin, reduced fatigue and other symptoms, and improved quality of life in women with uterine fibroids and anemia. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Divergences and controversies are inevitable in the discussion of freedoms and rights, especially in the matter of reproduction. The Chinese first social egg freezing lawsuit raises the question: is the freedom to freeze eggs for social reasons justified because it is an instance of reproductive rights? This paper accepts social egg freezing as desirable reproductive freedom, but following Harel's approach and considering two theories of rights, the choice and interest theories of rights, we argue that social egg freezing is not a reproductive right because one cannot justify a right or an instance of rights via merely describing the function of those instances that have been justified as right, that is, the choice theory lacks justifying normativity. Since reserving fertility and a suspension from reproduction do not serve reproductive ends per se, the sufficient reason for demanding social egg freezing as a right should be found in other ends rather than in right‐to‐reproduce, that is, the interest theory denies the demand as a right‐to‐reproduce. Permitting it on any grounds without guaranteeing adequate and accessible resources, especially in light of cross‐border reproductive care, raises serious questions about reproductive equality and violates the idea of reproductive rights. Therefore, any ground for social egg freezing should be weighed against whether more pressing reproductive needs, specifically those that are justified as rights, have been met. It would be social progress to shoulder these burdens for the vulnerable and then allow social egg freezing—if right‐to‐reproduce were not the only privilege of the few. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article explores the pneumatological theme of the freedom of the Spirit from the perspective of experience. It deploys a recently developed methodology of attending to affective and experiential dynamics in pneumatology to identify two significant patterns or modalities of Christian life in the Spirit that are indexed to the Spirit's freedom: a pattern of divine resistance to human attempts to control God, characterized on the human side by experiences of disruption as well as dynamic creativity; and a pattern of life free from the tyranny of the law, characterized by a modality of play or playfulness, as explored in the work of Nimi Wariboko. In identifying and illuminating these patterns, this article extends a project of seeking to make explicit the connections between Christian doctrinal concepts and Christian experience into a new domain, and responds to a long‐standing concern that theologies of sanctification emphasizing freedom have little to say about the positive shape of Christian life in the Spirit. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Max Skjönsberg's book, "The Persistence of Party," explores the dominance of the idea of party in eighteenth-century Britain. The book fills a gap in the history of political thought by examining the value of party itself, rather than just party ideology. Skjönsberg analyzes the historical and sociological context of the Whig-Tory divide and the creation of political organizations based on ideological principles. The book also discusses the perspectives of various writers, such as Rapin, Bolingbroke, Hume, and Burke, on the role of party in British politics. Skjönsberg's analysis highlights the importance of understanding the political circumstances and promoting a more civil and humane political culture. [Extracted from the article]

In the debate on how we ought to define political freedom, some definitions are criticized for implying that no one can ever be free to perform any action. In this paper, I show how the possibility of freedom depends on a definition that finds an appropriate balance between absence of interference and protection against interference. To assess the possibility of different conceptions of freedom, I consider the trade‐offs they make between these two dimensions. I find that pure negative freedom is clearly possible. Republican freedom might also be possible, though its protection requirement is too vague for a definitive verdict. Finally, the recently proposed 'freedom as independence' is impossible since it is an attempt to avoid the unavoidable trade‐off. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

When we seek a fuller understanding of individual liberty including its relational character, we confront a conundrum. The evident advantages of a single individual possessing liberty cannot be simply transferred to a greater number of beneficiaries. This conundrum is confronted with the resources of Hohfeld's analytical framework, developed specifically to elucidate the practical outworkings of interpersonal relations within the law. Attention is also paid to concerns expressed by von Wright over a representation of liberty (permission) within the resources of standard deontic logic which fails to address its social aspect. The aggregate level of the Hohfeldian scheme is employed to represent a complete picture of liberty, but one that cannot guarantee benefits for a plurality of holders. The conclusion is reached that in order to extend the advantages of individual liberty to all, something other than liberty is required. