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Several U.S. cities have turned control of their schools from elected boards to the mayor. Advocates of mayoral control have argued that this structure allows voters to hold the mayor directly accountable for the performance of local schools. Now that public schools have to report their test scores each year, it is possible for voters to attribute responsibility for test scores. This article analyzes survey data from 16 cities in the United States that have been matched with data on test scores. We find that, in general, test score changes are not associated with support for incumbent mayors, except in districts with mayoral control, where voters reward incumbents when test scores rise. Further, voters' beliefs about local schools condition their support for the incumbent. In cities with mayoral control, voters who evaluate schools positively reward mayors while voters who believe their schools are poor are not swayed by this positive information. Related Articles [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Objective This article examines the distinct processes of accommodation to immigrants in two similar small towns in Iowa. Ethnic conflict and contact theories predict that the processes would be similar in these towns, but their experiences demonstrate otherwise. Methods The study traces the histories of these towns and uses surveys, focus groups, and interviews to detail the process of accommodation in these communities. Results In both towns, white/Anglo residents came to accommodate their new neighbors and accept immigrants as full members of their communities, but the processes were unique in each place. In one community, earlier exposure to a small group of Laotian refugees gave residents and officials valuable experience with diversity. Further, this town was pushed toward acceptance when an outside group spread falsehoods. Conclusions This study demonstrates that adjusting to ethnic diversity is a long-term process that is unique to a community's experience with diversity. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

We explore the roots of tolerance for immigration-related diversity from a political socialization perspective. Among rural adolescent respondents, we find that attitudes toward immigrants are surprisingly variable along a number of important dimensions: anticipated socioeconomic status, family longevity in the community, and employment in agriculture. The extent to which an adolescent's family is anchored in the community proves to be an important determinant of diversity attitudes. Tolerance for diversity is also contextually conditioned by the percentage of immigrants settled in a neighborhood, and the percentage of the local population employed in farming. Interestingly, lower income youth are more welcoming of immigration than the affluent, particularly when they live near them. Without quite labeling these rural adolescent populations racially "progressive," the youth we encountered mostly expressed the norms of tolerance and civility essential for avoiding unpleasant intergroup conflict. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Objective. Although political scientists studying the role of schools on political socialization have focused most of their efforts on curriculum, mainly civic education, education scholars have long recognized that schools influence outcomes through much more than curriculum and have examined school organization extensively, including school size. Much of the recent literature on school size supports smaller schools. The objective of this article is to examine the effect of school size on two political socialization outcomes: adolescent participation in school activities and volunteering. These outcomes are important because they are related to later adult participation. Method. A nationwide survey is used to conduct regression analyses as the primary method. Results. The results show limited support for smaller schools, even for those groups who are believed to benefit most significantly from small schools: racial minorities, low-income students, and underachievers. Conclusion. I conclude with an appeal for caution among education reformers seeking to downsize schools and a recommendation to political socialization scholars to expand their analyses beyond civic education curriculum. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]