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Transition metal‐catalyzed asymmetric hydrogenation constitutes an efficient strategy for the preparation of chiral molecules. When dienes are subjected to hydrogenation, control over regioselectivity still presents a large challenge and the fully saturated alkane is often yielded. A few successful monohydrogenations of dienes have been reported, but hitherto these are only efficient for dienes comprised of two distinctly different olefins. Herein, the reactivity of a conjugated carbonyl compound as a function of their conformational freedom is studied, based on a combined experimental and theoretical approach. It was found that alkenes in the (s)‐cis conformation experience a large rate acceleration while (s)‐trans restrained alkenes undergo hydrogenation slowly. Ultimately, this reactivity aspect was exploited in a novel method for the monohydrogenation of dienes based on conformational restriction ((s)‐cis vs (s)‐trans). This mode of discrimination conceptually differs from existing monohydrogenations and dienones constructed of two olefins similar in nature could efficiently be hydrogenated to the chiral alkene (up to 99 % ee). The extent of regioselection is even powerful enough to overcome the conventional reactivity order of substituted olefins (di>tri>tetra). This high yielding and atom‐economical protocol provides an interesting opportunity to instal a stereogenic center on a carbocycle, while leaving a synthetically useful alkene untouched. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Is there a relationship between income inequality and the electoral success of incumbent governments in developing and transitional democracies, and if so, what explains its variations? Using a large N study of national legislative elections in 38 developing and transitional democracies from 1987 to 2016 and controlling for economic growth, inflation, and unemployment rates, this paper tests: (i) whether change in income inequality is negatively associated with the vote share for the incumbent party and (ii) whether the level of media freedom affects the extent of economic voting. Overall, we find evidence that increasing income inequality is negatively and significantly related to the vote share for the incumbent but only in countries with free or somewhat‐free media. Furthermore, consistent with past studies, the most robustly significant economic factor in affecting incumbent vote shares remains economic growth. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The right to self‐defense has played a major role in objections to gun regulation. Many contend that gun regulations threaten this right. While much philosophical discussion has focused on the relation between guns and this right, less attention has been paid to the argument for the right of self‐defense itself. In this article, I examine this argument. Gunrights defenders contend that the right of self‐defense is needed to explain why interferences in self‐defense are wrong. I propose an alternative explanation for such wrongs, one which does not posit the existence of a self‐defense right, and then show how it undermines their claim that there exists a strong presumption against gun regulation. I conclude by articulating the implications of this alternative explanatory account for other rights. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This study explores the relations within the current broader literature on migration and entrepreneurship and specifically investigates the extent to which Syrian refugees in Egypt prefer to establish family businesses and why. A qualitative research method is employed by conducting semi‐structured interviews with 45 Syrian partner/managers of micro, small and medium‐sized family businesses in Egypt. Thematic analysis was used to determine the main ideas in the interview transcripts. Syrian refugees in Egypt were found to prefer to establish family businesses. And the following were considered to be the main antecedents of such preference: action resources (economic challenges and poor salaries in the host country; refugee financial insolvency; refugees' limited social network), emancipation values (refugees' trust in working with each other; refugees' intention to pay back the support/gratitude perceived from the host country) and civic entitlement (governmental support to family businesses). [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

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This article argues that freedom in the divine creative act is better understood as a freedom of consent rather than freedom of will. However, even if some conundrums are thus avoided, one has to face the apparent antinomy between both God's creative act from His very nature and God's absolute freedom. Freedom of consent, as defined in David Burrell's works, finds a resonance with the French spiritualist philosopher, Henri Bergson, who resolves the apparent antinomy by showing that the necessity of the action springs from the nature of the self in a way that does not contradict the free perpetual auto‐creation of the consciousness. Notwithstanding its defects, the artisan model found in Genesis allows one to draw a parallelism between the divine creative act and artistic creation. Kandinsky faced precisely such an antinomy, for his principle of inner necessity combines both the absolute free creative power of the artist and the necessity emerging from the different levels of the cosmic order. To exemplify Kandinsky's solution, this article offers an original reading of Painting with White Border, based on Kandinsky's analysis in Reminiscences. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

W.E.B. Du Bois was thoroughly ambivalent about the political significance of American Black churches regarding their role in challenging racial inequality. He saw them as integral to Black social life, but also as failing to live up to their potential as drivers of liberation. And, while he focused primarily on Black churches within the United States, Du Bois was also committed to Black liberation on a global level. This suggests great potential for applying DuBois' analyses of Black religion to the question of transnational religious and racial solidarities and the global political salience of "the Black Church" as a category. In this context, this article explores the significance of DuBois' work for analyzing the category of "the Black Church." It does so through a comparative case study of African American Christian engagement with the issue of Israel and Palestine, with four case studies ranging from African American Christian Zionists to Palestinian solidarity activists. Across these cases, the analysis highlights the ways that the history, identity, and mission of "the Black Church" are invoked in the context of Palestine and Israel. It argues that "the Black Church" is best understood as a contested category of collective religious and racial identity. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In this article, I argue that the main contribution of Hegel's philosophy of right to the contemporary political debate is that it opens a window on the idea that liberalism and individual freedom are incompatible. My main thesis is that the liberal conception of the State and law, structured from a nonrelational account of singularity, ends up denying the individual freedom that it claims to defend. I begin by reconstructing the Hegelian concept of freedom from its most general lines, showing that being free consists in wanting to become someone and not so much in wanting to do something. After showing that the purpose of becoming someone can only be fulfilled in a social medium, I focus on Hegel's critique of the liberal state (as expounded in the section on "civil society"). I argue that civil society structurally impedes individuals from realizing their purpose of becoming someone: the economical interactions of civil society give rise to impersonal and inscrutable mechanisms, which take the social conditions of people's individuation beyond their control. Finally, I claim that (rational) individual freedom consists in being able to thematize and democratically control the very social conditions of individuation through the State and law. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Much has been made about the ways that implicit biases and other apparently unreflective attitudes can affect our actions and judgments in ways that negatively affect our ability to do right. What has been discussed less is that these attitudes negatively affect our freedom. In this paper, I argue that implicit biases pose a problem for free will. My analysis focuses on the compatibilist notion of free will according to which acting freely consists in acting in accordance with our reflectively endorsed beliefs and desires. Though bias presents a problem for free action, I argue that there are steps agents can take to regain their freedom. One such strategy is for agents to cultivate better self‐knowledge of the ways that their freedom depends on the relationship between their conscious and unconscious attitudes, and the way these work together to inform action and judgment. This knowledge can act as an important catalyst for agents to seek out and implement short‐ and long‐term strategies for reducing the influence of bias, and I offer four proposals along these lines. The upshot is that though bias is a powerful influence on our actions, we need not resign ourselves to its negative effects for freedom. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper empirically examines how a free market, a governance quality (GQ) and their interaction simultaneously affect income inequality in 23 Asian developing countries over the period 2000–2019. Especially, different dimensions of a free market proxied by various components of economic freedom (EF) are analysed. Results show that the overall EF and three of its components, including labour freedom, trade freedom and investment freedom, reduce income inequality; but other components, including business freedom (BF), monetary freedom (MF) and financial freedom (FF), widen income inequality. Meanwhile, the GQ not only decreases income inequality but also intensifies the beneficial impacts of the overall EF and those respective components of EF on income equality. Notably, at certain thresholds of GQ, the detrimental impacts of BF, MF and FF on income equality turn into the advantageous ones. The findings consolidate the appropriate combination of free market with specific dimensions and the GQ in boosting the equality of income distribution in Asian developing countries. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Commentaries on the ethics of Covid lockdowns nearly all focus on offering substantive guidance to policy‐makers. Lockdowns, however, raise many ethical questions that admit of a range of reasonable answers. In such cases, policy‐making in a liberal democracy ought to be sensitive to which reasonable views the public actually holds—a topic existing bioethical work on lockdowns has not explored in detail. In this essay, I identify several important questions connected to the kind of influence the public ought to have on lockdown decision‐making, including how policy‐makers ought to handle misinformed or morally suspect viewpoints, and how policy‐makers ought to respond to minority viewpoints. I argue that questions like this, concerning the appropriate influence of the public on decision‐making, will be central to the field of bioethics as it increasingly focuses on policy and population‐level issues and therefore ought to be priorities for future work. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]